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Incomes policy

Incomes policy constitutes a deliberate government intervention in wage and price formation processes, primarily aimed at moderating inflation by limiting increases in labor compensation and often product prices.^[1]^[2] These measures, ranging from voluntary guidelines to mandatory controls, seek to align income growth with productivity gains or monetary targets, thereby curbing cost-push inflationary pressures without relying solely on restrictive monetary or fiscal policies.^[3] Historically implemented during wartime emergencies or postwar inflationary episodes, such as the United Kingdom's controls during World War II or the United States' 1971 Economic Stabilization Program under President Nixon, incomes policies have demonstrated short-term success in suppressing price rises but frequently eroded over time due to evasion, black markets, and pent-up wage demands.^[4] Empirical assessments reveal persistent challenges, including distorted labor markets, reduced work incentives, and failure to resolve underlying inflationary drivers like excessive money supply growth, leading to policy collapses and subsequent economic disruptions.^[4]^[5] A consensus among economists, grounded in market-clearing principles, holds that such interventions interfere with price signals essential for efficient resource allocation, rendering long-term efficacy doubtful despite occasional advocacy for targeted applications.^[6]^[7]

Definition and Overview

Core Definition and Scope

Incomes policy refers to deliberate government interventions aimed at restraining the rate of increase in nominal incomes, primarily wages paid to labor and occasionally profits or prices received by capital, as a means to curb inflation without exclusive reliance on monetary or fiscal contraction. These measures typically involve setting economy-wide targets or guidelines for permissible income growth, often calibrated to expected productivity gains or inflation objectives, and may be implemented through voluntary agreements, exhortatory appeals to unions and employers, or statutory limits.^[8]^[9] Such policies emerged as responses to perceived wage-price spirals, where rapid wage hikes fuel cost-push inflation, prompting authorities to seek coordination among economic agents to align income adjustments with macroeconomic stability.^[1] The scope of incomes policy is broadly macroeconomic, targeting aggregate distributive shares rather than individual firm-level pricing or isolated labor markets, and it contrasts with pure price controls by emphasizing negotiated restraint over outright freezes. It can encompass both informal "jawboning"—public pronouncements urging moderation—and formalized frameworks like tripartite pacts involving government, labor, and business, though effectiveness hinges on enforceability and acceptance amid varying degrees of compulsion.^[10] Excluded from this scope are supply-side reforms or tax-based incentives, which address underlying productivity rather than nominal restraint, and policies focused solely on fiscal transfers without income growth caps.^[11] Historically applied during periods of high inflation, such as the 1960s and 1970s when annual wage increases exceeded 10% in several OECD economies, incomes policy seeks to break inflationary expectations by signaling commitment to low nominal growth, though it risks suppressing real wage adjustments if productivity lags.^[8]

Objectives and Implementation Methods

The primary objective of incomes policy is to restrain the rate at which money incomes rise, thereby curbing inflationary pressures arising from wage and price spirals, particularly in economies facing cost-push inflation where strong labor unions or market imperfections amplify wage demands beyond productivity gains.^[1]^[10] This approach seeks to improve the short-run tradeoff between inflation and unemployment, allowing governments to pursue full employment without solely relying on contractionary monetary or fiscal policies that could exacerbate joblessness.^[4] Secondary aims include countering structural rigidities in labor and product markets, such as oligopolistic pricing power, and fostering productivity-linked bargaining to align income growth with economic output.^[12] Implementation methods vary by degree of coercion and economic context, ranging from voluntary guidelines to mandatory controls. Voluntary approaches, often used in the initial stages of policy adoption, involve government-issued targets for wage settlements—typically pegged to average productivity growth plus a small allowance for price stability—disseminated through advisory bodies or public exhortation to unions and employers.^[4] For instance, the U.S. Council of Economic Advisers under Presidents Kennedy and Johnson established informal guideposts in 1962, recommending non-inflationary wage increases of 3-4% annually, which were monitored but not legally enforced, relying instead on moral suasion and the threat of tighter fiscal measures.^[4] More directive methods employ statutory mechanisms, such as wage-price freezes or ceilings enforced by regulatory agencies with powers to review settlements, impose penalties, or mandate referrals for approval.^[3] In the United Kingdom, the 1966-1967 policy under Prime Minister Harold Wilson introduced a 3.4% wage norm via the Prices and Incomes Board, escalating to "cooling-off" periods and fines for non-compliance by 1968, though evasion through productivity deals often undermined enforcement. Tax-based incentives, like surtaxes on excessive profits or wage hikes exceeding norms, provide another tool, as seen in proposals during the U.S. Nixon administration's Phase II controls from 1972-1974, where the Cost of Living Council administered price approvals tied to cost justifications.^[4] These methods frequently incorporate tripartite negotiations involving government, labor, and business to build consensus, though historical evidence indicates short-term efficacy often fades as workarounds emerge, such as deferred raises or fringe benefit substitutions.^[3]^[4]

