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Fernando Po

Fernando Po, now officially known as , is a volcanic island located in the , approximately 32 kilometers off the coast of , forming the northernmost part of . With an area of about 2,017 square kilometers, it features rugged terrain dominated by three major peaks, including Pico Basile at 3,007 meters, the highest point in the country, and is characterized by dense rainforests, diverse , and a with heavy rainfall. The island has been inhabited since at least 1000 B.C. by the , speakers of a language, who developed agricultural societies before European contact. Discovered by Portuguese explorer Fernão do Pó around 1472 during voyages along the West African coast, it was named after him and initially claimed by , though settlement attempts failed due to resistance from populations and environmental challenges like disease. In 1778, acquired the island through the Treaty of El Pardo from to expand its influence in the slave trade and West African commerce, establishing a colonial presence that intensified in the with anti-slavery activities temporarily using it as a base from 1827 to 1836. Under Spanish rule, Fernando Po became a major cocoa-producing center by the mid-20th century, relying on forced labor from the Bubi and migrant workers from , which sparked revolts and exploitation until independence in 1968 as part of . Today, hosts the national capital on its northern coast, with a of 335,048 (), and remains significant for its ecological reserves, including habitats and volcanic features, while facing challenges from oil-driven economic shifts in the broader nation.

Etymology and Naming

Origin of the Name

The island now known as , formerly Fernando Po, was first sighted by the Portuguese explorer Fernão do Pó in 1472 during his voyages along the West African coast. Struck by its verdant and picturesque landscape, Fernão do Pó initially named it Formosa, meaning "beautiful" in , a designation that reflected the island's lush tropical appearance and the exploratory tradition of honoring natural features with evocative terms. By the late , the name evolved to Fernando Po (or Fernando Pó) as a direct tribute to its discoverer, following the common practice of the era to name newly charted territories after prominent navigators. This renaming solidified around 1494, marking the island's integration into colonial records and mapping efforts. In early 16th-century European maps and documents, the name appeared in variants such as "Fernando Póo" or "Po," reflecting orthographic inconsistencies in transcription and the adaptation of the explorer's surname, which established it as standard nomenclature in colonial contexts. The name Fernando Po persisted through centuries of European administration until 1979, when it was changed to as part of post-independence Africanization policies in to honor the indigenous Bubi name.

Historical Name Changes

The island, originally named by explorer Fernão do Pó in the , underwent its first major official name alteration following the cession from to through the Treaty of El Pardo in 1778. This treaty transferred control of the island—along with —to in exchange for Spanish concessions in , particularly territories near the . Under administration, the name was adapted to "Fernando Poo" (often accented as Fernando Póo), reflecting phonetic and orthographic adjustments in , and the island was integrated into the broader territory known as . The name "Fernando Poo" persisted throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, even during periods of foreign involvement. Notably, from to 1843, leased naval bases on the island to for anti-slavery operations in the ; during this time, British documents and maps consistently referred to it as "Fernando Po," maintaining the core nomenclature while anglicizing the spelling slightly. This retention underscored the island's colonial continuity under Spanish sovereignty, despite temporary administrative arrangements, and the name remained in use as formalized its colonial structure in 1904. Following Equatorial Guinea's independence from in 1968, the island's name evolved amid post-colonial and political upheaval. In 1973, under President , it was renamed Macías Nguema Biyogo Island as part of a broader campaign to erase colonial influences and assert African identity, though the change also personalized the nomenclature after the leader himself. After Macías Nguema's overthrow in a 1979 coup led by , the name was changed again to , reviving the indigenous Bubi term to honor local ethnic roots and fully reject both colonial and dictatorial legacies.

Geography

Location and Physical Features

Fernando Po, now known as , is an island situated in the , off the western coast of , approximately 32 kilometers southwest of the Cameroonian mainland and about 160 kilometers northwest of Equatorial Guinea's continental region of . Its central coordinates are roughly 3°30′N 8°42′E, placing it within the . The island covers a total land area of 2,017 square kilometers, making it the largest component of Equatorial Guinea's insular territory. It is administratively divided into two provinces: in the north, which is more urbanized and home to the of , and Bioko Sur in the south, characterized by rural landscapes and extensive forested areas. This division reflects the island's varied , with northern coastal plains supporting denser settlement and southern interiors dominated by natural terrain. Geologically, Bioko is of volcanic origin, forming part of the Cameroon Volcanic Line—a chain of volcanic features extending from the African mainland into . The island consists primarily of basaltic shield volcanoes that emerged over the past million years, with soils enriched by contributing to its fertile profile. Key features include the central Pico Basile, the highest peak in at 3,007 meters, and dormant volcanic structures such as the San Carlos caldera in the southwest, which spans about 5.5 kilometers and exemplifies the island's ancient eruptive history. These elements define Bioko's rugged , rising from coastal lowlands to interior highlands.

