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Absentee ballot

An absentee ballot is a mechanism allowing eligible voters unable to appear at their designated polling place on election day to submit their vote remotely, most commonly by mail but also via drop boxes, early in-person delivery, or electronic means in certain jurisdictions.^[1]^[2] This process typically requires voters to request a ballot in advance, complete it securely, and return it by specified deadlines, with verification steps such as signature matching or witness requirements to authenticate the voter.^[3]^[4] ![Indonesian abroad postal voting package](.assets/Indonesian_abroad_postal_voting_package_(2019) In the United States, absentee voting traces its roots to the early 19th century, with Pennsylvania first authorizing mailed ballots for soldiers during the War of 1812, though widespread adoption began during the Civil War to enable military participation without disqualifying voters for absence from their home districts.^[5] Expansion accelerated in the world wars, as states accommodated overseas troops, leading by World War II to nearly every state permitting military absentee voting and casting millions of such ballots.^[6] Postwar, civilian access grew unevenly, with rules varying by state—some mandating excuses like illness or travel, others shifting to no-excuse options since the 1980s to boost turnout amid declining in-person voting.^[7] Globally, analogous systems like postal voting operate in over half of democracies, often for expatriates or the disabled, though full mail-in elections remain rare outside experiments like all-postal local votes in parts of Europe.^[8] Absentee ballots enhance accessibility for groups such as the elderly, rural residents, and those with disabilities or conflicting schedules, contributing to higher participation rates where adopted broadly, as evidenced by surges in usage during the 2020 U.S. elections.^[7] However, the method's reliance on unsecured transmission and decentralized verification has sparked debates over vulnerabilities to coercion, ballot harvesting, or forgery, with documented cases—including double-voting and unauthorized submissions—comprising a small but nonzero fraction of elections despite safeguards.^[9]^[10] Empirical analyses, drawing from conviction databases, estimate fraud incidence in mail voting at rates below 0.0001% in most contexts, yet critics argue that underreporting and prosecutorial hurdles mask risks amplified by universal expansions, underscoring the causal tension between convenience and chain-of-custody integrity.^[9]^[7]

Definition and Purpose

Core Definition

An absentee ballot enables qualified voters unable to attend their assigned polling place on election day to cast votes remotely, primarily through mail or limited in-person options prior to the election. This method accommodates individuals absent from their voting jurisdiction, such as military personnel deployed overseas, travelers, those with disabilities or illnesses preventing physical presence, or observers of religious holidays conflicting with polling hours. In jurisdictions requiring justification, voters must typically provide a valid excuse; however, many U.S. states permit no-excuse absentee voting, allowing any registered voter to request one.^[2]^[11] The process generally involves submitting an application to election officials, receiving a ballot by mail, marking selections privately, verifying identity through signatures or enclosures, and returning it before statutory deadlines—often by mail, drop box, or in-person delivery, with postmarks or receipt dates determining validity. Ballots are then aggregated and counted alongside in-person votes, subject to verification protocols like signature matching to prevent fraud. While absentee voting expands access, it requires safeguards such as secure chain-of-custody for mailed materials and deadlines ensuring timely processing, as delays can invalidate submissions.^[12]^[1] Internationally, absentee voting analogs exist but vary; for instance, some nations restrict it to specific groups like expatriates, while others integrate it into broader postal or proxy systems. In the U.S., federal law under the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act of 1986 mandates states provide absentee ballots to military and overseas voters, underscoring its role in enfranchising those physically separated from polls. Usage surged during events like the COVID-19 pandemic, with over 43% of 2020 votes cast absentee or by mail across states.^[13]^[14]

Historical and Practical Rationale

The historical rationale for absentee balloting emerged from the need to enfranchise military personnel unable to return home due to active duty. In 1813, Pennsylvania became the first U.S. state to authorize absentee voting specifically for soldiers serving in the War of 1812, permitting them to cast ballots by mail upon swearing an oath that travel constraints prevented their physical presence at polls.^[5] This measure addressed the disenfranchisement of troops defending national interests, ensuring their voices in governance aligned with their sacrifices.^[15] During the American Civil War (1861–1865), absentee voting expanded rapidly as states recognized the impracticality of requiring deployed soldiers to vote in person. Wisconsin enacted the first comprehensive soldier absentee voting law in 1862, allowing ballots to be cast at regimental camps and mailed, a model adopted by at least 20 Northern states by war's end to accommodate over 2 million Union troops scattered across fronts.^[16] Confederate states similarly permitted military absentees, with six of eleven enabling such voting by late 1861, driven by the causal reality that wartime mobilization inherently conflicted with fixed election-day polling.^[17] These provisions stemmed from empirical observations of voter exclusion—soldiers' letters and petitions highlighted lost franchises—prioritizing electoral inclusion for those in service over logistical uniformity.^[18] Practically, absentee balloting rationalizes voting access for individuals with verifiable barriers to in-person participation, such as geographic displacement, occupational demands, or physical limitations, without altering core election integrity mechanisms like verification. Post-Civil War extensions to civilians, beginning in states like Kentucky (1888) for the ill or absent, reflected data showing modest turnout gains among constrained groups; for instance, World War II saw 3.2 million military absentee ballots, demonstrating scalability via postal infrastructure.^[16]^[6] This approach leverages established mail systems for secure transmission—envelopes with affidavits and witness signatures minimized fraud risks empirically observed in early implementations—enabling broader civic engagement grounded in the principle that temporary absences should not nullify suffrage rights.^[5] By 1944, federal legislation like the Soldier Voting Act standardized protections, underscoring absentee methods' role in sustaining democratic representation amid mobility constraints.^[19]

Historical Development

Origins in Military Voting

The practice of absentee voting emerged primarily to accommodate military personnel unable to return to their home polling places due to deployment, with the earliest statutory provision enacted by Pennsylvania in 1813 during the War of 1812. This law permitted soldiers absent from their electoral districts for more than 30 days to submit ballots by mail, marking the initial legal recognition of remote voting for armed forces members in the United States.^[5] The American Civil War (1861–1865) catalyzed broader adoption and refinement of military absentee voting, as mobilization displaced hundreds of thousands of soldiers from their residences. Wisconsin pioneered comprehensive legislation in 1862, authorizing the establishment of polling stations at military camps where troops could cast ballots, which were then sealed and forwarded under military supervision to county clerks for verification and counting.^[20] This approach addressed logistical challenges, including illiteracy and battlefield conditions, by allowing regimental officers to assist in the process while requiring affidavits of identity. By late 1861, six of the eleven Confederate states had similarly enacted laws granting absentee voting rights to their military personnel, often via proxy or mail mechanisms, reflecting a shared recognition across Union and Confederate lines that denying soldiers electoral participation undermined morale and legitimacy.^[17] Union states exhibited varied implementation; for instance, Ohio provided pre-printed envelopes for soldiers to mail ballots during the 1864 presidential election, while others like Kentucky and Maryland permitted field voting under military oversight.^[15] In the 1864 contest between Abraham Lincoln and George McClellan, absentee military ballots—estimated at over 100,000 from Union forces alone—proved decisive in key states, with soldiers overwhelmingly supporting Lincoln, thereby demonstrating the electoral impact of these provisions and solidifying absentee voting as a wartime necessity.^[21] Fraud concerns arose, including coerced voting and ballot tampering allegations, prompting safeguards like witnessed oaths, yet the system's causal role in enabling participation amid conflict established enduring precedents for future military voting reforms.^[16]

