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Communization

Communization is a theoretical current in post-Leninist communism that advocates the immediate and direct transformation of capitalist social relations into communist ones during the revolutionary process itself, rejecting transitional phases such as proletarian dictatorship or state socialism in favor of abolishing wage labor, commodity exchange, and the separation between producers from the outset.^[1]^[2] This approach, rooted in ultra-left critiques of historical workers' movements, contends that mature capitalism's integration of the proletariat precludes any "management" of production under socialism, necessitating instead the real subsumption of all activity under communal measures that negate value-form dynamics.^[3] Key figures include Gilles Dauvé, who emphasized revolution as the simultaneous content and process of communization, and collectives like Théorie Communiste and Endnotes, which integrate value-form analysis to argue that communism emerges not as a future society but as the revolutionary movement's immanent activity.^[2]^[4] While influential in autonomist and insurrectionary circles—evident in texts like those from Tiqqun and the Invisible Committee—the theory lacks empirical precedents, with critics arguing it underestimates the causal role of organized political power in sustaining revolutions against counter-revolutionary forces and risks conflating immediate rupture with viable structural overhaul.^[5]^[1]

Definition and Core Principles

Conceptual Foundations

Communization theory posits that the communist revolution consists in the immediate transformation of all social relations into communist ones, abolishing wage labor, the commodity form, private property, and the state from the outset of the revolutionary process. This approach views communism not as a deferred outcome but as the direct content of proletarian struggle, where the production and reproduction of society are reorganized on the basis of human needs and direct social cooperation rather than value and exchange.^[2]^[1] Central to these foundations is the rejection of transitional phases, such as a dictatorship of the proletariat or worker-managed socialism, which theorists argue would merely perpetuate capitalist social forms like abstract labor and the value-form under new guises. Instead, communization demands the simultaneous dissolution of capital and the proletariat as a class, as the latter's existence depends on its separation from the means of production and its role in valorizing capital. This self-abolition occurs through revolutionary practices that negate the conditions of class antagonism, including mass refusals of work, occupations, and the communal appropriation of resources, thereby ending the mediation of social activity by money and profit.^[3]^[1] The value-form analysis underpins this framework, drawing from Marx's critique of political economy to identify abstract labor as the historical basis of capitalist domination, which must be eradicated immediately rather than reformed. Communization thus entails replacing value-mediated production with unalienated human activity, where individuals relate as social beings free from exploitation, without reliance on institutional forms like councils or parties that risk reproducing hierarchy. This immediacy distinguishes communization from earlier Marxist traditions, emphasizing that the revolution's success hinges on its capacity to "make common" from the initial moments of upheaval, spanning potentially decades but commencing without delay.^[3]^[2]^[6]

Key Mechanisms of Transition

In communization theory, the transition to communism unfolds as an immanent process within proletarian revolutionary struggles, eschewing intermediary stages such as a socialist state or dictatorship of the proletariat in favor of immediate measures that negate capitalist social relations. Proponents argue that the revolution's content must consist of communizing acts themselves, where the proletariat, through collective action, abolishes wage labor by reorganizing production for direct human needs rather than exchange value. This involves the rapid collectivization of factories, farms, and distribution networks, with output allocated based on use rather than market mechanisms or labor vouchers.^[1]^[7] A core mechanism is the seizure and subversion of infrastructural means, including transportation, communication, and subsistence resources, to prevent capitalist counter-mobilization and enable decentralized, need-based coordination. Théorie Communiste emphasizes that such seizures must dismantle the commodity form at its root, transforming commodities into communal goods through practices like generalized self-reduction of prices to zero or direct appropriation during insurrections, thereby eroding money's role as a universal equivalent. This process relies on the intensification of class antagonism, where proletarian flight from work and sabotage of valorization disrupt accumulation, forcing a rupture toward non-alienated production relations.^[7]^[6] Critics within Marxist traditions, such as those aligned with value-form theory, contend that these mechanisms presuppose a sufficient decomposition of capital's command, achieved via cycles of crisis and surplus population growth, but require no prior "building" of alternative institutions. Instead, the transition hinges on the proletariat's capacity to impose its own measures against both capital and any emergent statist forms, such as through the destruction of wage hierarchies and the communalization of care and reproduction labor. Historical precedents, like fleeting moments in the 1871 Paris Commune or 1917 Russian factory seizures, are invoked as partial illustrations, though theorists stress that full communization demands global synchronization to avoid isolation and reversion.^[1]^[8] This approach contrasts with Leninist models by rejecting centralized planning as a transitional tool, positing instead that planning emerges organically from communized relations, free from abstract labor-time metrics. Empirical analysis of past revolutions, such as the Bolshevik consolidation into state capitalism by 1921, underscores the theory's insistence on immediate abolition to avert such outcomes, though no verified instance of sustained communization has occurred.^[6]^[1]