Climate and Biodiversity

Fernando Po, now known as Island, features an equatorial characterized by high humidity levels throughout the year, with average temperatures ranging from 25°C to 30°C and minimal seasonal variation. The island experiences a bimodal rainfall pattern, with primary peaks from to and secondary peaks from to , resulting in annual totals of 1,800 to 3,000 mm, though amounts can exceed 10,000 mm in southern highland areas like San Antonio de Ureca. These conditions support lush but also contribute to frequent and mist, particularly in montane regions. The island's biodiversity is concentrated in its diverse ecosystems, including lowland rainforests, montane s reaching elevations over 2,000 meters, and coastal mangroves that serve as critical habitats for marine-terrestrial transitions. hosts several endemic , such as the (Piliocolobus pennantii pennantii), which inhabits the dense canopies, alongside other like the (Mandrillus leucophaeus poensis). The avifauna is particularly rich, with over 300 bird recorded, including endemics like the Fernando Po batis (Batis poensis) and various forest specialists that thrive in the undisturbed interiors. These ecosystems also encompass a variety of reptiles, amphibians, and nesting sea turtles, underscoring 's role as a in the . Environmental threats to Bioko's biodiversity include deforestation driven by agricultural expansion, such as cocoa and subsistence farming, which has converted significant lowland forest areas into plantations. Oil exploration activities offshore and on the island pose additional risks, including potential habitat disruption and pollution from spills or infrastructure development. To counter these pressures, the Gran Caldera de Luba Scientific Reserve was established in 2000, encompassing approximately 510 km² of pristine lowland and montane forests that protect key endemic populations and maintain ecological connectivity across the island's volcanic terrain, which enhances soil fertility through nutrient-rich volcanic ash.

History

Pre-Colonial Period

The island of Fernando Po, now known as , was inhabited by Bantu-speaking groups as part of the broader from the mainland, with the primary indigenous , the Bubi (also called Bube), arriving around 2000 years ago during the period via dugout canoes from regions near modern-day and . Bubi oral traditions describe encountering a pre-existing of more robust individuals, termed Balettérimo, upon their settlement, though archaeological evidence for these earlier inhabitants remains limited to scattered pre-Neolithic lithic tools without a firm chronological sequence. Bubi society was organized into matrilineal clans, where , , and social ties were traced through the female line, emphasizing networks that structured community life and . These decentralized villages were governed by kings known as ciokos, who held political and religious authority over local affairs, fostering a system of chieftainships that maintained social order without centralized state structures. Economic subsistence relied on a mix of along the coasts, in the island's forests, and of staple crops such as yams and bananas, which supported self-sufficient communities adapted to the volcanic terrain. Archaeological findings, including pottery sherds and polished stone tools from sites like Carboneras Beach, date to around the and reflect technological advancements linked to traditions, such as grinding stones and subsistence implements. These artifacts, often associated with mixed subsistence remains like shell middens, suggest active trade networks with mainland for goods, integrating into regional exchange systems prior to European contact.

Portuguese Exploration and Early Colonization

The Portuguese exploration of Fernando Po began in the context of the Age of Discovery, with navigator Fernão do Pó charting the island in 1472 during expeditions sponsored under the royal contract of Fernão Gomes, who continued the exploratory initiatives initiated by . Do Pó, sailing along the West African coast in search of trade routes to and sources of and , sighted the volcanic island in the and named it Ilha Formosa ("Beautiful Island") due to its lush vegetation. This voyage established Portugal's initial claim to the territory, marking the first documented European contact with the island, which was already inhabited by the . By the early 16th century, Portuguese interest shifted toward exploiting the island for the burgeoning , leading to the establishment of temporary outposts along the coast for capturing and holding enslaved Africans destined for , , and transatlantic shipments to the . These efforts resulted in limited permanent settlements, as Portuguese colonizers faced fierce resistance from the Bubi, who defended their highlands through guerrilla tactics and avoidance of coastal lowlands, alongside high mortality from tropical diseases such as and . Consequently, Fernando Po primarily served as a provisioning stop for Portuguese ships en route across , supplying fresh water, timber, and food while facilitating irregular slave raids rather than sustained occupation. Formal colonization attempts intensified in the mid-17th century amid 's restoration of independence from in 1640, with renewed efforts to secure holdings through fortified outposts to support limited plantations. These initiatives faltered due to ongoing Bubi hostilities, logistical challenges, and the island's marginal economic value compared to mainland African factories. By 1778, under the Treaty of El Pardo, ceded Fernando Po to in exchange for territorial concessions in , abandoning the island owing to administrative strains on its overstretched empire and escalating diplomatic conflicts with over colonial boundaries.