Theoretical Foundations

Rationale from Keynesian and Cost-Push Perspectives

In Keynesian economics, incomes policies serve as a supplementary instrument to macroeconomic demand management, enabling governments to curb inflation while sustaining high employment levels. Proponents argue that during periods of near-full employment, unrestricted wage bargaining can generate inflationary pressures through excess aggregate demand, as workers' claims on income exceed productivity gains. By establishing voluntary or mandatory guidelines for wage and price increases—typically pegged to productivity growth plus a modest allowance for structural inflation—such policies mitigate the need for sharp fiscal or monetary contractions that might otherwise induce recessions. This approach aligns with the Keynesian emphasis on stabilizing output gaps, as articulated in frameworks where aggregate demand influences economic fluctuations, allowing expansionary policies to proceed without spiraling price expectations.^[13]^[14] Post-Keynesian variants further justify incomes policies as essential for reconciling distributional conflicts in a demand-led growth model. Here, the rationale centers on preventing wage-price spirals that erode real incomes and undermine investment; without coordination, profit margins and labor shares compete, potentially destabilizing the economy even absent demand excesses. Empirical advocacy, such as in analyses of 1960s stagflation episodes, posits that incomes policies facilitate "social contracts" where wage restraint is traded for public investments in welfare or infrastructure, preserving demand without monetarist-style unemployment sacrifices.^[14]^[15] From a cost-push inflation viewpoint, incomes policies target the wage component of rising production costs, which can propagate through the economy via secondary rounds of price adjustments. Cost-push dynamics arise when exogenous shocks—such as energy price surges or import cost hikes—elevate unit labor costs if wages fail to adjust downward in real terms, prompting firms to pass on expenses and workers to seek compensatory raises. Incomes policies interrupt this feedback loop by capping nominal wage settlements below expected inflation rates, thereby anchoring cost structures and averting sustained supply-side inflation. This is particularly rationalized in contexts where monetary tightening alone exacerbates output losses without addressing root cost rigidities, as wages exhibit downward stickiness due to union power or contractual norms.^[9]^[5]^[16] Critics within Keynesian circles acknowledge limitations, noting that without credible enforcement or productivity-aligned norms, policies may merely defer inflation or distort relative prices, but advocates maintain their efficacy in breaking inertial expectations formed during high-inflation regimes like the 1970s oil crises.^[17]^[18]

