Freedom and Direct Democracy
Freedom and Direct Democracy (Czech: Svoboda a přímá demokracie, SPD) is a Czech political party founded on 2 June 2015 by businessman Tomio Okamura and lawyer Radim Fiala.[1] The party emphasizes expanding direct democracy through mechanisms like binding referendums and citizen initiatives to empower voters over representative elites.[2] It advocates strict controls on immigration to preserve Czech cultural identity and national security, opposing policies that facilitate mass inflows from incompatible civilizations.[3] SPD promotes Euroscepticism, seeking to renegotiate or exit supranational EU structures that undermine Czech sovereignty, while supporting economic policies favoring domestic industry and energy independence.[4] Led by Okamura, a Japan-born entrepreneur of mixed heritage who entered politics critiquing establishment failures, the party achieved breakthrough in the 2017 parliamentary election with 10.6% of the vote, securing 22 seats, and maintained representation with 20 seats following the 2021 election.[5][6] In the October 2025 parliamentary elections, SPD positioned itself for potential coalition involvement amid shifting alliances, reflecting voter discontent with prior governments' handling of migration, energy costs, and EU mandates.[7] The party's rise highlights tensions between globalist integration and national self-determination in Central Europe, though it faces scrutiny from institutions alleging extremism despite its focus on policy critiques grounded in public referenda and border enforcement.[8]History
Founding and Early Development
Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) was established on May 5, 2015, as a political movement by Tomio Okamura and Radim Fiala, both former members of the Dawn of Direct Democracy (Úsvit přímé demokracie). The formation resulted from internal divisions within Dawn, which Okamura had co-founded in December 2012 and which had secured 6.12% of the vote and 14 seats in the 2013 Czech legislative election. By early 2015, Dawn had fragmented due to leadership disputes and ideological differences, prompting Okamura and Fiala to depart and create SPD to continue advocating for direct democracy mechanisms, such as mandatory referendums on key issues.[9] In its initial phase, SPD positioned itself as a successor to Dawn's populist platform but with a sharper focus on national sovereignty, cultural preservation, and skepticism toward supranational institutions like the European Union. The party registered as a political movement and began organizing, drawing members disillusioned with established parties amid rising public concerns over immigration following the 2015 European migrant crisis. Okamura, leveraging his entrepreneurial background and media presence, emphasized anti-corruption and direct citizen input in governance, attracting support from voters seeking alternatives to mainstream politics.[10] SPD's early parliamentary presence stemmed from its founders' seats; Okamura and Fiala continued as independents in the Chamber of Deputies until the party's formal electoral debut. The movement underwent organizational consolidation, including the adoption of its logo and programmatic documents in 2015, which underscored principles of "Czechs first" in policy-making. This period laid the groundwork for SPD's expansion, culminating in the 2017 legislative election where it garnered 538,574 votes (10.64%), earning 22 seats and establishing itself as a significant opposition force.[10]Establishment of Youth Wing
The youth wing of Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD), known as Mladí SPD or Mladí Espéďáci, was formally launched in late April 2021, marking the party's effort to organize and mobilize younger supporters after operating without a dedicated youth structure since its founding in 2015.[11] This initiative addressed SPD's status as the last Czech parliamentary party lacking such an organization, aiming to engage voters under 35 amid growing youth interest in populist and nationalist themes.[11] The establishment originated from grassroots efforts by SPD's regional activists, with Martin Malášek, a 25-year-old chairman of the party's Hranice branch, serving as the informal leader and driving the formation.[11] Party leadership, including chairman Tomio Okamura, endorsed the group shortly after its inception, granting it advisory status within SPD structures by May 2021 to facilitate policy input on issues like direct democracy, immigration control, and national sovereignty.[11] Membership criteria emphasize individuals aged 15 to 35 with permanent Czech residency, excluding those affiliated with other political entities, to foster independence and alignment with SPD's core platform.[12] Initial activities focused on digital outreach, with the group's Facebook page—launched concurrently with the organizational start—rapidly amassing over 2,200 followers within two months, outpacing youth wings of parties like ANO and the Pirates in early growth metrics.[11] This expansion reflected broader trends in Czech youth politics, where social media served as a primary recruitment tool for right-wing populist groups emphasizing anti-establishment sentiments and cultural preservation.[11] By mid-2021, Mladí SPD positioned itself as a platform for skill-building, networking, and advocacy, aligning with Okamura's vision of empowering youth to secure "freedom and life prospects" through patriotic engagement.[13]Major Political Milestones and Growth