Spanish Colonial Era

In 1778, Spain acquired Fernando Po from through the Treaty of El Pardo, exchanging it for the South American territory of and aiming to establish a foothold in West African trade networks. Initial Spanish settlement efforts faltered due to disease and resistance, leading to a brief British interlude from 1827 to 1843, during which the leased the island as a base for suppressing the slave trade with Spain's consent and founded the settlement of Port Clarence (present-day ). Spain reasserted control in 1843, renaming Port Clarence as Santa Isabel and developing it as the primary administrative center to facilitate governance and settlement. During the , Spanish colonial policy emphasized resource extraction, particularly through the development of plantations that became a cornerstone of the island's economy. These plantations relied heavily on forced labor from the indigenous Bubi population, whose lands were increasingly expropriated for agricultural expansion, supplemented by imported workers from and to meet labor demands. This system gave rise to the emancipados community, comprising freed slaves resettled from British anti-slave trade operations in and , who formed a creolized group of smallholders and laborers integrated into colonial society. By the late , exports had transformed Fernando Po into a key producer, though exploitative practices perpetuated and Bubi marginalization. In the early , colonial repression intensified against Bubi resistance to land loss and labor coercion, exemplified by the suppression of uprisings such as the 1906 revolt, where forced labor mandates required Bubi men to work on plantations for up to two years. This era saw ongoing expropriation of Bubi territories for cocoa expansion, fostering deep-seated grievances. In 1959, amid protests by Bubi leaders against land expropriation and fears of domination by mainland migrants, integrated Fernando Po into the newly formed colony via the Law of Provincialization, dissolving patronage systems and granting limited cooperative rights to Bubi groups while consolidating colonial control.

Path to Independence and Modern Era

In the , nationalist movements gained momentum in , with the on Fernando Po advocating for greater or even separation of the island from the mainland , often with tacit Spanish encouragement to counter unified independence demands. Meanwhile, the ethnic group, predominant on the mainland, pushed for full sovereignty over the entire territory through organizations like the , reflecting broader anti-colonial aspirations influenced by international pressures from the . These developments culminated in Spain granting limited autonomy to the territory in 1963, followed by complete independence on October 12, 1968, when became the Republic of ; Fernando Po was redesignated as Province within this new nation. Following independence, , a politician, assumed the presidency and rapidly consolidated power into a brutal that lasted from 1968 to 1979, characterized by widespread abuses and ethnic favoritism toward the . The Bubi population on faced intense under his regime, including mass executions, forced labor, and , as Macías viewed them as threats due to their historical aspirations and perceived opposition. This period also saw external tensions, as 's proximity to drew it into the aftermath of the (1967–1970), where the island had served as a logistical base for Biafran relief efforts, leading to lingering regional instabilities though no formal occupation occurred. In August 1979, , Macías's nephew and a military officer, led a coup that overthrew and executed the , establishing a new regime under the Supreme Military Council. Obiang's rule initially promised reforms, but it evolved into another authoritarian system, albeit one that stabilized the country somewhat. The discovery of significant offshore oil reserves in the mid-1990s, particularly the Zafiro field in 1995, sparked an economic boom that dramatically increased Equatorial Guinea's GDP, positioning as a key hub for oil-related activities due to its ports and infrastructure. However, this windfall exacerbated social inequalities, with oil revenues largely benefiting the elite while much of the population, including on , continued to face , limited access to services, and entrenched . Obiang has maintained power through subsequent elections, including victories in and , amid ongoing international criticism for suppressing opposition, media freedom restrictions, and violations. As of 2025, the regime continues to rely heavily on exports, which account for over 90% of revenues, but face declining and calls for diversification, while socioeconomic disparities persist despite nominal GDP .