Civilian Expansion and Key Milestones

Vermont passed the first state law permitting civilian absentee voting in 1896, allowing eligible voters unable to attend their home precinct to cast ballots at alternative polling places due to absence caused by travel or other unavoidable circumstances. This marked the initial shift from military-exclusive provisions to broader civilian access, though ballots were typically cast in person rather than by mail and required justification.^[16] By the early 20th century, spurred by increasing mobility such as railroad work and urbanization, additional states enacted similar laws; Kansas and Missouri followed Vermont in 1911, extending absentee options to civilians for excused absences like business travel or illness. World War I further accelerated adoption, as returning veterans and wartime disruptions highlighted logistical barriers to in-person voting, leading to provisions for specific civilian groups beyond the military.^[22] By 1938, nearly all U.S. states had implemented civilian absentee voting statutes, generally restricting eligibility to verifiable excuses such as physical incapacity or occupational demands.^[22] Post-World War II reforms emphasized accessibility for overseas civilians alongside military personnel; the Federal Voting Assistance Act of 1955 streamlined procedures for U.S. citizens abroad, indirectly benefiting civilian expatriates by standardizing federal absentee ballot requests.^[22] The 1970s and 1980s saw liberalization, with Washington state becoming the first to offer no-excuse absentee voting in 1974, eliminating the need for justifications and enabling any registered voter to request a mail ballot.^[16] Beginning in the 1980s, numerous states relaxed excuse requirements and expanded mail-in options, reflecting technological improvements in ballot security and postal reliability.^[7] A pivotal milestone occurred in 1998 when Oregon voters approved a referendum for universal mail voting, implemented statewide by 2000 as the nation's first all-mail election system, where nearly all ballots are sent automatically to voters.^[16] ^[22] This model influenced subsequent adoptions, with states like Colorado and Hawaii achieving high mail voting rates by the 2010s through automatic distribution and drop-off options.^[7] Internationally, civilian expansions paralleled U.S. trends; for instance, Italy formalized postal voting for citizens abroad in the 1970s, while Indonesia enabled overseas postal ballots in the 2010s to accommodate expatriate workers.^[16]

Post-20th Century Reforms

The Help America Vote Act (HAVA), enacted on October 29, 2002, introduced federal standards for voter registration and election administration, including requirements for states to offer provisional ballots and maintain computerized statewide voter lists, which indirectly facilitated absentee voting by reducing registration barriers for absent voters.^[23] While HAVA focused primarily on in-person voting systems, it allocated funds for upgrading election infrastructure, enabling some states to enhance mail ballot processing capabilities.^[24] The Military and Overseas Voter Empowerment (MOVE) Act of 2009 amended the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act (UOCAVA) to mandate that states transmit absentee ballots to covered voters at least 45 days before federal elections, provide for electronic ballot delivery where feasible, and prohibit refusal of properly submitted applications or ballots.^[25] This reform addressed documented delays in ballot delivery that had disenfranchised thousands of military personnel in prior cycles, with federal data showing over 20% of UOCAVA ballots rejected due to late arrival in 2008.^[26] Implementation required states to designate points of contact for UOCAVA coordination and report compliance annually, leading to a reported 10-15% increase in valid overseas ballots cast in subsequent elections.^[27] At the state level, the 21st century saw widespread adoption of no-excuse absentee voting, expanding from 25 states in 2000 to 46 states plus Washington, D.C., by 2024, allowing any qualified voter to request a mail ballot without justification.^[28] Notable expansions included Illinois in 2005, Tennessee in 2006, and a surge post-2010, such as Georgia's 2020 shift to no-excuse amid litigation, reflecting efforts to boost participation amid rising mobility and work demands.^[29] These changes correlated with mail voting comprising 43% of ballots in the 2020 presidential election, up from 21% in 2000, though empirical analyses indicate modest turnout gains primarily among consistent voters rather than new participants.^[30] The COVID-19 pandemic prompted temporary reforms in 2020, with 34 states easing absentee rules, including automatic mail ballot distribution in eight states like New Jersey and Vermont, and extended deadlines or drop box installations in others to mitigate in-person risks.^[31] Post-election, at least 19 states enacted permanent changes, such as Idaho's 2021 no-excuse expansion and North Carolina's 2023 adoption, while others like Texas and Florida strengthened verification with signature matching or ID requirements, citing isolated fraud incidents involving absentee ballots in 2020.^[32] These reforms balanced access expansions with safeguards, as federal audits found error rates in mail voting under 0.0001% but highlighted vulnerabilities in chain-of-custody absent standardized processes.^[33]

Voting Methods

Mail and Postal Voting

Mail and postal voting, a primary form of absentee balloting, enables voters unable to attend polling places to receive ballots via post, mark them privately, and return them by mail to election officials.^[2] This method relies on secure postal infrastructure, with ballots typically enclosed in tamper-evident envelopes and accompanied by affidavits affirming eligibility.^[34] In practice, voters request ballots through applications submitted by mail, online, or in person, though some jurisdictions automatically distribute them to registered voters.^[35] In the United States, procedures vary by state: Oregon implemented universal mail voting in 1998, mailing ballots to all active voters for the 2000 general election, while others require excuses such as illness, travel, or military service.^[16] Returned ballots undergo signature verification against voter records, with many states employing barcode tracking for chain-of-custody monitoring via the U.S. Postal Service.^[36] Additional safeguards include witness requirements or notarization in select states, and cure processes allowing voters to resolve mismatched signatures within deadlines, typically 3 to 7 days post-election.^[37] ^[34] Internationally, postal voting accommodates absent or overseas electors in over 100 countries, often limited to specific groups like expatriates or the disabled, with ballots submitted physically by post to electoral authorities.^[38] Australia permits optional postal voting for all citizens, requiring statutory declarations and secure envelopes, while the United Kingdom restricts it to those proving inability to attend polls, with verification via unique codes and postal tracking.^[8] Full-scale all-postal elections remain rare due to concerns over coercion and verification, as evidenced by limited adoption beyond trials.^[39] Logistical challenges include postal delays, with U.S. guidelines recommending ballots be mailed at least 7 days before election day to ensure receipt, and international examples like Indonesia's overseas packages incorporating prepaid return envelopes for expatriates.^[40] Empirical data from U.S. states show rejection rates for mail ballots averaging 0.8% to 2%, primarily due to signature issues or late arrival, underscoring the method's reliance on timely processing and robust authentication.^[34]

In-Person Early or Absentee Voting

In-person early voting permits registered voters to cast ballots at designated polling sites before Election Day, providing a controlled environment similar to standard polling with added convenience for scheduling conflicts or avoidance of Election Day crowds. Voters typically present identification or undergo signature verification upon arrival, receive a ballot—either paper or electronic—and deposit it directly into secure tabulation equipment or locked boxes under election official oversight, ensuring immediate chain-of-custody protocols. This method contrasts with mail absentee voting by minimizing transit-related risks, as ballots do not leave the supervised premises until counted or stored. Availability and duration vary: as of 2024, 46 states offer early in-person voting, with periods ranging from 4 to 46 days prior, and operational hours often mirroring or extending beyond standard polling times.^[29]^[41] In jurisdictions without universal early voting, in-person absentee voting serves as an alternative for those qualifying under state-specific excuses, such as anticipated absence, illness, or religious observance, allowing application and casting of an absentee ballot at a county election office rather than via post. This hybrid approach requires prior application approval but enables direct verification, reducing potential for ballot mishandling compared to mailed submissions; for instance, voters check in, complete the ballot privately, and seal it on-site for official processing. No-excuse in-person absentee options exist in select states, effectively overlapping with early voting frameworks.^[42]^[41]^[43] Usage data reflect growing adoption, driven by accessibility and perceived reliability: in the 2024 U.S. presidential election, early in-person voting contributed to pre-Election Day ballots comprising over half of total turnout in many states, with mail-in shares declining to 30.3% from 43% in 2020 amid voter preferences for verifiable, supervised processes. State-level examples include North Carolina, where over 4.2 million early in-person ballots were cast in 2024, surpassing prior records, and Tennessee, recording more than 200,000 on the first day alone. These trends correlate with reduced logistical vulnerabilities, as in-person methods facilitate real-time eligibility checks and limit opportunities for unauthorized interference, though state laws dictate ID requirements and site numbers to balance access and security.^[44]^[45]^[46]