Critiques from Monetarist and Austrian Economics Views

Monetarists, led by figures such as Milton Friedman, contend that incomes policies fail to address the fundamental cause of inflation, which they identify as excessive growth in the money supply rather than wage-price spirals.^[19] Friedman emphasized that such controls offer only temporary suppression of price increases, as ongoing monetary expansion eventually erodes their effects, leading to renewed inflation once controls are lifted.^[20] He rejected incomes policies as symptomatic treatments, arguing they distort relative prices and resource allocation without curbing the underlying monetary disequilibrium.^[6] In practice, Friedman warned against specific implementations like the U.S. wage-price controls under President Nixon in 1971, predicting they would exacerbate shortages and inefficiencies while failing to reduce inflation sustainably.^[21] Monetarists view these policies as incompatible with sound monetary restraint, which requires steady, predictable money supply growth to stabilize prices without interventionist distortions.^[22] Historical episodes, such as the post-1971 U.S. inflation surge after controls ended, are cited as empirical validation of these critiques, underscoring that controls delay adjustment but amplify volatility.^[20] Austrian economists, including Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek, criticize incomes policies for interfering with the price system's role in coordinating decentralized knowledge and facilitating efficient resource use.^[23] Hayek argued that prices aggregate dispersed, tacit information across individuals, enabling adaptive market processes; wage and price controls sever this mechanism, resulting in misallocated resources, shortages, and surpluses as signals for scarcity or abundance are obscured.^[24] Mises extended this to a broader theory of interventionism, positing that partial controls like incomes policies create imbalances that necessitate further government actions, trapping economies in a cycle toward full socialization or market restoration.^[25] Mises specifically analyzed wage controls as temporarily feasible only under monopoly conditions but ultimately counterproductive, as they suppress adjustments needed for labor market clearing and provoke retaliatory measures like production quotas.^[26] In his view, such policies violate the flexibility of wages and prices essential for economic calculation, leading to widespread inefficiencies documented in historical precedents from ancient edicts to modern experiments.^[27] Austrians thus see incomes policies not merely as flawed tools but as erosive of the spontaneous order that sustains prosperity, with empirical failures reinforcing their deductive warnings against any suppression of voluntary exchange.^[28]

Historical Context

Origins in Post-War Reconstruction

In the years immediately following World War II, European governments introduced early incomes policies to counteract inflationary pressures during reconstruction, amid acute shortages of goods, critical production bottlenecks, and rising wage demands driven by full employment policies. These interventions sought to align wage growth with productivity improvements and overall economic capacity, preventing cost-push spirals that could undermine recovery efforts funded by initiatives like the Marshall Plan. Unlike wartime mandates, post-war approaches often emphasized voluntary guidelines or persuasion to foster cooperation between labor, employers, and the state, reflecting a Keynesian commitment to demand management without reverting to pre-war deflationary tactics.^[3]^[29] The United Kingdom provided a prominent example, where Clement Attlee's Labour government, facing the dual challenges of demobilization and industrial rebuilding, initiated voluntary wage restraint in 1948. On February 4, 1948, Attlee addressed Parliament, calling for strict adherence to existing collective bargaining agreements and opposing blanket wage hikes, with claims to be assessed on national economic needs rather than comparative industry or occupational standards. This policy emerged from inherited wartime controls and aimed to curb inflation— which had accelerated due to pent-up demand and supply constraints—while sustaining near-full employment rates around 2-3% and supporting nationalizations in key sectors like coal and steel. Trade unions, bolstered by labor shortages, initially complied, moderating claims through tripartite discussions involving the Trades Union Congress.^[30]^[31] From 1948 to 1950, this restraint held amid annual GDP growth averaging 2.5%, with wage increases limited to roughly 4-5% in most sectors, helping stabilize retail prices after a 1947 devaluation of the pound that had spiked import costs. However, enforcement relied on moral suasion rather than statutory powers, revealing tensions as productivity lagged behind wage expectations in export-oriented industries. Similar voluntary mechanisms appeared in other Western European nations, such as the Netherlands' 1945 wage freeze extended into guidelines and Sweden's centralized bargaining pacts, prioritizing reconstruction over distributive conflicts. These origins marked incomes policy as a tool for transitional stability, bridging wartime rationing to market-oriented growth by the mid-1950s.^[32]^[33]