Administration and Politics

Integration into Equatorial Guinea

Following independence from in 1968, the island of —formerly Fernando Pó—was administratively divided into two provinces: in the north and Bioko Sur in the south, establishing a framework for its integration into the newly formed Republic of . , located on , was designated as the national capital, which centralized key governmental functions on the island despite the mainland region of housing the majority of the population and exerting significant demographic influence. This structure reinforced Bioko's political prominence within the , positioning it as the seat of executive authority even as power dynamics favored mainland elites in subsequent decades. In August 2024, President appointed Manuel Osa Nsue Nsua as Prime Minister in , succeeding and continuing the pattern of centralized decision-making on the island. Separatist sentiments among the indigenous , who form the majority on , have persistently challenged this integration, rooted in perceptions of marginalization and cultural erosion since . In 1993, Bubi radicals formed the Movimiento para la Autodeterminación de la Isla de Bioko (MAIB), advocating for Bioko's autonomy or to address the community's exclusion from and resources. The group's activities escalated into protests and an electoral that year, prompting a harsh crackdown; security forces suppressed the uprising, arresting leaders and imposing restrictions that forced the MAIB to operate clandestinely thereafter. These events highlighted ongoing tensions, with the Bubi facing waves of repression in the 1970s and 1990s that stifled demands for greater . Bioko continues to play a pivotal role in Equatorial Guinea's national politics and economy, underscoring its integrated yet unequal status. The island hosts the in , serving as the primary residence for the and symbolizing centralized authority amid the country's authoritarian governance. Economically, Bioko functions as a key hub due to its proximity to major offshore oil and gas fields in the , including the Zafiro and fields, which have driven national revenue since discoveries in the and positioned the island's Punta Europa terminal as a critical processing center. In 2024, exited operations at the Zafiro field, with state-owned GEPetrol assuming control, sustaining Bioko's importance in oil and gas exports despite shifting international partnerships. This resource wealth has bolstered Bioko's strategic importance, though benefits have disproportionately accrued to the rather than local Bubi communities.

Administrative Divisions and Governance

Fernando Po, now known as , is administratively divided into two provinces: in the northern part of the island, which encompasses the district (including the national capital, ) and the Baney district, and Bioko Sur in the southern region, covering the rural areas around Luba and the Riaba district. Each province is headed by a appointed directly by the of , ensuring centralized control over regional administration. At the local level, governance is managed through municipal councils, known as ayuntamientos, particularly in major towns such as and Luba, which are responsible for delivering essential services including education, healthcare, and basic infrastructure maintenance. These councils operate under the overarching influence of the ruling (PDGE), which dominates all levels of local administration and ensures alignment with national policies. Governance on Bioko faces significant challenges, including widespread allegations of that undermine effective administration and service delivery across provincial and municipal structures. Additionally, representation of the indigenous , who form a key ethnic group on the island, remains limited in national assemblies and local bodies due to and the PDGE's dominance, restricting broader participation in processes.

Demographics

Population Distribution

The population of Bioko Island is estimated at approximately 490,000 as of 2024, representing about 27% of 's total population of 1,796,000. This uneven distribution is characterized by heavy concentration in the northern region, where over 80% of residents live in urban areas centered on , the capital and primary port city with a population of around 297,000 (latest available estimate, 2018). The northern urban focus stems from Malabo's roles in administration, commerce, and , contributing to an overall rate of 74.4% across Equatorial Guinea in 2023, with Bioko exemplifying this trend through its two major districts: and the more densely populated Malabo area. In contrast, the southern part of remains sparsely populated, with an estimated 40,000 residents primarily in small rural villages such as Riaba, Luba, and , where communities engage in and amid challenging volcanic terrain. This rural density has increased modestly since the 1990s due to from the mainland, spurred by the that began in the mid-1990s and drove urban at an average annual rate of 5.2% during the early . These migrations have gradually heightened settlement pressures in southern villages, though the region still accounts for less than 10% of the island's total inhabitants, maintaining a low of around 23 persons per square kilometer based on earlier data adjusted for growth. Historical settlement patterns have further reinforced this north-south divide, with a notable 19th-century influx of emancipados—liberated Africans resettled from slave ships and colonies—concentrating along the northern and coastal areas to support colonial labor needs in plantations and . This migration, involving several hundred individuals from and Cuba starting in the 1820s and peaking in the 1860s, established early urban nuclei around (then Santa Isabel) and shaped the island's coastal-oriented demographic structure that persists today.