Proxy and Third-Party Assistance

In the context of absentee ballots, proxy voting entails authorizing another person to select and cast votes on behalf of the absent voter, a practice generally prohibited in United States general elections to preserve the secret ballot principle and direct voter accountability.^[47] This restriction applies uniformly across states, where laws mandate that voters personally mark their ballots, even in absentee formats, to minimize opportunities for manipulation or misrepresentation of voter intent. Historical exceptions, such as Civil War-era provisions allowing military officers to facilitate soldier votes, have long been supplanted by individualized absentee processes requiring personal completion.^[48] Third-party assistance, by contrast, permits limited help with the mechanical aspects of absentee ballot completion—such as reading instructions or marking selections—for voters unable to do so independently due to physical disabilities, illness, or language barriers. Regulations vary by state but commonly restrict assistants to immediate family members, caregivers, or up to two non-partisan individuals, with requirements for affidavits attesting to the absence of coercion or influence over the voter's choices. For example, Alabama's 2023 law classifies unauthorized assistance, including marking ballots without voter direction or influencing selections, as a felony punishable by up to 10 years imprisonment, reflecting concerns over exploitation in vulnerable populations like the elderly or institutionalized.^[49] Federal guidelines under the Help America Vote Act of 2002 further mandate accessible processes for disabled voters, yet emphasize voter-directed assistance without altering intent.^[50] Such assistance carries inherent risks of fraud, coercion, or ballot harvesting, where third parties collect and submit multiple ballots under pretext of aid, potentially enabling undue influence in group settings like nursing homes or among non-English speakers. Documented cases include the 2018 North Carolina 9th District election, where an operative assisted absentee voters through ballot collection and completion, leading to over 700 invalid or fraudulent ballots and a new election; similar schemes in Paterson, New Jersey (2019), involved operatives forging absentee ballots with third-party help, resulting in 19% of mail ballots being fraudulent.^[51] To counter these vulnerabilities, many states impose chain-of-custody requirements, numerical limits on collectible ballots (e.g., no more than 10 in some jurisdictions), or outright bans on non-family third-party returns, as in Florida and Texas, prioritizing verifiable voter autonomy over expanded access.^[52] Empirical analyses indicate that while assistance fraud remains infrequent relative to total ballots—comprising less than 0.0001% in audited elections—it clusters in absentee systems with lax oversight, underscoring the causal link between reduced direct verification and elevated integrity risks.^[51]

Electronic and Remote Digital Voting

Electronic and remote digital voting enables eligible absentee voters, such as military personnel or overseas citizens, to submit ballots via electronic means including email, fax, web portals, or internet-based systems, bypassing physical mail or in-person delivery. In the United States, this primarily serves Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act (UOCAVA) voters, who include active-duty service members, their dependents, and American civilians abroad; as of 2023, at least 14 states and territories authorize electronic ballot return through email or fax for federal elections, while others employ secure portals for ballot marking and transmission.^[53]^[54] Pilot programs, mandated by Congress in 2009, have tested full remote electronic systems for UOCAVA voters, though adoption remains limited due to implementation challenges.^[55] Internationally, Estonia has implemented a nationwide internet voting (i-voting) system since 2005, allowing any registered voter to cast ballots remotely using a national ID-card for authentication over a four-day period preceding election day.^[56] In its 2023 parliamentary elections, i-voting accounted for 51% of total votes, marking the highest share yet and demonstrating scalability for broad absentee use.^[57] The system requires voters to access a dedicated platform via secure computers or mobile devices with PIN codes, and ballots are encrypted and transmitted to central servers for verification against voter registries.^[58] Despite operational successes, electronic methods face substantial security vulnerabilities, including risks of interception, malware infection, and server breaches during transmission or storage. Cybersecurity analyses indicate that no current technology can fully secure internet voting against sophisticated attacks, such as man-in-the-middle exploits or coerced revoting from shared devices, which undermine vote secrecy and integrity.^[59]^[60] In the U.S., fax and email transmissions lack end-to-end encryption in many implementations, exposing ballots to unauthorized access, while Estonia's system, though resilient to detected hacks over two decades, relies on voter-side security measures that cannot prevent family or employer pressure in uncontrolled environments.^[61]^[62] Empirical evidence of widespread fraud remains sparse; Estonia reports no verified instances of successful tampering since inception, attributing this to layered audits and real-time monitoring, yet independent reviews highlight unproven but plausible coercion risks absent physical oversight.^[63] U.S. pilots have similarly shown minimal discrepancies, but experts caution that low fraud detection rates may reflect underreporting rather than absence, given the difficulty of auditing digital trails without auditable paper backups.^[64] Overall, while enhancing accessibility for remote voters—evidenced by turnout increases in adopting jurisdictions—these systems prioritize convenience over verifiable chain-of-custody, prompting ongoing debates on balancing innovation with causal safeguards against manipulation.^[65]

Advantages

Enhanced Voter Accessibility

Absentee ballots enable participation for voters impeded by physical disabilities, mobility impairments, or transportation deficits, circumventing barriers at polling sites such as inaccessible entrances or lack of adaptive equipment. National surveys reveal that transportation challenges affect roughly 25% of voters with disabilities, versus 10% of those without, underscoring absentee voting's role in addressing these core accessibility issues.^[66] Individuals with disabilities, including those requiring assistance for self-care or independent living, disproportionately rely on absentee methods to vote privately and independently at home, avoiding potential coercion or secrecy breaches from in-person aid. Usage data from 2010 indicate 27% of disabled voters cast absentee ballots, compared to 17% of non-disabled voters, with self-care-limited individuals employing absentee options at over twice the baseline rate.^[66] Jurisdictions permitting no-excuse absentee voting record higher disabled turnout, as evidenced by analyses narrowing the disability voting gap to 3% in 2010 from 7% in 2008.^[66] For elderly voters, health declines—rather than age alone—erode in-person voting feasibility, but absentee access preserves participation by accommodating frailty, chronic conditions, or caregiving demands without necessitating travel.^[67] Rural residents, frequently separated from polling stations by vast distances and sparse infrastructure, gain equitable access through mail ballots, with at-will absentee policies linked to elevated turnout in these communities.^[68] Uniformed service members and overseas citizens, covered by the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act of 1986, exercise federal voting rights via absentee ballots despite deployments or expatriation, as states are mandated to facilitate registration and ballot transmission for these groups.^[69]^[70]