Historical Development

Early Influences and Precedents

The theoretical precursors to communization theory emerged within early 20th-century ultra-left Marxist currents that rejected transitional socialist states in favor of immediate proletarian transformation. Italian Left Communism, led by Amadeo Bordiga during the 1920s, provided a foundational influence through its doctrine of programmatic invariance, positing that the communist revolution must instantiate the abolition of wage labor and commodity production from its inception, without intermediary phases like those advocated by Leninist state-building.^[9] Bordiga's critiques of Bolshevism, articulated in texts such as his 1926 confrontation with Stalin, emphasized that any reconstitution of capitalist relations—such as state-managed accumulation—betrayed the revolutionary content, prefiguring communization's insistence on revolution as its own content rather than a mere political seizure of power.^[10] Parallel influences arose from the German-Dutch council communist tradition, which crystallized around 1920 in opposition to both social democracy and Bolshevism. Thinkers like Anton Pannekoek and Herman Gorter advocated workers' councils (soviets) as immediate organs of proletarian self-management, integrating economic and political power to abolish the value-form directly, without reliance on a vanguard party or dictatorial state apparatus.^[11] This current's rejection of trade unions and parliamentary tactics, as outlined in Pannekoek's 1936 Workers' Councils, underscored the proletariat's capacity for autonomous reorganization of production, influencing later communization's emphasis on struggles transcending work and value. Councilists viewed the Bolshevik consolidation post-1917 as a regression to state capitalism, where soviets were subordinated to party control rather than extended into full communization.^[1] Historical events served as practical precedents, interpreted by these currents as fleeting eruptions of communizing measures. The Paris Commune of March-May 1871 exemplified direct proletarian initiatives, including worker cooperatives seizing workshops and decrees for collective appropriation, though limited by its defensive posture and lack of escalation beyond Paris. Similarly, the 1905 Russian Revolution introduced soviets as spontaneous assemblies coordinating strikes and armed defense, while the initial 1917 factory seizures aimed at communal production control before Bolshevik policies reimposed labor discipline and Taylorist methods by 1918.^[12] The 1919 Hungarian Soviet Republic briefly experimented with council-directed socialization of industry, dissolving bureaucracy in favor of direct mandates, but collapsed under military defeat and internal isolation after 133 days. These episodes, analyzed in ultra-left writings as failed communizations due to incomplete generalization and external suppression, informed the theory's causal realism: revolutions succeed or fail based on their immediate capacity to negate capital's forms, not on state capture.^[1]

Emergence in Post-1968 Ultra-Left

The theory of communization emerged within French ultra-left currents in the immediate aftermath of the May 1968 uprising in France, which saw millions of students and workers strike and occupy factories but ultimately subsided without dismantling capitalist social relations or establishing communism. Ultra-left militants, influenced by pre-existing left communist critiques of Bolshevism and trade unionism, viewed the events as a confirmation of the futility of transitional strategies like building a workers' state or proletarian dictatorship, instead emphasizing that revolution must immediately abolish wage labor, value production, and the commodity form through direct measures in proletarian struggles.^[6]^[1]^[13] Gilles Dauvé, writing under pseudonyms such as Jean Barrot, played a pivotal role in formulating these ideas, with early contributions including his 1969 essay "Sur l'idéologie ultra-gauche," which critiqued ultraleft ideologies while laying groundwork for rejecting phased transitions to communism. Dauvé's subsequent texts, such as those compiled in Eclipse and Re-emergence of the Communist Movement (published in French around 1974), explicitly advanced communization as the real movement that abolishes the present state of things, where revolutionary processes begin transforming production and reproduction immediately rather than postponing communism to a distant future. This perspective drew partial inspiration from the Situationist International's emphasis on total rupture but diverged by grounding it in value-form analysis derived from Marx's Capital, arguing that the crisis of valorization in late capitalism necessitates direct communizing responses without reliance on party or council forms as ends in themselves.^[14]^[2] By the mid-1970s, these ideas circulated through informal ultra-left networks and publications like Invariance (edited by Antonio Negri and others until around 1976) and early issues of Théorie Communiste (formed by ex-members of the Groupe Communiste Internationaliste in 1975), which refined communization to stress the double movement of destroying capitalism and constructing communism simultaneously in moments of class confrontation. Unlike broader post-1968 autonomist or councilist tendencies that sometimes retained programmatic elements, ultra-left communizers insisted on the irrelevance of inherited organizational forms, critiquing even the 1968 occupations for reinforcing work discipline under self-management illusions rather than transcending it. This strand remained marginal, eschewing mass organizations and focusing on theoretical clarification amid the rising counter-revolutionary backlash of the 1970s, including intensified state repression and neoliberal restructuring.^[6]^[1]