Ethnic Composition and Languages

The ethnic composition of Bioko Island reflects a history of indigenous settlement and significant post-colonial migration. The , the island's original inhabitants and a ethnic group, form a minority comprising approximately 10% of Bioko's , estimated at around to individuals primarily concentrated in the southern regions. Nationally, the Bubi constitute about 6.5-9.4% of Equatorial Guinea's . In contrast, the Fang-Beti peoples from the mainland have become the dominant group on the island, accounting for the majority of residents, largely due to substantial migration following Equatorial Guinea's in 1968, which shifted demographic balances toward Fang dominance. Smaller ethnic communities include the Ndowe and Benga, coastal groups historically involved in and , as well as descendants of the emancipados—Creole-speaking freed from in the and known as Fernandinos—who represent a creolized population blending African, European, and indigenous influences. This diversity contributes to a rich , with the Bubi language (also called Bube), a tongue, spoken by approximately 50,000 people mainly on , though its use is declining among younger generations. Spanish serves as the primary official language across Equatorial Guinea, including Bioko, functioning as the medium of government, education, and media, while French and Portuguese hold co-official status due to regional affiliations. Indigenous and creole languages add complexity, including Fang, Ndowe, and Benga tongues, alongside the widespread Pichi (also known as Pichinglis), an English-lexifier creole pidgin serving as a lingua franca on the island with around 150,000 speakers. Influences from Annobón's Fa d'Ambu pidgin occasionally appear in broader Equatoguinean linguistic exchanges, though Pichi predominates locally. The religious composition features a Catholic majority, comprising over 88% of the population (2015 estimate), alongside Protestant, Muslim, and traditional animist beliefs practiced particularly among indigenous groups.

Economy

Historical Economic Activities

The pre-colonial economy of the Bubi people on Fernando Po was largely subsistence-oriented, centered on , , , and gathering to meet local needs. The Bubi cultivated staple crops such as (cocoyams), yams, and plantains using techniques on the island's volcanic soils, which supported dense forest clearings for farming. These activities were supplemented by coastal for protein and occasional of game, ensuring a self-sufficient system with minimal surplus production due to the perishability of root crops and limited storage methods. Inter-island and mainland trade was conducted through , with the Bubi exchanging local goods like , from forest elephants, and —a valued spice in the —for imported items such as iron tools and cloth from continental African traders. This exchange network was localized and seasonal, focused on coastal settlements, and did not develop into large-scale commerce, reflecting the society's fragmented structure of small districts led by chiefs. The arrival of explorers in 1471 initiated external contacts but initially had limited economic impact beyond sporadic raids. During the Portuguese era from the 16th to 18th centuries, economic activities increasingly revolved around slave trade, with Fernando Po serving as a strategic for traders capturing and exporting enslaved Bubi and other locals to and . While the island was not the primary embarkation point in the —major volumes emanated from nearby ports like those in the —the contributed to and social disruption among the Bubi, with regional estimates indicating tens of thousands of captives shipped annually at its 18th-century peak. and continued as secondary exports, bartered for European goods, but the slave dominated economic interests. The cession of Fernando Po to in 1778 marked a shift toward plantation agriculture under colonial administration, though effective control was delayed until the mid-19th century. was introduced around 1840 from South American varieties via Portuguese Atlantic islands, establishing large-scale plantations worked initially by contracted labor amid Bubi resistance. By 1910, these estates produced approximately 3,000 tons of beans annually, transforming the island into a key exporter within Spain's holdings and driving infrastructure like roads and ports for shipment to . The British lease of Fernando Po from 1827 to 1843, primarily for anti-slave trade naval operations, stimulated short-term through at Clarence Cove (modern ). This period boosted exports of timber from the island's rainforests and from coastal groves, processed and shipped via British vessels to supply depots including , enhancing regional trade networks. These extractive and plantation-based systems up to the mid-20th century set the stage for Equatorial Guinea's later transition to oil dominance.