Empirical Effects on Turnout and Participation

Empirical analyses of absentee voting's impact on overall voter turnout reveal modest or negligible effects in many cases, often because such methods primarily substitute for Election Day voting rather than mobilizing non-voters. A comprehensive study of universal vote-by-mail implementations across five U.S. states from 1996 to 2018, using a difference-in-differences design, found no statistically significant change in aggregate turnout rates or partisan vote shares following the policy shifts.^[71] Similarly, regression discontinuity analyses in Texas and Indiana during the 2020 election cycle showed that eligibility expansions for no-excuse absentee voting did not substantially elevate turnout among newly eligible demographics, such as younger voters or racial minorities, with increases limited to under 1 percentage point in targeted groups.^[72] Some research identifies small turnout gains, particularly among subpopulations with logistical barriers. For example, a review of convenience voting methods, including absentee ballots, from 2004 to 2018 across U.S. states indicated average turnout increases of 1-3 percentage points in jurisdictions adopting no-excuse absentee policies, though these effects diminished over time and varied by election competitiveness. Early adoption states like California, which expanded absentee access in the 1990s, experienced correlated rises in participation among elderly and absentee-heavy voters, but aggregate effects were attenuated by substitution effects where in-person voters shifted modes without net addition.^[73] Causal identification challenges persist, as self-selection into absentee voting correlates with higher baseline propensity to vote, inflating apparent effects in observational data. Peer-reviewed syntheses emphasize that while absentee options enhance accessibility—evidenced by disproportionate uptake among disabled voters, who saw turnout surges to 68.5% in 2020 from prior lows—broader turnout boosts require complementary mobilization efforts, as convenience alone does not overcome apathy or disinterest.^[74] In high-stakes elections like 2020, where national turnout reached 66.8%, absentee expansion facilitated record mail volumes (43% of votes) but did not independently drive the overall elevation beyond pandemic-induced salience.^[7]

Risks and Criticisms

Vulnerabilities to Fraud and Coercion

Absentee ballots introduce vulnerabilities to fraud primarily because they are completed and returned outside the supervised environment of polling places, severing the direct chain of custody between the voter and election officials. This detachment enables opportunities for forgery, where signatures or votes are fabricated, as seen in a 2022 case in Macomb County, Michigan, where a nursing home employee forged signatures on absentee ballot applications, leading to a guilty plea for attempted election fraud.^[75] Similarly, in October 2024, an Alabama nursing home worker was accused of completing an absentee ballot application for a patient without consent, highlighting how unsecured handling facilitates unauthorized voting.^[76] Ballot harvesting, permitted in 27 states, exacerbates these risks by allowing third parties to collect and submit ballots, potentially enabling tampering or selective delivery, as evidenced by the 2018 North Carolina 9th Congressional District election, where illegal harvesting of over 10,500 ballots prompted a new election.^[77] Coercion risks are amplified in private settings, particularly among vulnerable groups such as elderly residents in long-term care facilities, where dependents or caregivers exert undue influence without oversight. In the 2003 East Chicago, Indiana, mayoral election, supporters of incumbent Robert Pastrick coerced voters into casting absentee ballots through bribes and intimidation, affecting 1,950 votes and resulting in the election's overturn.^[77] Nursing home environments compound this, as residents may face pressure from staff or family, with historical patterns showing bulk absentee requests from facilities raising red flags for coordinated manipulation.^[51] Absentee systems often lack real-time verification, such as voter ID checks at submission, and rely on post-facto signature matching, which rejected 1.3 million ballots across the last four federal elections due to discrepancies, underscoring detection challenges.^[77] Logistical flaws further heighten fraud potential, including mail delivery failures, with over 28 million ballots unaccounted for between 2012 and 2018 due to misdirection or non-return.^[77] Historical cases illustrate scalability: In 1997 Miami, Florida, "boleteros" generated 5,000 fraudulent absentee ballots through vote buying and forgery of deceased voters' ballots, overturning the election.^[77] While some analyses assert overall fraud rates remain low upon statewide adoption of mail voting, structural incentives persist in high-volume scenarios, where even isolated incidents can sway tight races, as demonstrated by the Heritage Foundation's database documenting 138 proven U.S. election fraud cases, many involving absentee methods.^[78]^[79] These vulnerabilities stem from the absence of polling-place protections against electioneering and intimidation, allowing fraud and coercion to occur undetected until audits reveal irregularities.

Logistical and Verification Challenges

Absentee ballots encounter logistical difficulties stemming from dependence on postal infrastructure, which can result in delays, lost mail, and post-election processing overloads. In the 2020 U.S. election, the U.S. Postal Service notified 46 states and the District of Columbia that operational limitations might prevent timely delivery of all returned ballots, even those postmarked by deadlines.^[80] An examination of primary election data from that year identified over 50,000 absentee and mail-in ballots rejected nationwide solely for late arrival, highlighting systemic mail handling inefficiencies.^[81] These issues persisted into later cycles; in 2022, the Postal Service processed 54.4 million ballots from September to December but faced criticism for inconsistent delivery speeds in high-volume periods.^[82] Election administrators in 2024 reported ongoing U.S. mail disruptions, including sorting backlogs, threatening voter disenfranchisement in states with strict receipt deadlines.^[83] Verification processes introduce further complications, as absentee systems lack the immediate identity checks available in-person. Signature comparison against registration records, required in 34 states, relies on subjective human judgment and yields inconsistent outcomes; mismatches constituted the primary rejection reason in the 2020 general election across multiple jurisdictions.^[84] Empirical analysis of 2020 data showed absentee rejection rates averaging 0.8% nationally, with spikes in states like Texas (1.5%) attributable to signature discrepancies, late arrivals, and incomplete applications.^[85] A 2024 peer-reviewed study documented annual rejections of tens of thousands of ballots due to signature verification errors, exacerbated by inadequate worker training and lack of standardized calibration tools.^[86] Additional verification hurdles arise from disparate state requirements, such as supplemental identifiers, which amplify error rates without enhancing security proportionally. In Montana's 2024 election, a new mandate to include birth year alongside signatures led to hundreds of otherwise valid ballots being discarded for non-compliance.^[87] Jurisdictions without ballot curing mechanisms—available in only about half of states—foreclose opportunities to resolve minor discrepancies, resulting in higher disenfranchisement of legitimate votes compared to in-person methods.^[88] These challenges underscore the trade-offs in scaling absentee voting without uniform protocols, as remote submission severs direct oversight of voter intent and eligibility.