Peak Usage in the 1960s and 1970s

During the 1960s and 1970s, incomes policies achieved their broadest application in advanced economies, as governments confronted accelerating inflation amid full employment, wage militancy, and external shocks such as the 1973 OPEC oil embargo, which drove U.S. inflation to over 11% by 1974.^[34] These interventions, ranging from voluntary guidelines to statutory freezes, were adopted by at least a dozen OECD nations, reflecting a consensus among Keynesian policymakers that direct wage-price restraint could supplement fiscal and monetary tools without inducing recession.^[3] Implementation often involved tripartite negotiations with unions and employers, though enforcement varied from exhortation to penalties, with policies typically lasting 1-3 years before erosion or repeal.^[4] In the United States, early efforts under President John F. Kennedy established voluntary "guideposts" in 1962, recommending wage hikes limited to average productivity growth of 3.2-3.5% annually, with prices stable or declining in high-productivity sectors; these were promoted via public "jawboning" by the Council of Economic Advisers and moderated inflation from 1962-1965.^[4] Peak intervention came with President Richard Nixon's New Economic Policy on August 15, 1971, imposing a 90-day nationwide freeze on wages, prices, and rents under the Economic Stabilization Act, followed by Phase II (November 1971-January 1973) mandating wage increases capped at 5.5% plus 0.7% for fringes, administered by the Cost-of-Living Council, Pay Board, and Price Commission for firms with over $50 million in sales.^[35] Phases III and IV extended controls through 1974 with phased decontrol, covering 1,500 large firms via profit margin limits and cost-pass-through rules, before termination in April 1974 amid shortages and evasion.^[4] The United Kingdom saw intensive use under both Conservative and Labour governments, with Prime Minister Harold Macmillan's "pay pause" in July 1961 restricting public-sector settlements to 2.5%, enforced by the Treasury.^[36] Under Labour Prime Minister Harold Wilson, a statutory six-month standstill on prices, dividends, rents, and incomes was enacted on July 20, 1966, via the Prices and Incomes Act, creating the Prices and Incomes Board to review exceptions against a 3.5% norm; this evolved into guideline-based policies through the late 1960s, with wage referrals mandatory for settlements exceeding thresholds.^[37] The 1970s featured repeated freezes, including a 90-day standstill in November 1972 under Edward Heath and Stage I controls in 1975 under Wilson, targeting norms of 10% annual pay rises amid strikes totaling 29.2 million worker-days lost in 1979. In continental Europe and Scandinavia, corporatist frameworks facilitated incomes policies tying settlements to productivity and competitiveness. Sweden and Norway implemented centralized bargaining with government-mediated norms from the mid-1960s, capping real wage growth at 3-4% to preserve export viability; the Netherlands enforced similar restraints via the Social and Economic Council post-1963, while Austria's parity commissions coordinated guidelines since 1957, intensifying in the 1970s.^[3] France applied temporary freezes, such as in 1963 and 1968, alongside union negotiations, and Italy used concertazione pacts in 1975 to limit wage indexation amid 20% inflation.^[38] West Germany relied more on voluntary restraint through employer associations, though inflation pressures prompted informal guidelines in 1974. By the late 1970s, however, mounting distortions like labor hoarding and black markets prompted retreats in most nations toward market-oriented reforms.^[39]