Evolution in the 21st Century

In the early 2000s, communization theory, rooted in earlier ultra-left critiques, began receiving greater attention in English-speaking contexts through translations of French works and the emergence of new publications. The journal Endnotes, launched in 2008 by a transatlantic communist group, integrated value-form theory with communization, arguing that the destruction of the commodity-form must occur immediately during revolutionary processes, without reliance on transitional socialist structures.^[1] This marked a shift toward synthesizing historical materialism with analyses of contemporary capitalist subsumption, emphasizing proletarian self-abolition over state-mediated phases. The 2008 global financial crisis catalyzed renewed theoretical engagement, as communization proponents interpreted the event as exposing the exhaustion of capital's reformist capacities and the intensification of class antagonism under real subsumption. Texts from this period, such as those in Theorie Communiste's ongoing output, framed the crisis as accelerating the "rift" between proletarian activity and its capitalist determination, rendering socialization of production (as in historical state-socialist models) obsolete in favor of direct communizing measures amid austerity and precarity.^[15] Proponents like those in Endnotes critiqued post-crisis movements—such as the 2008 Greek riots and 2011 Occupy encampments—for their potential to enact immediate measures against value production, though these struggles largely remained reformist or fragmented. By the 2010s, the theory evolved through anthologies and debates addressing its applicability to diverse struggles, including anti-austerity protests and riots. The 2012 collection Communization and Its Discontents, edited by Benjamin Noys, compiled essays critiquing the theory's rejection of programmatic politics while applying it to events like the 2011 UK riots and Spanish indignados, highlighting tensions between insurrectionary immediacy and sustained organization.^[16] Internal discussions, such as those on gender abolition within the current, positioned communization as necessitating the end of sex-based divisions through the abolition of wage labor, rejecting identity-focused reforms.^[17] These developments remained largely theoretical, with no formation of mass organizations, reflecting the theory's insistence on communism emerging solely from crisis-driven proletarian action rather than vanguardist or prefigurative builds. Critiques from within leftist circles, including skepticism about its strategic viability amid rising authoritarianism, prompted refinements, such as Theorie Communiste's emphasis on fascism as a potential capitalist stabilization mechanism incompatible with transitional socialism.^[18] By the late 2010s and into the 2020s, the theory influenced analyses of pandemic-era disruptions and supply-chain breakdowns as sites for potential communizing activity, though empirical manifestations stayed limited to sporadic unrest.^[4]

Theoretical Framework

Value-Form Analysis and Abolition

Value-form analysis, as developed in communization theory, interprets Karl Marx's critique of political economy to emphasize the historical specificity of value as a social form arising from abstract labor, rather than labor's intrinsic substance. Under capitalism, concrete labors are equated as abstract human labor through the commodity-form, enabling exchange via money and manifesting as socially necessary labor time. This form totalizes social relations, subsuming the proletariat as the bearer of value-creating labor and compelling endless accumulation (Akkumulationszwang).^[1]^[3] Communization theorists, drawing on Isaak Rubin's Essays on Marx's Theory of Value (1928) and Moishe Postone's Time, Labor, and Social Domination (1993), argue that traditional Marxist interpretations—such as those in the Second and Third Internationals—fail to abolish value, envisioning socialism as state-planned commodity production where abstract labor persists under labor vouchers or time accounting. In contrast, value-form abolition requires the immediate destruction of wage labor, exchange, private property, and the division of labor, as these reproduce value relations. Communization thus entails the proletariat's self-abolition, transforming it from value-producer to direct communicators of needs without mediation by markets or states.^[1]^[3] This abolition is theorized as inseparable from revolutionary practice, where proletarian struggles rupture capitalist circuits by ceasing value-production—e.g., through generalized refusal of work and direct appropriation of means for use-value. Théorie Communiste and Endnotes collectives posit that post-1968 conditions, including proletarian expulsion from production and ecological limits, render transitional programs obsolete, as value's crisis demands instantaneous supersession rather than capture of the state or factories. Critics within autonomist and empirical Marxist traditions contend that such emphasis on form over exploitation (surplus value) risks utopian abstraction, neglecting concrete strategies to build forces capable of decommodifying production.^[1]^[3]^[19]

Rejection of Transitional Phases

Communization theorists argue that any transitional phase, such as the Marxist-Leninist dictatorship of the proletariat or a socialist state preceding full communism, inevitably reproduces capitalist social relations, including wage labor, commodity exchange, and the value-form.^[20]^[3] This rejection stems from the view that capital's logic cannot be managed or phased out gradually; instead, revolutionary action must immediately abolish value production and the separation between producers and means of production during the insurrection itself.^[4] Proponents like Gilles Dauvé and Bruno Astarian contend that historical attempts at transition, as in the Soviet Union from 1917 onward, devolved into state capitalism rather than advancing toward communism, because they retained mechanisms like money and labor allocation that sustained valorization.^[20] Central to this position is the immediacy of communization as the content of the proletarian revolution, where measures like the direct collectivization of production and the destruction of exchange abstractions occur coterminously with the overthrow of bourgeois power, without deferral to a programmatic "building" phase.^[21] Groups such as Théorie Communiste, active since 1975, frame this as a break from "programmatism"—the Leninist and Trotskyist reliance on transitional demands and state mediation—which they see as confining class struggle within capital's parameters by prioritizing organizational capture over the rupture of value relations.^[22] In their analysis, the 20th-century workers' states failed precisely because they treated communism as a horizon achievable through state control of industry, rather than through the immediate transformation of social reproduction.^[3] This stance contrasts with orthodox Marxism, where Karl Marx in Critique of the Gotha Programme (1875) outlined a "lower phase" of communism involving labor certificates and regulated distribution as a necessary step before the "higher phase" of distribution according to need. Communizers dismiss such schemas as incompatible with the abolition of the value-form, asserting that even modified wage systems entrench the antagonism between labor and capital, preventing the emergence of communist measures like free access to resources.^[20] Empirical observations of post-revolutionary societies, such as the persistence of bureaucratic planning and inequality in the USSR by the 1930s, are cited as evidence that transitional programs stabilize rather than dissolve class society.^[4] Thus, communization demands that revolutionary sequences—insurrection followed by the reconfiguration of production—integrate the destruction of capital's presuppositions from the outset, rendering separate phases obsolete.^[21]