Controversies and Debates

Election Integrity Concerns

Absentee ballots, by design, are requested, completed, and returned outside the supervised environment of polling places, creating opportunities for unauthorized interference, including forgery, coercion of voters, and improper handling or harvesting by third parties. This decentralized process lacks real-time verification of voter identity and intent, relying primarily on signatures and postal systems, which can be vulnerable to manipulation. Empirical analyses highlight that while in-person voting benefits from immediate oversight and identification checks, absentee methods separate the voter from the ballot's chain of custody, elevating inherent risks.^[7] In the 2018 North Carolina 9th Congressional District election, absentee ballot irregularities in Bladen County prompted a state investigation revealing systematic fraud, including the collection and alteration of ballots by Republican operative McCrae Dowless, who paid individuals to harvest votes and discard those unfavorable to his client. The North Carolina State Board of Elections determined the process was corrupted, leading to the certification's refusal and a new election in 2019, where Democrat Dan McCready initially led but lost the redo to Republican Dan Bishop. Four individuals later pleaded guilty to misdemeanor absentee ballot fraud related to the 2016 and 2018 races in the district.^[89]^[90]^[91] A similar incident occurred in the May 2020 Paterson, New Jersey, Third Ward City Council election, where a judge invalidated results after uncovering absentee ballot fraud involving fictitious registrations and submissions by candidates Michael Jackson and Alex Mendez, who faced charges for tampering with mail-in ballots. Nearly 20% of absentee ballots were deemed fraudulent or suspicious, prompting a redo election and highlighting vulnerabilities in ballot collection and verification. Jackson and Mendez were indicted on election fraud offenses, including conspiracy and unauthorized possession of ballots.^[92]^[93]^[94] Further examples include a 2023 federal conviction in Iowa, where Kim Phuong Taylor orchestrated a scheme to fraudulently generate absentee votes for her husband's congressional primary campaign by coercing residents, including non-citizens, to submit ballots on his behalf. The U.S. Department of Justice prosecuted the case, resulting in Taylor's guilty plea to ballot fraud charges. Databases compiling proven convictions, such as the Heritage Foundation's Election Fraud Database, document over 1,500 instances nationwide since the 1980s, with a significant portion involving fraudulent absentee ballot use, such as requesting votes without voter knowledge or altering completed forms. These cases, though not ubiquitous, demonstrate that fraud in absentee systems can decisively influence close races, underscoring persistent integrity challenges despite safeguards like signature matching.^[95]^[79]^[96]

Empirical Evidence and Case Studies

Empirical analyses of absentee ballot systems reveal that while overall voter fraud remains infrequent across all voting methods, absentee voting exhibits a higher incidence of documented irregularities compared to in-person voting due to extended chain-of-custody vulnerabilities and opportunities for third-party interference.^[97] A 2020 study examining state transitions to vote-by-mail estimated an increase in reported fraud cases, particularly involving absentee ballots, though the absolute numbers remained low relative to total ballots cast.^[98] Peer-reviewed tests applied to the 2020 U.S. presidential election data provided mixed but indicative evidence of potential fraud in absentee processes, including statistical anomalies in ballot rejection rates and signature mismatches that were inconsistent with in-person voting patterns.^[97] On voter turnout, empirical studies demonstrate a modest positive effect from expanded absentee voting access. For instance, states adopting no-excuse absentee voting saw turnout increases of approximately 2-5% in general elections, attributed to convenience for specific demographics like the elderly and rural voters, though universal mail-in systems showed no significant partisan skew in participation rates.^[99]^[71] However, these gains are tempered by evidence of ballot rejection rates—often 1-2% higher in absentee systems due to errors in completion or verification—suggesting not all mailed ballots translate to counted votes.^[72] Notable case studies underscore vulnerabilities in absentee processes. In the 2019 Iowa 4th Congressional District primary, Kim Phuong Taylor was convicted in 2023 for orchestrating a scheme involving over 20 fraudulent absentee ballots cast on behalf of non-English-speaking voters without their knowledge or consent, aiming to boost her husband's candidacy; she received a four-month prison sentence.^[95] Similarly, in Paterson, New Jersey's 2020 municipal election, absentee ballot fraud allegations— including over 1,900 suspect applications from a single address and organized harvesting—led to the invalidation of results and a redo election after investigations confirmed irregularities exceeding the vote margin.^[79] The Heritage Foundation's database, compiling over 1,500 proven U.S. election fraud convictions since 1982, indicates that absentee-related cases constitute a disproportionate share, often involving coercion, forgery, or unauthorized voting, with examples spanning multiple states like North Carolina's 2018 congressional race where nine individuals were convicted for absentee ballot tampering affecting 700+ votes.^[79] These instances, while not indicative of systemic collapse, highlight causal risks from lax verification, as contrasted with in-person voting's real-time oversight.^[100]

Safeguards and Reforms

Verification and Security Measures

Election officials across U.S. states employ multiple layers of verification to ensure absentee ballots are cast by eligible voters and remain untampered. Upon receipt, ballots are first logged into systems to track arrivals and prevent duplicates, with signatures on the return envelope compared against those in voter registration records—a requirement in all states.^[101] This process often involves bipartisan teams reviewing matches, though variations exist; for instance, 16 states mandate signature verification as the primary method, while others incorporate additional affidavits or database cross-checks for eligibility.^[102] Voter eligibility is further confirmed by matching against state registration databases, sometimes requiring photocopies of identification or driver's license numbers in states like Georgia and Ohio.^[101] To address potential discrepancies, many states implement cure processes allowing voters to resolve issues such as mismatched signatures through affidavits or supplemental verification, with 18 states offering formal mechanisms for this.^[102] Postmark deadlines and receipt windows provide temporal controls, ensuring ballots are submitted timely, often verifiable via unique barcodes printed on envelopes that link to voter records and enable duplicate prevention.^[101] In states requiring witnesses or notaries, such as Alabama and Louisiana, affidavits must include signatures from designated individuals to authenticate the voter's identity and intent.^[34] Security measures extend to physical and logistical protections during transit and storage. The U.S. Postal Service applies Intelligent Mail Barcodes for end-to-end tracking of election mail, coordinating with federal agencies like the FBI and CISA for inspections at processing facilities to detect tampering.^[103] Ballot envelopes feature design elements like watermarks, serial numbers, and inner secrecy sleeves to obscure contents and verify authenticity upon opening.^[102] Drop boxes, used in numerous states, are equipped with locks, tamper-evident seals, and surveillance cameras, emptied only by authorized bipartisan teams on scheduled routes.^[101] Voter-facing tracking portals, available in 43 states plus the District of Columbia, allow individuals to monitor ballot status from issuance to tabulation, enhancing transparency.^[102] Internationally, absentee voting security aligns with postal integrity standards but varies by system; for example, countries like Canada and Australia use tracked mail with witness requirements similar to U.S. practices, though centralized national systems often incorporate digital verification absent in decentralized U.S. elections.^[8] These measures collectively aim to balance accessibility with integrity, though signature verification's reliance on subjective matching has drawn scrutiny for inconsistent application across jurisdictions.^[34]

Recent Legislative Adjustments

In the aftermath of the 2020 U.S. elections, which saw unprecedented expansion of absentee and mail-in voting amid the COVID-19 pandemic, multiple states enacted laws to bolster verification and security measures for these ballots, addressing vulnerabilities such as inadequate signature matching, unmonitored drop boxes, and unsolicited applications. These reforms, predominantly in Republican-controlled legislatures, emphasized first-verifiable identity, chain-of-custody tracking, and penalties for mishandling, while empirical analyses indicated that while widespread fraud remained unsubstantiated, isolated irregularities underscored the need for procedural tightening.^[30]^[104] Georgia's Election Integrity Act of 2021 (SB 202), signed by Governor Brian Kemp on March 25, 2021, mandated that absentee ballot applicants provide a Georgia driver's license number, state ID number, or the last four digits of their Social Security number, with non-matching applications rejected unless cured within three days. The law restricted drop boxes to one per county at early voting sites, requiring continuous video surveillance, tamper-evident features, and availability only during business hours, effectively curtailing 24/7 unmanned access used in 2020. It also criminalized third-party distribution of unsolicited absentee applications and enhanced signature verification by allowing voters a post-rejection opportunity to affirm identity.^[105]^[106] Florida's Senate Bill 90, approved by Governor Ron DeSantis on April 6, 2021, prohibited drop boxes except at elections supervisor offices or early voting sites, confining their use to 7 a.m. to 7 p.m. during early voting periods with mandatory attendance by an elections employee and real-time monitoring via video. Absentee ballot requests now require a driver's license or ID number for first-time applicants since 2020, and the law banned mass-mailing of applications by outside groups while imposing perjury penalties for false eligibility claims on ballots.^[107] Texas Senate Bill 1, enacted during a special session on September 9, 2021, by Governor Greg Abbott, eliminated drive-thru and 24-hour voting options, limited drop boxes to one per county at a single supervised location with tracking serial numbers on ballots, and required county-wide tracking of all mail ballots from issuance to receipt. It further prohibited election officials from sending unsolicited absentee applications and strengthened rejection protocols for ballots lacking required affidavits or signatures, with provisions for voter notification and cure periods. More recent adjustments include Ohio House Bill 458, signed January 6, 2023, which mandated photo ID for in-person absentee voting—such as a current Ohio DL, passport, or military ID—and shortened the window for drop box availability to align strictly with early voting hours, while enhancing bipartisan oversight of ballot processing. In 2023, North Carolina's Senate Bill 747 required documentary proof of identity for absentee cures and banned private funding for election administration to prevent undue influence on mail operations. These measures reflect a broader trend, with at least 18 states adding or reinforcing absentee ID requirements between 2021 and 2023, though critics from organizations like the Brennan Center argue they impose undue burdens despite low fraud incidence rates below 0.0001% in audited contests.^[108]^[109]