Decline Following Monetarist Shifts in the 1980s

In the late 1970s, mounting evidence of the short-term efficacy but long-term failures of incomes policies—such as wage explosions following control relaxations and persistent inflationary pressures—aligned with monetarist arguments that inflation stemmed primarily from excessive money supply growth rather than cost-push factors amenable to direct intervention.^[34]^[40] Economists like Milton Friedman contended that wage and price controls created allocative distortions, including labor shortages and quality declines, without altering underlying monetary dynamics, rendering them unsustainable.^[41] This intellectual pivot gained policy traction as stagflation exposed the limitations of Keynesian fine-tuning, prompting a global reevaluation favoring monetary restraint over microeconomic mandates. In the United Kingdom, the election of Margaret Thatcher's Conservative government in May 1979 marked a decisive break from the statutory incomes policies pursued by Labour administrations in the 1960s and 1970s, which had devolved into voluntary guidelines amid union resistance and the 1978-1979 Winter of Discontent strikes.^[42] The prior Social Contract policy collapsed with earnings growth exceeding 15% annually by 1979, fueling double-digit inflation.^[43] Thatcher's Medium-Term Financial Strategy, outlined in the 1980 budget, shifted focus to monetary targets, aiming to reduce broad money (M3) growth from 11-15% to 7-11% over four years, while eschewing wage norms in favor of market discipline and union reforms like the Employment Acts of 1980 and 1982.^[43] Inflation fell from 18% in 1980 to 4.6% by 1983, though at the cost of recession and unemployment peaking at 11.9% in 1984, validating monetarism's emphasis on credibility over controls.^[42] Across the Atlantic, the United States reinforced this trend after phasing out President Nixon's 1971-1974 wage-price controls, which had temporarily curbed inflation to 3.3% by 1972 but spurred acceleration to 11% upon expiration due to pent-up adjustments.^[34] Under Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker, appointed in August 1979, policy pivoted to monetarist targeting of non-borrowed reserves, driving the federal funds rate to 20% in June 1981 and money supply growth below nominal GDP targets.^[44] President Reagan's administration endorsed this approach, integrating it with supply-side tax cuts in the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981, explicitly avoiding reimposition of controls despite early 1980s recessionary pains that saw unemployment reach 10.8% in late 1982.^[45] Inflation declined from 13.5% in 1980 to 3.2% by 1983, demonstrating monetary contraction's potency without reliance on incomes policies, which were critiqued for masking rather than resolving inflationary expectations.^[46] By the mid-1980s, this monetarist ascendancy extended to other OECD nations, with incomes policies relegated to auxiliary or emergency roles; for instance, Australia's 1980s Accord framework devolved into guideline-based persuasion amid monetary tightening, while France under Mitterrand abandoned rigid controls by 1983 in favor of franc fort policy aligning with German Bundesbank discipline.^[40] Empirical assessments, including IMF reviews, confirmed incomes policies' marginal impact, often limited to high-consensus environments, as monetary credibility proved more enduring for anchoring expectations.^[40] The era's recessions, though severe—UK GDP contracted 2.5% in 1980-1981—yielded sustained disinflation, underscoring the trade-off: transient controls deferred adjustment costs, whereas monetarism front-loaded them for structural stability.^[41]

Major Case Studies

United States Wage-Price Controls

President Richard Nixon implemented wage and price controls on August 15, 1971, as part of the New Economic Policy, invoking authority from the Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 to address rising inflation, which had reached 5.8% annually in 1970, alongside unemployment concerns and balance-of-payments deficits.^[35] The initial Phase I imposed a 90-day freeze on all wages, prices, and rents, effective immediately, prohibiting any increases during this period from August 15 to November 13, 1971.^[47] This measure was administered by the Office of Emergency Preparedness and aimed to break inflationary expectations without addressing underlying monetary factors.^[48] Phase II, commencing November 14, 1971, transitioned to mandatory guidelines enforced by the Cost of Living Council, with a tripartite Pay Board overseeing wage increases limited to 5.5% annually on average and a Price Commission regulating price hikes tied to productivity gains and cost pass-throughs.^[49] Large firms and unions faced pre-approval for adjustments exceeding thresholds, while smaller entities operated under general standards. Congress extended these powers through April 30, 1973, via amendments in late 1971.^[50] Phase III in January 1973 shifted to largely voluntary compliance amid the 1972 election, but escalating food and energy prices prompted Phase IV in June 1973, reimposing stricter mandatory controls until their full termination on April 30, 1974.^[34] Short-term effects included a moderation of inflation, with the Consumer Price Index rising at an annualized rate of about 4% during the freeze and initial phases, temporarily stabilizing expectations and supporting Nixon's 1972 re-election by curbing visible price pressures.^[51] However, empirical analyses indicate these gains were fleeting; inflation reaccelerated post-1973, reaching double digits by 1974, as suppressed prices rebounded with pent-up demand, oil shocks, and monetary expansion, exacerbating stagflation.^[52] ^[34] Studies attribute only brief downward pressure on measured inflation, reversed by late 1973, with no lasting reduction in underlying cost-push or demand-pull dynamics.^[53] The program induced market distortions, including shortages in controlled sectors like meat and petroleum, black-market activities, and labor misallocations, as wages failed to reflect productivity or scarcity signals, leading to reduced investment and efficiency.^[54] Economists from monetarist perspectives, such as those analyzing Federal Reserve data, argue the controls masked but did not resolve inflationary monetary policies, ultimately contributing to the Great Inflation's persistence into the late 1970s.^[4] Nixon himself acknowledged political motivations, prioritizing electoral gains over long-term stability, as evidenced in internal deliberations.^[55] Post-phase assessments by bodies like the Council on Wage and Price Stability confirmed limited efficacy beyond temporary suppression, reinforcing critiques of incomes policies as interference with price mechanisms.^[56]