Role of Proletarian Struggles

In communization theory, proletarian struggles constitute the primary mechanism through which the abolition of capitalist social relations occurs, as they directly confront and negate the value-form rather than seeking to manage or reform it. Theorists associated with this current, such as those in Théorie Communiste, posit that class antagonism in the current cycle of capital manifests at the level of reproduction, where proletarian activity—strikes, riots, and insurrections—circulates crisis dynamics, exposing the limits of wage-based demands and compelling measures like the communalization of production and distribution. ^[23] ^[24] Unlike traditional Marxist views of struggles building proletarian power for state capture, communization emphasizes their immediate transformative potential, where the proletariat's "crisis activity" during moments of breakdown creates subjective conditions for revolution by dismantling private property and exchange relations on the fly. ^[25] This role underscores a rejection of mediation by parties or unions, viewing such forms as extensions of capital that domesticate struggles into reformism. Publications like Endnotes argue that contemporary proletarian actions, from the 2011 riots to logistics blockades, are "negatively prefigurative," highlighting the exhaustion of valorization without prescribing blueprints; instead, they indicate pathways to communization by generalizing refusal of work and appropriating means of production collectively. ^[4] ^[6] For instance, in analyses of post-2008 struggles, the theory holds that only when proletarian recomposition overrides segmentation—racial, gendered, or sectoral—can struggles escalate to abolish the proletariat itself as a class tied to abstract labor. ^[3] ^[24] Critics within adjacent ultra-left circles note that this framing risks overemphasizing spontaneity, potentially underestimating organizational needs, yet communization proponents counter that theory's task is reflective clarification of struggles' inherent ruptures, not vanguard imposition. ^[5] Historical precedents, such as the 1917-1921 wave, are reinterpreted not as failed transitions but as aborted communizing attempts stifled by state forms, reinforcing the view that future proletarian upsurges must prioritize immediate communist measures amid intensified crisis. ^[26]

Key Thinkers and Organizations

Pioneering Figures

Gilles Dauvé, a French theorist active in ultra-left circles, is widely recognized as a foundational figure in communization theory, having introduced and elaborated the term in the early 1970s to analyze the limitations of the May 1968 events in France. Drawing on critiques of both Bolshevik state socialism and autonomist workerism, Dauvé posited that proletarian revolution entails the immediate abolition of wage labor and commodity production during the revolutionary process itself, rather than a deferred transition to communism via a proletarian state. This perspective, outlined in his 1974 text Eclipse and Re-emergence of the Communist Movement, synthesizes elements of Italian left-communism—particularly Amadeo Bordiga's rejection of transitional programs—with councilist emphases on self-organization, arguing that any intermediary phase risks reconstituting capital's forms. Collaborating with Dauvé in the Troploin group, Karl Nesic contributed to early communization debates, co-authoring works that defended a humanist-inflected variant against more structuralist interpretations. Their joint efforts, including critiques of "invariant" communism associated with Jacques Camatte, emphasized historical contingency in the destruction of value forms through proletarian struggles, as seen in Troploin publications from the late 1970s onward. Nesic's involvement helped refine communization as a process unbound by fixed revolutionary recipes, insisting on the immediacy of measures like the direct collectivization of production amid crisis.^[27] While many subsequent developments occurred through anonymous collectives like Théorie Communiste—founded around 1975 and focused on value-form theory's supersession in class composition dynamics—Dauvé and Nesic stand out as named individuals whose writings provided the initial theoretical impetus, influencing later currents without reliance on party or state mediation. These figures' outputs, often pseudonymous and circulated via small presses, prioritized empirical analysis of failed revolutions (e.g., 1968, 1973 Chile) to argue against programmatic socialism, though their anonymity reflects ultra-left wariness of individual cultism.^[1]