Global Implementation

United States

In the United States, absentee voting enables qualified electors unable to attend polling places on election day to cast ballots by mail, a practice administered primarily by states under their constitutional authority over elections, with federal requirements applying to specific groups.^[2] The process originated in the early 19th century, with Pennsylvania authorizing absentee ballots for military personnel during the War of 1812 in 1813, though widespread adoption began during the Civil War to accommodate absent soldiers.^[5] By World War II, all states permitted absentee voting for service members, and post-war expansions gradually extended it to civilians under varying conditions.^[110] Eligibility for absentee ballots differs across states, with no uniform national standard beyond federal mandates. As of 2024, 28 states plus the District of Columbia allow no-excuse absentee voting, meaning voters need only request a ballot without justifying absence, while the remaining states require an excuse such as illness, travel, disability, or religious observance.^[111] Seven states—Colorado, Hawaii, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, Vermont, and Washington—conduct all-mail elections, automatically mailing ballots to all registered voters.^[112] Voters typically request ballots via state election office forms, online portals, or in person, with deadlines ranging from 7 to 50 days before election day depending on the jurisdiction.^[35] The standard process involves receiving the ballot by mail, marking it privately, enclosing it in a signed secrecy envelope, and returning it via postal service, drop box, or election office by the state's deadline—often requiring postmark by election day and receipt within a grace period of 3 to 14 days.^[2] Verification methods vary: 47 states use signature comparison against voter registration records, while others require witness signatures, notary attestation, or barcode tracking; rejected absentee ballots in 2020 averaged 0.8% nationally, primarily for late arrival or mismatched signatures.^[34] Federal law under the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act (UOCAVA, enacted 1986 and amended by the Military and Overseas Voter Empowerment Act of 2009) mandates that states provide absentee registration and ballots to active-duty military, merchant mariners, their dependents, and U.S. citizens abroad for federal elections, with the Federal Post Card Application serving as both registration and ballot request, transmissible by mail, fax, or email.^[70] ^[54] Usage of absentee ballots has surged in recent decades, facilitated by legislative expansions. In the 2020 presidential election, amid COVID-19 restrictions, approximately 43% of votes were cast by mail, totaling over 65 million ballots, compared to 25% in 2018 midterms.^[7] By 2022 midterms, the share declined to about 35% as pandemic measures eased, and in 2024, mail voting accounted for 30.3% of turnout.^[44] ^[113] States like California and Florida processed millions of such ballots, with tracking systems and prepaid postage in many jurisdictions aiding logistics.^[114]

Europe

Absentee voting in Europe primarily occurs through postal ballots or proxy arrangements, with practices varying widely by country and election type. In many nations, postal voting is available to registered voters unable to attend polling stations, often requiring an application but no specific justification. For European Parliament elections, EU member states must facilitate voting for citizens abroad, typically via postal methods or registration in the home country, though implementation differs.^[115] Germany permits any eligible voter listed in a voters' register to apply for a postal ballot, allowing them to vote from home or abroad by mailing the completed ballot. This system applies to federal, state, and European elections, with ballots returned to local election offices for verification against voter registers. Usage has risen steadily, reflecting convenience for domestic and expatriate voters.^[116]^[117] In the United Kingdom, postal voting is accessible on demand for general, local, and devolved elections in England, Scotland, and Wales, without needing to provide a reason beyond inability to attend the polling station. Voters apply to their local authority, receive a ballot pack by post, and return it by mail or in person; Northern Ireland restricts postal voting to defined circumstances like illness or travel. At the 2024 general election, 19.9% of registered voters used postal votes. Proxy voting is also available for those unable to mark their own ballot.^[118]^[119]^[120] France relies predominantly on proxy voting for absentee participation, where a voter designates one proxy—often a relative or acquaintance—to cast the ballot in person at the polling station. Postal voting is not generally permitted for domestic elections, emphasizing in-person verification; exceptions exist for citizens abroad in certain referenda or consular votes. This approach limits absentee access compared to postal systems elsewhere.^[121]^[122] Italy facilitates postal voting for citizens residing abroad (AIRE-registered) in national parliamentary elections and referenda, sending ballots via diplomatic channels or mail for return to consulates or municipalities. Domestic voters generally vote in person, with limited proxy options; for the 2013 general election, postal packages were used for overseas participation. European elections follow similar abroad provisions.^[123]^[124] Other countries, such as Sweden and the Netherlands, offer postal voting for specific groups or all voters with applications, while broader European trends show postal methods more common for expatriates than universal domestic absenteeism, prioritizing verification through signatures, identifiers, and postmarks.^[38]^[8]

Asia-Pacific

In Australia, postal voting serves as a primary form of absentee balloting for federal, state, and local elections, enabling eligible voters unable to attend polling places on election day to receive and return ballots by mail. Administered by the Australian Electoral Commission (AEC), any enrolled voter may apply for a postal vote if they will be away from their electorate, ill, or otherwise unable to vote in person; applications must be submitted before close of polls, with ballots mailed upon request. Overseas Australians can enroll for postal voting up to six years after leaving the country, though voting is not compulsory abroad, and in the 2022 federal election, approximately 2.5 million postal votes were cast, representing about 15% of total turnout.^[125]^[126] New Zealand employs special voting provisions for absentee ballots, allowing enrolled voters absent from their polling place to cast votes at other locations or by post during advance voting periods and on election day. The Electoral Commission facilitates special vote applications, which include postal returns for those traveling or overseas, with ballots verified against enrollment records before counting; overseas voters must apply in advance and may vote at embassies or by mail for general elections every three years. In the 2023 general election, special votes accounted for around 20% of total votes, highlighting the system's role in accommodating mobility while maintaining in-person verification where possible.^[127]^[128] India restricts postal ballots primarily to specific categories under the Electronically Transmitted Postal Ballot System (ETPBS), managed by the Election Commission of India (ECI), including armed forces personnel, state police, government employees on poll duty, persons with disabilities, and seniors over 80, as expanded for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Eligible voters receive ballots electronically or by post, complete them in the presence of an authorized officer, and return them by mail before counting; non-resident Indians remain ineligible for postal voting, limited instead to in-person options abroad, with postal ballots comprising less than 1% of total votes due to stringent eligibility.^[129]^[130] Indonesia facilitates overseas absentee voting through a combination of in-person balloting at diplomatic missions and postal options, established under election laws since 1953 to include expatriates, with voters registering via the General Elections Commission (KPU) and receiving ballot packages for return by mail. In the 2019 presidential election, around 250,000 overseas votes were cast, primarily via mailed packages from abroad, though turnout remains low at about 0.2% of total due to logistical hurdles like mail delays and verification requirements at returning offices.^[131]^[132] South Korea's National Election Commission (NEC) administers overseas absentee voting for nationals abroad, requiring voters to file an absentee report and register with Korean missions or online, after which ballots are issued for completion and postal return or in-person submission during designated periods before presidential or National Assembly elections. Eligible overseas Koreans, including those without domestic residency, participated in the 2022 presidential election with over 200,000 absentee votes, emphasizing early registration to mitigate risks of non-delivery amid international mail constraints.^[133]^[134] Japan offers limited absentee voting, known as "fuzoku" or early voting, where voters temporarily absent from their precinct can apply to the local election board for a ballot to be mailed within the same prefecture, requiring return by post or in person before polls close; overseas Japanese typically vote at embassies for national elections, with no universal postal system. This restricted approach, introduced incrementally since the 1970s, prioritizes proximity verification, resulting in low absentee usage, under 5% of votes in recent Diet elections, to curb potential fraud in a predominantly in-person framework.^[135]