United Kingdom Incomes Policies

Incomes policies in the United Kingdom emerged during World War II with statutory wage controls to prevent inflation amid wartime production demands, including a 1942 demonstration by Labour groups protesting restrictions on collective bargaining.^[33] Post-war, these evolved into voluntary guidelines under Conservative governments in the 1950s, but persistent cost-push inflation from union wage demands prompted more formal interventions by the 1960s.^[57] The Labour government of Harold Wilson introduced the Prices and Incomes Act 1966, imposing a six-month wages and prices freeze from July 1966, followed by a 3.5% norm for increases in 1967, enforced through the National Board for Prices and Incomes established in 1965.^[58] These measures temporarily moderated wage growth to around 3-4% annually but failed to address underlying monetary expansion, leading to a 1967 sterling devaluation and evasion via productivity deals.^[57] Under Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath, a three-stage statutory program began in November 1972: Stage 1 enforced a 90-day freeze on wages, prices, rents, and dividends; Stage 2 limited wage rises to £1 plus 4% of payroll from December 1972; and Stage 3 capped increases at £2.25 per worker or 7% from November 1973.^[33] ^[59] These controls suppressed nominal wage growth initially but provoked resistance, including the 1973-1974 miners' strike that breached Stage 3 limits and contributed to the February 1974 general election loss for Heath.^[60] Subsequent Labour governments under Wilson and James Callaghan reimposed incomes policies from 1975, targeting 10% wage rises in 1975-1976 and 4.5-12% thresholds by 1978, but accelerating inflation—reaching 24.2% in 1975—eroded real wages by up to 10% for many workers.^[61] The policy's collapse during the 1978-1979 Winter of Discontent saw over 29 million working days lost to strikes as unions rejected 5% limits, exposing the inability of direct controls to suppress pent-up demands without addressing fiscal and monetary causes of inflation.^[62] Empirical analyses indicate short-term reductions in wage inflation, with studies estimating incomes policies lowered wage growth by 2-5% during active periods (1961-1977), yet they distorted relative wages, encouraged black-market settlements, and failed to reduce overall price inflation sustainably, as evidenced by rebounding wage-price spirals post-relaxation.^[63] Policies ended after the 1979 election, with Margaret Thatcher's administration shifting to monetarist targets, achieving disinflation without wage controls by the mid-1980s.^[57]