Contemporary Industries and Challenges

Since the late 1990s, the economy of Equatorial Guinea, including Bioko Island (formerly Fernando Po), has been dominated by offshore oil and gas extraction, which began commercial production in 1996 and now accounts for approximately 50% of GDP and over 70% of government revenues. Key operations are concentrated in the Gulf of Guinea near Bioko, utilizing floating production, storage, and offloading (FPSO) vessels such as the FPSO Aseng, which processes natural gas and condensate from the Alen field, and the Zafiro Producer, handling crude oil output in water depths up to 180 meters. While peak production in fields like Zafiro reached approximately 280,000 barrels per day in 2004, output has declined due to maturing reserves, with ExxonMobil ceasing operations at Zafiro in 2024; the economy contracted by about 5.7% in 2023 as estimated by the African Development Bank. Agriculture remains a foundational sector on , building briefly on colonial-era plantations, but has seen significant decline, with production dropping to around 1,000 metric tons annually as of recent years due to aging trees and limited investment. The , encompassing both industrial by foreign fleets and artisanal canoe-based operations, provides livelihoods for coastal communities but remains underexploited, with total catches around 7,000 metric tons annually as of 2023 under agreements. holds untapped potential, particularly in around sites like Pico Basile, Bioko's highest peak at 3,008 meters within a rich in , yet development is hindered by inadequate , including poor access and limited accommodations. Equatorial Guinea faces substantial economic challenges, including severe wealth inequality, with a of 38.5 as of 2022, reflecting uneven distribution of oil wealth amid widespread poverty. Environmental degradation from oil activities, such as spills in the detected via satellite monitoring, threatens marine ecosystems and fisheries without adequate national response plans or cleanup equipment. The economy's heavy reliance on imports for and essentials exacerbates and vulnerability, while political , characterized by fragile elite power struggles, discourages diversification and foreign investment; a 2026 upstream licensing round was announced in September 2025 to attract new investment.

Culture and Society

Indigenous Bubi Traditions

The of Island maintain a matrilineal system, in which and are traced through the female line, with children belonging to their mother's clan and property passing from mothers to daughters. This structure emphasizes the role of women in perpetuating family lines and social continuity, distinguishing the Bubi from patrilineal groups in mainland . Governance is led by botuku, or kings, selected from royal lineages through a process involving merit and among elders; these rulers, also known as botuku m'oricho or etakio ote, hold authority over districts and villages, wielding absolute power in matters of , , and rituals, often imposing fines or sacrifices for violations. The botuku are advised by councils of elders. Traditional Bubi are deeply intertwined with rituals and life, featuring carvings and used in ceremonies. plays a central role in these practices, providing rhythmic during dances and initiations. Festivals, such as the malanga harvest celebration, mark the end of the with communal feasts, dances, and offerings to ensure future abundance, highlighting the Bubi's agrarian roots and collective harmony. These artistic expressions reinforce social bonds and transmit cultural knowledge across generations. Bubi mythology revolves around creation narratives centered on the supreme god Rupé (or Potó in southern dialects), a benevolent creator who formed the world and its inhabitants, instilling a profound reverence for Bioko's rugged landscapes as sacred sites of origin and power. Volcanic features, including craters and lava fields, are viewed as manifestations of divine domain, where rituals seek to appease forces that could unleash eruptions or tremors as divine warnings. This underscores a of between humans, , and the divine, with stories passed orally to emphasize respect for the island's volatile environment. Colonial rule later suppressed many of these practices, though core elements persist in Bubi identity.

Colonial and Post-Colonial Influences

The arrival of Spanish Catholic missionaries, particularly the Claretian order, in the 1880s marked a pivotal introduction of Christianity to Fernando Po, where they established missions aimed at converting the Bubi population and integrating them into colonial society through and labor systems. These efforts overlaid European religious practices onto the core Bubi traditions of , resulting in syncretic forms of worship that combined Catholic rituals with ancestral among the Bubi. A lasting architectural legacy of this period is the Cathedral of Saint Elizabeth in , constructed between 1897 and 1916 in a neo-Gothic style by Spanish architect Luis Segarra Llairadó, symbolizing the imposition of Iberian ecclesiastical influence on the island's landscape. In the , the settlement of emancipados—freed slaves from —fostered a distinctive culture on Fernando Po, blending , , and elements into a hybrid social fabric. These communities developed languages such as , an English-based that served as a for trade and daily interaction, drawing from West Krio and local Bubi influences. Culinary traditions also reflected this fusion, with dishes like rice-based preparations incorporating plantains, dried meats, and sauces, adapting techniques to island ingredients and seasonings. Following independence in 1968, significant migration of from mainland to intensified, bringing mainland traditions that reshaped island society through demographic dominance and cultural integration. This influx introduced practices such as healing, a traditional Fang system involving herbal remedies and spiritual rituals led by community healers to address physical and supernatural ailments. Concurrently, the since the 1990s has funded modern urban developments in , enabling vibrant youth expressions like scenes, exemplified by corporate-sponsored festivals featuring and that provide spaces for creative and social commentary. Efforts to preserve Bubi culture include programs and annual festivals as of 2023.

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