Other Regions

In Latin America, absentee voting for expatriates has been adopted in multiple countries to extend suffrage to diaspora populations, though often with low participation rates due to administrative hurdles and logistical issues. Mexico implemented absentee voting for citizens abroad in the 2006 presidential election, enabling an estimated several million expatriates to participate via mail, a reform aimed at enfranchising non-resident voters previously excluded.^[136] Similar systems exist in countries like Colombia and Ecuador, where external voting includes postal options, but empirical analysis of 104 elections across 15 nations from 1990 to 2017 reveals turnout influenced by rational factors such as registration simplicity and method accessibility, frequently resulting in single-digit percentages.^[137] ^[138] In Africa, postal absentee voting remains rare, constrained by unreliable postal infrastructure and security concerns that favor in-person voting at embassies over mail-based systems. Zimbabwe incorporated external postal voting into its electoral framework post-independence in 1980, yet stringent restrictions—such as limited eligibility and verification requirements—have curtailed its practical application, reflecting broader regional hesitance toward remote voting amid fraud risks.^[139] South Africa, for example, permits out-of-country voting exclusively at diplomatic missions for national elections, eschewing postal ballots to ensure direct oversight, with voters required to present identification in person.^[140] Middle Eastern countries generally lack established absentee ballot mechanisms, as electoral systems in the region prioritize in-country participation and often operate under non-democratic frameworks that do not accommodate expatriate voting by mail. Where out-of-country voting occurs, it typically relies on consular voting rather than postal methods, limited by factors including political restrictions and inadequate mail reliability, consistent with global trends in developing contexts where only select nations enable such provisions.^[141]