Influential Groups and Publications

Théorie Communiste, a French ultra-left collective formed in 1975 and based in Marseille, initiated publication of its eponymous journal in 1977 after members previously contributed to Intervention Communiste.^[28] The group developed communization theory by rejecting programmatism—the historical communist reliance on transitional stages like state socialism—and arguing that proletarian revolution must immediately negate the value-form, wage labor, and class relations through the content of struggles themselves.^[13] Key texts include analyses of cycles of struggle, such as the 1917-1923 German events as failed affirmations of communism, emphasizing the proletariat's dual role as both producer of value and potential abolisher of it.^[29] The Endnotes collective, originating in 2005 from former contributors to the British journal Aufheben amid polemics with Théorie Communiste, published its inaugural issue in October 2008 and continued through four volumes until 2015.^[30] Spanning the UK, US, and Germany, Endnotes refines communization via value-form theory, positing that communism emerges from the destruction of exchange relations amid generalized surplus labor crises, as explored in essays critiquing historical workers' identities and contemporary riots.^[1] Their work integrates empirical assessments of post-2008 crises, rejecting both Leninist vanguardism and autonomist horizontality as insufficient for immediate communization.^[31] Tiqqun, a French theoretical journal issued in two volumes from 1999 to 2001, embodies an insurrectionary variant of communization, blending post-autonomist and ultra-left influences to advocate prefigurative sabotage against the "Invisible Empire" of biopolitical control.^[32] Emerging from anonymous collectives, its texts like Introduction to Civil War (2001) frame ongoing civil war as the terrain for blooming subjectivities that dissolve party forms and enact communism sans transition, influencing subsequent groups such as the Invisible Committee.^[33] Associated periodicals include Sic: International Journal of Communization, a transatlantic effort from 2011 to 2014 involving Endnotes affiliates, which disseminated debates on the "suspended step" of communization amid stalled revolutions.^[13] Earlier precursors like Troploin, active in the 1970s with figures such as Gilles Dauvé—who coined "communization" in his 1972 essay—laid groundwork by critiquing failed insurrections like May 1968 as lacking immediate communist measures.^[13] These outlets, often small-run and untranslated until the 2000s, prioritize theoretical rigor over organizational expansion, reflecting communization's anti-party ethos.^[16]

Comparisons to Other Ideologies

Distinctions from Marxism-Leninism and State Socialism

Communization theory fundamentally rejects the Marxist-Leninist conception of a transitional socialist phase, in which a proletarian state would manage production and distribution under planned economy principles before advancing to communism. Instead, communizers argue that any such transition perpetuates capitalist social relations, including wage labor and the value-form, by treating the proletariat as a mere administrator of abstract labor rather than abolishing it outright.^[1] This immediate communization process involves revolutionary measures like the direct collectivization of resources and free distribution without equivalents, viewing socialism—whether state-directed or otherwise—as a form of state capitalism that reinforces the compulsion to valorize value.^[3] In contrast to Marxism-Leninism's emphasis on a vanguard party to seize state power and establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, communization theory critiques such structures as inevitably reproducing hierarchical and capitalist dynamics, dismissing the possibility of a "workers' state" that could transcend class antagonism without dissolving itself in the revolution. Proponents contend that the Leninist model, as implemented in historical cases like the Soviet Union from 1917 onward, centralized authority in a party apparatus that subordinated proletarian struggles to state imperatives, leading to bureaucratic control rather than emancipation.^[1] Communization prioritizes the self-activity of proletarian revolts, where communism emerges directly from the decomposition of capitalist categories during intensified class conflict, without reliance on pre-formed organizations or transitional governance.^[3] State socialism, often aligned with Marxist-Leninist practices in regimes such as those in Eastern Europe post-1945, is seen by communizers as entrenching the commodity-form and exchange value through mechanisms like labor vouchers or centralized planning, which fail to eliminate the proletariat's role as value-producer. Theorists associated with communization, drawing on value-form analysis, assert that these systems manage rather than negate capital's logic, as evidenced by persistent inequalities and accumulation drives in purported socialist states.^[1] This critique underscores a core divergence: while state socialism seeks to rationalize capitalism under proletarian rule, communization demands the simultaneous destruction of the state, money, and classes through revolutionary practice, rendering any intermediary stage illusory and counterproductive.^[3]

Relations to Anarchism and Council Communism

Communization theory overlaps with anarchism in its insistence on the immediate realization of communism without intermediary state structures or phases of socialism, viewing the revolution as a direct transformation of social relations rather than a conquest of power.^[1] This convergence is evident in shared critiques of vanguard parties and bureaucratic socialism, with both traditions drawing from ultra-left influences that prioritize proletarian self-activity over delegated authority.^[16] However, communization departs from anarchism by embedding its perspective in a rigorous analysis of the value-form and capitalist subsumption of labor, arguing that anarchism's emphasis on voluntary associations and anti-hierarchical federations risks preserving commodity exchange or residual wage logics unless explicitly abolished in the revolutionary rupture.^[2] Anarchist communism, for instance, often envisions post-revolutionary organization through syndicates or affinity groups that manage production collectively, whereas communization theorists contend such measures merely politicize the economy without transcending its capitalist determinants.^[1] In relation to council communism, communization shares historical roots in the German-Dutch left communist tradition of the 1920s, which rejected Leninist centralism in favor of workers' self-management via councils as anti-statist organs of class struggle.^[34] Groups like Théorie Communiste, emerging in the 1970s from councilist-inspired milieus, initially engaged with this framework during the post-1968 recomposition of struggles but subsequently critiqued it as an outdated paradigm tied to the era of rising proletarian affirmation (e.g., the 1918–1923 German revolution).^[29] Council communism theorizes councils as federated assemblies for coordinating production and expropriation without parties or unions, yet communization views them as inadvertently reproducing the separation between politics and economics, potentially enabling a "council state" that affirms the proletariat as a unified actor rather than dissolving class relations outright.^[35] This critique posits that in the current cycle of struggles—marked by the decoupling of class composition from Fordist unity—councils cannot serve as vehicles for communization, as they presuppose a positive program of worker control over value production, which perpetuates rather than negates capitalist measure.^[36] Proponents of communization thus advocate "rifts" in social relations through immediate measures like the communalization of goods, bypassing council mediation to prevent the reimposition of mediated proletarian power.^[29] Despite these divergences, both approaches converge in opposing transitional programs, with communization occasionally incorporating insurrectionary tactics resonant in anarchist council experiments, such as those during the 1936 Spanish Revolution or Hungarian 1956 events, though reinterpreted as failed attempts at direct communization.^[16]