In the October 2017 legislative elections, Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) achieved a breakthrough by securing 10.64% of the vote (538,574 ballots), translating to 22 seats in the 200-seat Chamber of Deputies and marking its formal entry into national parliamentary politics as an opposition party. This result represented rapid growth from a newly formed entity, building on predecessor movements and capitalizing on voter dissatisfaction with established parties amid issues like immigration and EU integration.[14] SPD consolidated its position in subsequent subnational contests, notably gaining seats in the 2016 regional elections across multiple assemblies and expanding to 35 regional councilors by the 2020 regional vote, which underscored organizational maturation and appeal in localized direct democracy advocacy.[1] In the 2021 legislative elections, the party polled 9.56% (447,172 votes), retaining 19 seats despite competition from other populists, thereby sustaining its role in parliamentary debates on referendums and sovereignty.[15] Further growth materialized in European and recent national arenas: SPD's MEP Ivan David was re-elected in the 2024 European Parliament elections amid a broader populist upswing, reflecting heightened Eurosceptic sentiment.[16] By October 2025, following the legislative elections, the party held 20 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, evidencing resilience and incremental expansion to a stable base of roughly 10% national support, bolstered by informal alliances with like-minded groups.[1] This trajectory highlights SPD's evolution from fringe challenger to entrenched opposition player, with consistent electoral thresholds enabling influence on policy referendums and cultural issues.[4]Ideology and Policy Positions
Advocacy for Direct Democracy and Referendums
The Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) party, founded on June 2, 2015, by Tomio Okamura and Radim Fiala, centers its ideology on expanding direct democratic mechanisms to address perceived shortcomings in representative systems, such as elite detachment from public will.[1] The party's name explicitly signals this priority, positioning direct democracy as essential for genuine sovereignty and accountability, drawing on the legacy of Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk's emphasis on civic freedom and popular participation.[17] SPD argues that systemic reforms, including binding referendums, are necessary to establish "true democracy without appropriation," where citizens can override parliamentary decisions on key issues. A primary proposal is the enactment of a national referendum law enabling binding, decisive votes on constitutional and policy matters, which the Czech Republic lacks at the federal level despite provisions for local and regional referendums.[18] SPD has consistently advocated for this since entering parliament in 2017, claiming to be the only such party reliably supporting referendum initiatives.[19] In September 2021, following legislative elections, party leader Tomio Okamura demanded that any potential government coalition propose legislation allowing referendums on EU membership, including a potential "Czexit," as a precondition for SPD's external support.[20] This stance reflects SPD's view that referendums should cover sovereignty-threatening issues like supranational integration, with thresholds set to ensure majority legitimacy without elite vetoes. SPD extends advocacy beyond EU matters to broader citizen empowerment, including proposals for recall mechanisms against underperforming officials and petition-driven legislative reviews, though the party has prioritized referendum laws in parliamentary debates.[21] In September 2024, SPD deputy Radim Fiala reiterated unwavering support for a public-deciding referendum framework, underscoring the party's role in pushing stalled bills co-sponsored by multiple parties, including communists and social democrats.