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Oct 21, 2024 · This is the top reason mail-in ballots got rejected in the 2020 general election.
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A Deep Dive into Absentee Ballot Rejection in the 2020 General ...
Dec 16, 2021 · State Level Absentee Rejection Rates. For this analysis, we define the absentee rejection rate as the total number of absentee ballots rejected ...
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Errors and Calibration in Mail Ballot Signature Rejections
Jun 18, 2024 · Many U.S. states require election workers to check signatures on ballots returned by mail, causing tens of thousands of ballots to be ...
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https://dailymontanan.com/2025/10/23/hundreds-of-ballots-rejected-following-new-law-requiring-voters-write-birth-year-on-ballot-envelopes/
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Ballot Signature Verification & Curing - MOST Policy Initiative
Oct 31, 2021 · States vary widely in their requirements and protocols for verifying that ballot signatures match signatures in a voter's registration file.
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[PDF] INVESTIGATION OF ELECTION IRREGULA - NCSBE
Mar 13, 2019 · Election for North Carolina's 9th Congressional District was corrupted by ... absentee ballot fraud in Bladen County referred to state and federal.
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North Carolina Voter Fraud - Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights
A widespread absentee ballot fraud scheme in Bladen County, North Carolina, caused the state's Election Board to order a new election.
[91]
Four people plead guilty in North Carolina ballot probe of 2016 and ...
Sep 26, 2022 · Four people pleaded guilty on Monday to misdemeanors for their roles in absentee ballot fraud in rural North Carolina during the 2016 and ...
[92]
Judge invalidates Paterson, NJ, city council election after allegations ...
Aug 20, 2020 · A New Jersey judge invalidated a city council election and ordered a new one after allegations of voter fraud, according to a ruling issued Wednesday.
[93]
New Local Election Ordered in N.J. After Mail-In Voter Fraud Charges
Aug 19, 2020 · The discovery triggered an investigation that led to charges of voter fraud against two local elected leaders and resulted in nearly 20 percent ...
[94]
AG Grewal Announces Indictment of Paterson Councilmen Michael ...
Mar 3, 2021 · “New Jersey's criminal code includes various indictable offenses related to election fraud and, in particular, fraud involving mail-in ballots ...
[95]
Woman Convicted for Voter Fraud Scheme - Department of Justice
Nov 21, 2023 · Kim Phuong Taylor, 49, of Sioux City, perpetrated a scheme to fraudulently generate votes for her husband in the primary election for Iowa's 4th US ...
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Voter Fraud | The Heritage Foundation
Fraudulent use of absentee ballots: Requesting absentee ballots and voting without the knowledge of the actual voter; or obtaining the absentee ballot from a ...
[97]
Simple tests for the extent of vote fraud with absentee and ...
May 12, 2022 · This study reports three tests measuring vote fraud in the 2020 US presidential election, although they provide inconsistent evidence.
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[PDF] Does voting by mail increase fraud? Estimating the change in ...
Oct 26, 2020 · We estimate the change in the reported number of voter fraud cases when states switch to conducting elections by mail. We consider two types of ...Missing: empirical | Show results with:empirical
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[PDF] No Excuses: The Effect of Absentee Voting System on Voter Turnout
While reviewing voter turnout data for the 2016 and. 2020 General Elections, this research shows that turnout was higher in states with no-excuse absentee ...
[100]
[PDF] A SAMPLING OF ELECTION FRAUD CASES FROM ACROSS THE ...
absentee ballots and voting without the knowledge of the actual voter; or obtaining the absentee ballot from a voter and either filling it in directly and ...
[101]
How election officials verify mail-in and absentee ballots | PBS News
Oct 15, 2022 · Whether a state requires voters to request an absentee ballot or participates in universal mail-in voting, all ballots cast by mail or ...
[102]
Mail Ballot Security Features: A Primer | Brennan Center for Justice
Oct 16, 2020 · Today, all overseas voters can request mail ballots on a permanent basis, without having to make additional requests for each election. Military ...
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Election Mail Security – United States Postal Inspection Service
The United States Postal Inspection Service® is the federal law enforcement organization assigned to protect the mail, including ballots mailed to and from ...<|separator|>
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2021 Election Enactments - National Conference of State Legislatures
For detailed information on all election legislation, including pending legislation, please see our database. Expand All. Absentee/Mail Voting.
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[PDF] 21 LC 28 0338S S. B. 202 (SUB) - Georgia General Assembly
BE IT ENACTED BY THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF GEORGIA: 64. SECTION 1. 65. This Act shall be known and may be cited as the "Election Integrity Act of 2021." 66.
[106]
Court Continues to Uphold Core of Georgia's Election Integrity Act
Aug 18, 2023 · Court upholds ballot harvesting ban and drop box security provisions; upholds line warming ban within 150 ft of polling place...
[107]
[PDF] FACT SHEET - Florida Senate Bill 90
Name and party changes must be submitted on a Florida Voter Registration Application and must include voter's Florida. Driver License number or Florida ID Card ...
[108]
Changes to Ohio Voting Laws Starting in 2023
On January 6, 2023, the Governor signed Ohio House Bill 458 that made several changes to election laws. We've highlighted the changes that impact Ohio voters ...Missing: SB1 | Show results with:SB1
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Voting Laws Roundup: May 2024 | Brennan Center for Justice
LinkedIn. Voters in almost half the country will face new voting restrictions in the upcoming general election. Published: May 17, 2024. Voting Rights icon.
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Voting By Mail History: When Mail-In Ballots Started in U.S. | TIME
Sep 28, 2020 · Excuse-required absentee voting started during the Civil War—a product of the competition between Abraham Lincoln and George McClellan,” Paul ...
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Absentee/mail-in voting eligibility, 2024 - Ballotpedia
Automatic mail-in ballot systems mandate that all eligible voters receive either a ballot or ballot application by default. These are sometimes referred to as ...
[112]
[PDF] EAVS Deep Dive Early, Absentee, and Mail Voting
Excuse required absentee voting: A voter must provide a reason why they are casting an absentee ballot and cannot appear to vote on Election Day. No-excuse ...
[113]
2022 Mailed-out Ballot Use Rates (% of total reg. voters)
A total of ~39 million ballots were cast from the ~61 million mailed out.That is ~35% of all ballots cast in the 2022 midterms, up 40% from 25% in 2018.
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[PDF] Election Administration and Voting Survey (EAVS) 2022 ...
Nov 18, 2024 · EAVS data on voter registration and list maintenance show that the percentage of the U.S. population that is registered to vote continues to ...
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[PDF] Voting from abroad in European Parliament elections
Across the European Union (EU), national provisions regarding the right to vote for citizens living abroad are not consistent. However, recent legislative ...
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Postal ballot - The Federal Returning Officer - Die Bundeswahlleiterin
Jun 17, 2025 · Persons entitled to vote who are listed in a voters' register may exercise their right to vote by postal ballot provided that they apply for a polling card to ...Missing: system | Show results with:system
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Postal Voting in German Elections - Electoral Politics
This study analyzes postal voting in Bundestag elections using official electoral statistics of the Federal Republic of Germany.
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How to vote: Voting by post - GOV.UK
Do not post your ballot paper through the letterbox of the electoral registration office. You can hand in: your own completed postal vote ballot pack; completed ...
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Absent voting - The House of Commons Library - UK Parliament
Jul 21, 2025 · What is absent voting? If a voter cannot get to the polling station on the day of the election, they can apply for an absent vote.
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[PDF] Absent voting - UK Parliament
Jul 21, 2025 · Postal voting on demand is not available in. Northern Ireland. At the 2024 general election 19.9% of all registered voters had a postal vote.<|separator|>
[121]
EXPLAINER: How France's old-school voting system works | The Hill
Paper ballots tucked in paper envelopes. No absentee voting, and no early voting either. French voters in Sunday's presidential ...
[122]
EXPLAINER: How France's old-school voting system works - AP News
Apr 24, 2022 · French voters in the presidential election are using an old-school voting system that has defied calls for more flexibility or ...
[123]
Voting by mail for Italian citizens residing abroad and option for ...
Voters who choose to vote in Italy for the upcoming referendum will receive the voting notification card from their respective municipalities in order to vote ...
[124]
ABROGATIVE REFERENDUM OF JUNE 08-09, 2025 – Voting by ...
Apr 2, 2025 · As an alternative to voting by mail, voters registered with AIRE may CHOOSE TO VOTE IN ITALY IN THE ELECTORAL REGISTRATION MUNICIPALITY, ...Missing: absentee postal
[125]
Voting options - Australian Electoral Commission
Jul 10, 2025 · If you can't get to a polling place on polling day you can vote at an early voting centre in Australia. Overseas voting. If you're overseas ...Australians overseas · Postal voting · At the polling place · Assistance webpage
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Australians overseas - Australian Electoral Commission
Mar 5, 2025 · Voting in a federal election is not compulsory for Australians overseas. However, if you don't vote or apply for a postal vote, your registration and electoral ...
[127]
What to do | Vote NZ
Learn how to vote in a general election, by-election, referendum or local election. Voting in a general election Every 3 years, New Zealand has a general ...
[128]
Vote in an election | New Zealand Government
Sep 9, 2025 · How to vote. To have free and fair general elections, the Electoral Commission has in-person voting and options if you cannot get to a voting ...
[129]
Electronically Transmitted Postal Ballot System
With the motto of “no voter to be left behind”, ECI's ETPBMS has empowered and ensured all eligible service electors with their constitutional power to vote ...
[130]
Postal ballot voting: Eligibility and process for Lok Sabha elections ...
Mar 21, 2024 · Postal Ballots: Everything you need to know about voting by mail ahead of the 2024 general elections and state Assembly polls.
[131]
A Long-established System for External Voting at Diplomatic Missions
Between 200,000 and 250,000 voters (c. 0.2 per cent of total voter turnout) voted outside Indonesia at these elections. Voting outside Indonesia for national ...
[132]
Voters Living Abroad | Asian Electoral Resource Center
External voting provisions was included in the 1953 Election Law due to concern to preserve the voting rights of a large external population mostly resident ...
[133]
Report of Overseas Absentee | NATIONAL ELECTION COMMISSION
Voters who are registered as residents (including overseas Koreans) and wish to vote from abroad must file an Overseas Absentee Report.Missing: South | Show results with:South
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National Election Commission Overseas Voting
This site is the National Election Commission Overseas Voting.
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Early Voting by Mail — - ACE Electoral Knowledge Network
Voting by Mail. Voting by mail is the most widespread form of early or absentee voting. Following request by the voter, voting material is mailed to the ...<|separator|>
[136]
Appendix 2: Background on Absentee Voting in Latin America
Feb 22, 2006 · Mexico's attempt to enfranchise expatriates is not unique in Latin America. Extending the vote to citizens abroad has been around for years ...
[137]
External voting in Latin America. Explaining variations in turnout ...
Drawing on an original data set of 104 elections held between 1990 and 2017 across 15 countries of LA and based on rational choice theory, we compare turnout at ...
[138]
[PDF] Voting from Abroad in 18 Latin American Countries
Complex issues of citizenship law and dual citi- zenship, voter eligibility, type of election and matters of in which constituen- cies to count the votes of ...
[139]
Zimbabwe: Highly Restrictive Provisions - ACE
External voting by post was part of the electoral laws that were introduced in Zimbabwe after 1980 when the country attained political independence.
[140]
About voting abroad - Electoral Commission of South Africa
Citizens who wish to vote out-of-country in the next South African National Elections must be registered to vote, and must be able to produce a South African ...
[141]
[PDF] Out-of-Country Voting - International IDEA
Jan 19, 2021 · Altogether, 28 states allow citizens residing abroad to vote in legislative elections, and 18 allow such voters to participate in presidential ...