Overlaps and Conflicts with Autonomism

Both communization theory and autonomism emerged as critiques of traditional Marxism-Leninism and state socialism, rejecting transitional programs and the seizure of state power as insufficient for overcoming capitalism. They share an emphasis on the immediate transformation of social relations through proletarian struggles, viewing revolution not as a distant horizon but as the direct abolition of wage labor and commodity production in the course of class conflict. This overlap is evident in their mutual dismissal of centralized planning, as seen in analyses of the Soviet Union's persistence of exploitative factory dynamics despite state control.^[37]^[1] A key point of convergence lies in their focus on worker autonomy and the refusal of work, with autonomism's operaismo roots influencing early communization thought by prioritizing class composition and the subversive potential of massified proletarian subjectivity over party vanguardism. Endnotes, a communization-affiliated collective, has noted that in periods of blocked revolutionary movement, communization discourse becomes nearly indistinguishable from autonomist notions of immediate self-organization, both framing communism as the real movement negating the present state of affairs without preparatory stages.^[1]^[38] Conflicts arise primarily over the role of self-valorization, a core autonomist concept from thinkers like Antonio Negri, which posits proletarian activity as capable of generating autonomous value and new social forms within capitalism, such as through refusal and counter-planning. Communization theorists, particularly Théorie Communiste and Endnotes, critique this as unwittingly reproducing capitalist categories by affirming labor's productive power rather than its total negation, arguing that proletarian "autonomy" under value-form domination is illusory and must be superseded through the rupture of the class relation itself.^[1]^[39] This tension reflects broader divergences: autonomism's optimistic view of worker agency prefiguring alternatives clashes with communization's insistence that no positive content can emerge from within commodified relations without risking the perpetuation of exploitation.^[1]^[38]

Criticisms and Challenges

Internal Theoretical Disputes

Théorie Communiste (TC) and theorists aligned with Troploin, such as Gilles Dauvé, represent a core axis of disagreement within communization theory, centered on the historicity of class struggle and the conditions for revolutionary rupture. TC advances a historicist framework, contending that the proletariat's struggles evolved through distinct cycles tied to capital's development, culminating in a structural shift during the 1970s crisis. This period marked the exhaustion of "programmatist" demands for labor's socialization within capital, giving rise to a "double movement" where proletarian action increasingly decoupled from valorization, rendering communization—the direct, non-mediated transformation of social relations into communist ones—the immediate content of revolution rather than a deferred goal.^[40]^[26] In TC's analysis, this rupture implies that prior workers' movements, from the 19th-century labor organizations to mid-20th-century council forms, were inherently limited by their affirmation of class identity, failing not due to insufficient radicalism but because of capital's subsumption dynamics.^[41] Troploin counters with a normative, less strictly historicist lens, viewing communism as deriving from an invariant essence of the proletariat as a human community against alienation, assessable against historical events independently of singular ruptures. They argue that past insurrections, such as those in Russia (1917–1921) or Spain (1936–1939), faltered due to ideological concessions, wartime pressures, and failures to fully enact self-abolition, rather than inevitable cyclical constraints, thereby preserving scope for agency in transcending programmatism toward immediate communization.^[40] This position critiques TC's emphasis on the 1970s as potentially deterministic, risking the reduction of theory to a product of conjunctural cycles without a transhistorical measure of communism's content.^[26] A related dispute concerns the conceptualization of work and its supersession in communization. TC rejects prioritizations of work's outright abolition as the essence of communism, as advanced in some ultra-left critiques, insisting instead that the current cycle's struggles target the class relation itself—wherein the proletariat confronts its own existence as value-producing labor—leading to the dissolution of labor's social form without positing a pre-given "essence" beyond capital.^[41] Troploin's normative stance, by contrast, integrates a critique of work as alienated activity into an enduring communist horizon, seeing historical movements' attachments to labor liberation as deviations from this measure, though TC deems such views residual programmatism disconnected from post-1970s realities.^[41] These exchanges, prominently featured in the inaugural issue of Endnotes (2008), underscore broader tensions between contingent, cycle-bound theorizing and invariant normative benchmarks, shaping divergent assessments of revolution's immediacy as either a historically emergent process or an ever-present potential.^[40]