[19] [21] Critics, including mainstream outlets, have noted that SPD's focus on referendums aligns with Eurosceptic goals but risks polarizing outcomes on migration and foreign policy, yet the party maintains these tools enhance rather than undermine stability by aligning governance with empirical public preferences.[20] ![A coloured voting box.svg.png][float-right] SPD's predecessor, Dawn of Direct Democracy (founded 2012), similarly championed these ideas before internal splits led to SPD's formation, carrying forward demands for at least 500,000-signature thresholds for initiating referendums on taxes, treaties, and constitutional amendments.[22] By 2025, amid ongoing government formation talks post-elections, SPD continued leveraging its 15-20 seats to press for such reforms, arguing that without them, parliamentary majorities perpetuate unaccountable rule.[23] This advocacy has garnered support from 7-12% of voters in recent polls, reflecting public frustration with indirect representation amid economic pressures.[24]Nationalism, Immigration, and Cultural Preservation
The Freedom and Direct Democracy party emphasizes Czech nationalism by prioritizing the interests of Czech citizens in policy decisions, including employment opportunities and social benefits, under the slogan "ČR na 1. místě" (Czech Republic first).[25] This stance reflects a commitment to national sovereignty, with proposals to hold a referendum on Czech membership in the European Union and to exit international agreements perceived as limiting autonomy, such as those with the World Health Organization.[25] The party's platform argues that such measures are essential to safeguard Czech self-determination against supranational influences.[25] On immigration, SPD advocates zero tolerance for illegal migration, including strengthened border controls through the "Pevnost Česko" (Fortress Czechia) initiative and automatic revocation of residence permits for foreigners committing crimes via a "Jednou a dost" (Once and enough) law.[25] The party opposes the EU Migration Pact and seeks to review all asylum permits, deport illegal entrants, and restrict social benefits to Czech citizens only, excluding foreigners and non-assimilating individuals.[25] These policies gained traction following the 2015 European migrant crisis, contributing to the party's 10.6% vote share in the 2017 parliamentary elections, where anti-immigration sentiment was a key campaign theme.[26] Regarding cultural preservation, SPD promotes the principle "Naše země – naše pravidla" (Our country – our rules), enforcing Czech laws, values, language, culture, and history while banning the public spread of Islamic ideology to prevent cultural dilution.[25] Leader Tomio Okamura has publicly warned against Islamization, advocating symbolic acts of resistance such as walking pigs near mosques, which underscore the party's view of Islam as incompatible with Czech secular traditions.[27] This approach prioritizes assimilation for any permitted immigrants and rejects multiculturalism in favor of preserving homogeneous national identity, as evidenced by proposals to limit cheap foreign labor that could undermine local cultural and economic cohesion.[25][28]Stance on European Union and NATO
The Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) party advocates for Czech sovereignty through direct democratic mechanisms, including referendums on major international commitments, with a particular emphasis on scrutinizing European Union membership. Party leader Tomio Okamura has repeatedly called for a "Czexit" referendum to allow citizens to vote on continued EU participation, arguing that the union undermines national decision-making and imposes unwanted policies on migration, economics, and bureaucracy.[29][3] This Eurosceptic position aligns with SPD's broader nationalist ideology, prioritizing Czech interests over supranational integration, as evidenced by the party's opposition to EU-wide pacts on migration and fiscal transfers.[4] Regarding NATO, SPD supports the alliance as a cornerstone of Czech security, particularly in light of Russian aggression in Ukraine, but insists on public referendums for any significant changes to membership or commitments to ensure democratic legitimacy.[30] Okamura has welcomed coalition agreements affirming firm NATO anchorage while excluding membership from referendum scopes, indicating pragmatic acceptance of the status quo amid geopolitical threats, though the party's platform reflects underlying caution toward automatic alignment without voter input.[31] This stance contrasts with more outright anti-Atlanticist positions in some European populist movements, positioning SPD as conditionally supportive of NATO for deterrence purposes while rejecting uncritical loyalty to multilateral structures.[32]Economic Policies and State Intervention
The Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) party promotes economic policies centered on national sovereignty, protectionism, and targeted state measures to shield Czech citizens from globalist pressures and EU mandates. It opposes the European Union's Green Deal, arguing that its environmental regulations impose undue costs on Czech industry and households, and advocates instead for extending coal plant operations alongside nuclear energy development to ensure affordable domestic energy supplies.[33][34] The party pledges to lower energy and food prices through subsidies for Czech farmers and restrictions on imports that undermine local production, reflecting a preference for economic nationalism over free-market liberalization.[33] Regarding state intervention, SPD supports selective government involvement to prioritize Czech welfare and security, such as low- or zero-interest loans for housing cooperatives, accelerated permitting for domestic construction, and bans on foreign real estate purchases to prevent speculative inflation.[33] It defends national control over tax and budget policies, rejecting "banking socialism" and any transfers of Czech funds to bail out foreign banks or institutions, as outlined in its foundational positions.[14] On social welfare, the party favors maintaining the retirement age at 65 to avoid straining public finances through extensions that could burden working-age taxpayers, while emphasizing direct democratic referendums on major fiscal decisions to curb elite-driven interventions.[33] These stances position SPD against expansive EU economic integration, favoring instead a model where state action serves ethno-national priorities, such as protecting local agriculture from competition and insulating the economy from supranational fiscal rules. Critics from liberal economic circles contend this approach risks isolation and inefficiency, but SPD maintains it counters the asymmetries of globalization that disadvantage smaller nations like Czechia.[14][35]Organizational Structure and Leadership
Leadership Under Tomio Okamura
Tomio Okamura founded Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) on May 1, 2015, and has served as its chairman continuously since inception, shaping it as a successor to his earlier Dawn of Direct Democracy movement after internal splits in 2015.[4] Under his direction, the party has prioritized organizational centralization, with Okamura personally overseeing candidate nominations, policy formulation, and media strategy, reflecting a personalist model common in entrepreneurial political ventures.[36] This approach enabled SPD's breakthrough in the October 2017 parliamentary elections, where it captured 10.64% of the vote and 22 seats in the 200-seat Chamber of Deputies, establishing it as a key opposition force.[4] Born July 4, 1972, in Tokyo to a Czech mother and Japanese father, Okamura acquired Czech citizenship and relocated to the country in the 1990s, building a business portfolio in tourism and finance before pivoting to politics in 2013.[28] His leadership emphasizes populist appeals via social media and direct voter engagement, including advocacy for mandatory referendums on EU treaties and immigration, which propelled SPD to 9.56% and 20 seats in the 2021 elections despite pandemic-era challenges.[29] Okamura has navigated controversies, such as public criticisms of institutional figures, including a October 2025 statement threatening removal of the national police president over alleged mismanagement, underscoring his confrontational style toward established powers.[37] In post-2025 election maneuvers, Okamura positioned SPD for potential governance alliances, proposing cooperation with ANO on October 6, 2025, while insisting on direct cabinet roles to amplify direct democracy reforms like abolishing the Senate and curbing EU influence.[38] His tenure has sustained membership growth to approximately 5,000 active members by 2024, though internal dynamics remain leader-dependent, with limited delegation of authority to deputies amid occasional factional tensions.[6] Okamura's strategic use of digital advertising, including targeted Meta campaigns exceeding thousands of euros in 2025 despite regulatory scrutiny, has bolstered visibility and voter mobilization.[39]Membership Demographics and Internal Dynamics