Economic and Incentive Critiques

Critics of communization theory contend that its core proposition—the immediate abolition of the value-form, exchange relations, and wage labor—eliminates essential price signals required for rational economic calculation and resource allocation. Without market-generated prices reflecting scarcity and consumer preferences, proponents claim direct communal production would suffice, yet this overlooks the complexity of modern economies where billions of interdependent inputs demand precise coordination beyond spontaneous decision-making.^[6] This critique echoes Ludwig von Mises' 1920 argument that socialism's lack of monetary calculation leads to inefficiency, but applies acutely to communization's rejection of even centralized planning as a transitional tool, potentially resulting in misallocation and waste on a scale exceeding historical socialist experiments.^[42] ^[5] Incentive structures pose a further challenge, as communization posits that revolutionaries, by negating their proletarian identity, would voluntarily engage in "production without productivity" oriented toward human needs rather than valorization. However, theorists like Bruno Astarian acknowledge scenarios where workers might prioritize political discussion over essential tasks like milling wheat, accepting short-term shortages such as "no bread today" to sustain the revolutionary process.^[43] ^[6] This reveals a theoretical vulnerability: absent coercive mechanisms like wages or markets, free-riding and demotivation could undermine output, particularly for specialized or undesirable labor, as individuals weigh personal costs against undefined communal benefits. Critics note that capitalist specialization—e.g., surgeons or engineers—creates "skill monopolies" resistant to immediate collectivization without gradual incentives, risking collapse in vital sectors.^[5] Global economic interdependence exacerbates these issues, as localized communization cannot sustain itself amid capitalist encirclement without trade, which theorists like Jasper Bernes reject to avoid reintroducing value relations.^[6] Seizing means of production, such as commodified supply chains (e.g., Walmart logistics), demands destroying embedded exchange forms, yet offers no clear alternative for coordinating international flows of raw materials or technology, potentially leading to starvation or technological regression.^[5] Anti-productivist elements in the theory, emphasizing social relations over output metrics, further erode incentives by devaluing measurable productivity, complicating social reproduction in a world of finite resources.^[6] These critiques, drawn from autonomist and ultra-left analyses, underscore communization's utopian detachment from empirical constraints on human motivation and economic complexity.

Empirical and Historical Failures

The Paris Commune of 1871, often retrospectively interpreted by communization theorists as an early approximation of immediate revolutionary measures, lasted from March 18 to May 28, only 72 days, before its suppression by government forces from Versailles. Communards established elected councils, workers' cooperatives in sectors like arms production, and suspended rent and debt payments, aiming to reorganize society along participatory lines without a strong central state. However, internal divisions between Proudhonist federalists and Blanquist centralizers hindered decisive action, such as failing to seize the Bank of France or march on Versailles early, while economic reorganization proved inadequate amid ongoing siege conditions and lacked mechanisms for large-scale coordination. The Commune's armed forces, numbering around 20,000-30,000, were outnumbered and outmaneuvered by the Versaillais army of over 130,000, resulting in the Bloody Week of May 21-28, during which approximately 20,000 Communards were killed and 43,000 captured.^[44]^[45] In the Spanish Revolution of 1936-1939, anarchist-led collectives in regions like Catalonia and Aragon collectivized roughly 3 million hectares of land and hundreds of factories, implementing direct democracy, rationing, and in some cases partial abolition of money through labor vouchers or equal shares. Agricultural output in collectivized areas initially matched or exceeded pre-war levels in Aragon, with industrial production in Barcelona recovering to near pre-war figures by 1937 despite wartime disruptions, but persistent issues included decentralized planning failures leading to shortages, the emergence of black markets, and unequal resource allocation across autonomous collectives. The CNT-FAI leadership's decision to join the Republican government in 1936 prioritized anti-fascist unity over immediate communization, allowing Stalinist forces to repress collectives and restore capitalist elements, while the lack of a unified revolutionary army contributed to military defeats, culminating in Franco's victory in March 1939 and the execution or exile of thousands of anarchists.^[46]^[47] The Hungarian Revolution of October-November 1956 featured workers' councils in over 100 factories and cities, which seized control from the communist bureaucracy, coordinating strikes, arming workers, and demanding the dissolution of the secret police (AVH) and Soviet troop withdrawal. Councils implemented self-management, halting production in protest and forming local militias, but lacked a national coordinating body until a late Central Workers' Council of Insurrection, failing to unify disparate groups or mount a sustained defense against the Soviet invasion of November 4 with 200,000 troops and 2,500 tanks. The uprising resulted in 2,500-3,000 Hungarian deaths and the execution of leaders like Imre Nagy, with councils dissolving under repression; economic disruption from strikes exacerbated shortages, highlighting coordination deficits without hierarchical structures.^[48]^[49] These episodes, while not explicitly "communization" in contemporary theoretical terms, represent the closest historical approximations to immediate abolition of wage labor and state forms, yet all collapsed within months due to external military superiority enabled by the absence of centralized defense apparatuses and internal fragmentation from decentralized decision-making. Economic experiments suffered from incentive misalignments—such as free-riding in collectives without market signals—and scalability issues, often reverting to hybrid or informal exchanges under pressure. No sustained large-scale implementation has occurred, with failures underscoring vulnerabilities to counter-revolutionary forces and practical barriers to coordinating complex production without transitional institutions.^[50]^[51]

Contemporary Relevance and Impact

Influence on Modern Movements

Communization theory has exerted a limited but discernible influence on fringe elements within contemporary radical activism, particularly through its overlap with insurrectionary anarchism, where it promotes the immediate generalization of communist measures—such as the abolition of wage labor and commodity exchange—amidst unfolding crises rather than preparatory organization. This perspective, articulated by groups like Endnotes and Théorie Communiste, has informed analyses and tactical orientations in post-2008 unrest, framing events like the 2011 London riots as potential ruptures where proletarian self-activity could bypass state-mediated transitions.^[1]^[52] Insurrectionary currents, drawing from precursors such as Tiqqun, integrate communization's emphasis on destroying value-forms during insurrections, influencing small affinity groups that prioritize sabotage and direct expropriation over reformist demands in protests.^[53]^[3] In movements like the French Yellow Vests (Gilets Jaunes) starting November 17, 2018, communization-oriented theorists interpreted road blockades and lootings as embryonic challenges to circulation and value reproduction, urging participants toward escalated communizing dynamics rather than concessions from the state.^[36] Similarly, Endnotes' reflections on global protests since 2011, including Chile's 2019 uprising, highlight an "accumulation of experiences" in mass mobilization that could theoretically precipitate chain-reaction insurrections, though such views remain confined to theoretical journals rather than directing movement strategies.^[54] This influence manifests in publications like Communization and Its Discontents (2011), which blend communization with autonomist and anti-political critiques to contest mainstream interpretations of struggles, fostering a rejection of union or party mediation in favor of immediate social transformation.^[16] Empirically, however, communization's adoption in modern movements has been marginal, lacking the organizational infrastructure to scale beyond sporadic actions or interpretive frameworks; its proponents acknowledge that recent cycles of revolt, from Occupy encampments in 2011 to urban riots, have not sustained the "intense and insurrectionist struggle" required for full communization, often reverting to fragmented or reformist outcomes. Critics within ultra-left circles note that while the theory illuminates limits in proletarian recomposition under neoliberalism, it has not generated viable alternatives, with influences diluted in broader anti-capitalist milieus dominated by horizontalist or identity-focused tactics.^[55]

Assessments of Viability in Current Conditions

Proponents of communization theory, such as those associated with Théorie Communiste, argue that deepening capitalist crises—exemplified by the 2008 financial collapse and the 2020-2022 supply chain disruptions—create openings for immediate abolition of the value-form through proletarian self-activity, bypassing transitional states.^[15] However, empirical evidence indicates no such transition has materialized, with crises instead reinforcing state interventions and capitalist adaptations, as seen in unprecedented monetary expansions totaling over $20 trillion globally post-2008.^[6] Critiques highlight that modern global interdependence, involving intricate supply chains spanning continents (e.g., semiconductor production reliant on East Asian fabrication and Western design), renders localized or spontaneous communization infeasible without inducing widespread shortages and collapse, akin to theoretical warnings of localist experiments leading to starvation.^[5] Economically, communization's rejection of markets and wages inherits the economic calculation problem: without price signals derived from voluntary exchange, planners or assemblies cannot rationally allocate scarce resources, a flaw demonstrated in Mises' analysis where socialism lacks the means to compare factor costs and consumer preferences.^[42] This persists in communization's decentralized vision, as even cyber-physical planning proposals fail to resolve information asymmetries in real-time production for complex goods like pharmaceuticals or aircraft, where iterative market feedback has historically driven efficiency gains.^[56] Incentive structures exacerbate this; immediate communism presumes voluntary labor for collective needs, yet historical communal experiments, from Israeli kibbutzim (where collective farming productivity lagged private sectors by 20-30% before privatization waves in the 1980s) to Yugoslav self-management (ending in hyperinflation exceeding 2,500% annually by 1989), reveal persistent free-rider effects and shirking without material rewards tied to output.^[57] In current conditions of advanced surveillance states, gig economies, and cultural individualism—evident in declining union density to under 10% in the US and EU by 2023—proletarian unity for revolutionary rupture remains absent, with movements like the 2019-2020 global protests fragmenting into identity-based or reformist demands rather than value-form negation.^[58] Strategic critiques note communization's dismissal of organized forms (parties, councils) in favor of spontaneity ignores the need for sustained coordination against counter-revolutionary forces, as historical insurrections (e.g., 1936 Spain, suppressed within months) required defensive structures that theorists retroactively deem incompatible.^[5] Overall, while theoretically appealing to ultra-left circles amid perceived proletarian subsumption, communization lacks demonstrated pathways to scalability, confronting causal barriers rooted in human coordination limits and empirical precedents of inefficiency.^[12]

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