The Freedom and Direct Democracy party operates under a highly centralized leadership structure dominated by its founder and chairman, Tomio Okamura, who has maintained unchallenged authority since the party's formation in 2015 following a split from the Dawn of Direct Democracy movement.[36] This top-down model prioritizes the leader's strategic decisions over broad intra-party consultation, fostering operational efficiency but limiting internal debate and democratic processes within the organization.[14] No significant factions or ideological splits have emerged publicly, attributable to Okamura's charismatic appeal and the party's focus on unified messaging around nationalism and direct democracy, which has sustained cohesion amid electoral ups and downs.[4] Membership remains modest in scale compared to established Czech parties, with no official figures disclosed by the party as of 2025, reflecting a reliance on dedicated activists rather than mass enrollment.[40] The absence of detailed public data on member profiles underscores the party's selective recruitment, drawing individuals aligned with its anti-immigration and Eurosceptic stances, often from regions with economic grievances or cultural preservation concerns. Internal dynamics emphasize loyalty to Okamura's vision, with youth involvement channeled through affiliated groups rather than autonomous branches, minimizing generational or regional tensions.[41] Occasional public criticisms of party discipline, such as Okamura's direct interventions in candidate selections, highlight a hierarchical culture that prioritizes electoral viability over pluralism.[37]Affiliated Groups and Youth Involvement
The Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) party operates a youth organization called Mladí SPD, which positions itself as the representative voice of the younger generation advocating for freedom, patriotism, direct democracy, and the preservation of Czech national interests.[42] Established to engage individuals aged 15 and older with permanent residency in the Czech Republic, the group emphasizes personal development, political independence from other parties, and active participation in party initiatives without formal membership barriers beyond basic eligibility criteria.[12] Mladí SPD, also referred to interchangeably as Mladí Espéďáci in party communications, participates in recruitment drives, public campaigns, and electoral activities aligned with SPD's core platform, including opposition to EU integration and advocacy for referendums on key issues like euro adoption.[43] The organization has demonstrated youth involvement through social media outreach and local events, such as candidate endorsements in Prague municipal elections, where members promote SPD-aligned positions on sovereignty and immigration controls.[43] In terms of international ties, Mladí SPD representatives have forged connections with youth affiliates of like-minded European parties, including invitations to events hosted by the youth wing of Germany's Alternative for Germany (AfD), reflecting shared Eurosceptic and nationalist priorities as part of broader SPD efforts to build cross-border networks.[44] Domestically, the party lacks formally registered affiliated groups beyond this youth structure and occasional informal coalitions with smaller entities like Trikolora, though it established a nonprofit think-tank in 2022 to channel state funding into policy research supporting its patriotic agenda.[45] Youth engagement remains a focal point for sustaining party vitality, with Mladí SPD contributing to membership recruitment amid SPD's overall base of approximately 10,682 registered members as of recent counts.Electoral Performance
Chamber of Deputies Results
In the 2017 Czech parliamentary election held on 20–21 October, Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) achieved a breakthrough, garnering 538,574 votes, which represented 10.64% of the valid votes cast, securing 22 seats in the 200-seat Chamber of Deputies. This result marked the party's entry into the national legislature following its founding in 2015, capitalizing on voter dissatisfaction with established parties amid debates over immigration and EU policies.[4] The 2021 election on 8–9 October saw SPD receive 512,925 votes, equating to 9.56% of the vote share, yielding 20 seats—a marginal decline of two mandates from 2017. The party maintained its opposition role, focusing campaign efforts on direct democracy initiatives and opposition to government handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, though turnout rose to 65.41% and fragmented the vote among coalitions.[46] In the 2025 election conducted on 3–4 October, SPD obtained approximately 7.8% of the votes, resulting in 15 seats, reflecting a further reduction of five seats amid rising support for ANO and challenges from newer populist entrants.[47][48] Official results confirmed the party's continued parliamentary presence but underscored electoral volatility, with SPD's platform emphasizing referendums and national sovereignty failing to reverse the downward trend in seat share.[23]| Election Year | Votes Received | Vote Percentage | Seats Won | Seat Change |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2017 | 538,574 | 10.64% | 22 | – |
| 2021 | 512,925 | 9.56% | 20 | 2 |
| 2025 | ~330,000 (est.) | 7.8% | 15 | 5 |