Continental European and Other Examples

In West Germany, the Concerted Action (Konzertierte Aktion) framework, launched in January 1967 under Economics Minister Karl Schiller, established tripartite consultations among government, trade unions, and employers' associations to formulate non-binding guidelines for wage increases aligned with expected productivity gains and price stability targets.^[64]^[65] This approach sought to mitigate inflationary pressures without statutory controls, emphasizing voluntary restraint during economic slumps and recovery phases through 1977, though it faced challenges from union demands and external shocks like the 1973 oil crisis.^[66]^[67] France pursued incomes policies through periodic tripartite negotiations in the 1950s and early 1960s, involving labor, business, and government representatives to moderate wage demands amid post-war reconstruction and growth, often linking settlements to productivity and cost-of-living adjustments.^[3] Following the 1968 May events, which triggered a 35% surge in nominal wages, the government imposed temporary price freezes and wage guidelines in 1969–1970 to curb the resulting inflation spike exceeding 6%, supplemented by minimum wage hikes that reached about 60% of median earnings by the late 1970s.^[68] These measures were ad hoc rather than sustained, reflecting France's preference for market-oriented adjustments over rigid controls. Italy implemented the Scala Mobile system starting in the early 1970s, an automatic wage indexation mechanism that granted uniform absolute increases across pay scales in response to consumer price index rises, aiming to protect real wages but resulting in wage compression as low earners received proportionally larger gains.^[69]^[70] Enacted amid high inflation averaging 15–20% annually in the mid-1970s, it covered most industrial workers until reforms weakened it in 1984 and abolished it in 1992, with studies attributing it to reduced earnings inequality during its peak but also to heightened labor costs and inflexibility.^[71]^[72] The Netherlands extended its incomes policy in the 1970s to encompass not only employee wages but also professional fees and self-employed incomes, enforcing comparability norms through government oversight to combat wage-price spirals, with programs initially focused on statutory wage limits before broadening amid post-1968 full employment.^[73]^[74] By the late 1970s, these included binding maxima and tripartite accords, though enforcement relied on voluntary compliance and faced resistance from high earners, contributing to moderated inflation but persistent structural rigidities.^[75] Austria's social partnership model, formalized post-World War II through voluntary collaboration between trade unions, employer groups, and the state, eschewed mandatory wage controls in favor of consensual bargaining to align settlements with productivity and inflation, achieving consistent guideline adherence without legal compulsion.^[76] This neocorporatist approach, exemplified by annual negotiations under the Österreichischer Gewerkschaftsbund and Wirtschaftskammer Österreich, maintained wage moderation during the 1970s oil shocks, with coverage extending to over 98% of workers via sector-level agreements by the 1980s.^[77] Beyond continental Europe, Australia's Prices and Incomes Accord, negotiated in 1983 between the Labor government, unions, and employers, functioned as an informal incomes policy by trading wage restraint for tax cuts and social benefits, with subsequent iterations from 1986–1990 incorporating tax-based incentives to limit real wage growth amid double-digit inflation.^[78] In Japan, post-1973 efforts relied on moral suasion and voluntary guidelines from the government and Keidanren business federation to temper wage hikes in spring labor offensives, avoiding formal controls due to lifetime employment norms and export competitiveness priorities, which helped stabilize prices without distorting market signals.

Empirical Assessments

Evidence of Short-Term Effects

Incomes policies have demonstrated measurable short-term reductions in inflation rates by directly constraining wage and price adjustments, as evidenced in major historical implementations. For instance, in the United States, President Richard Nixon's 90-day wage and price freeze, initiated on August 15, 1971, lowered the annual inflation rate to approximately 4% during its enforcement period, compared to rates exceeding 5% in the preceding year.^[51] This initial phase temporarily curbed inflationary pressures amid rising economic overheating, though subsequent phased controls showed diminishing efficacy within months.^[34] In the United Kingdom, incomes policies during the early 1970s, including the Heath government's Stage I-IV controls from 1972 to 1974, similarly moderated wage settlements and price increases in the immediate aftermath. Wage growth was held below 8% annually in the policy's early stages, contributing to a brief stabilization of consumer price inflation around 7-9% despite underlying cost-push factors like oil shocks. Empirical assessments, such as those from the Congressional Budget Office, indicate that such interventions can suppress inflation below counterfactual levels for 6-18 months by altering expectations and limiting pass-through of cost increases.^[4] Cross-country analyses further corroborate these patterns, with short-term effects often manifesting as decelerated price indices due to administrative caps overriding market signals. A review of post-World War II experiences notes that comprehensive wage-price programs in industrial economies achieved inflation reductions of 2-4 percentage points in the first year, attributable to enforced restraint rather than resolved supply imbalances.^[3] However, these gains typically relied on voluntary compliance or penalties, with effectiveness waning as enforcement costs rose and evasion tactics emerged.^[5]

Long-Term Failures and Distortions

Incomes policies have consistently failed to achieve enduring reductions in inflation, as they address symptoms rather than underlying monetary expansions driving price levels. Historical implementations, such as the United States' wage and price controls from 1971 to 1974 under President Nixon, temporarily curbed inflation from an annual rate of approximately 5.8% in 1970 to around 3.3% in 1972, but upon phase-out in 1974, inflation surged to 11%, exacerbated by pent-up demand and supply disruptions including shortages in commodities like gasoline and food.^[48]^[6] Similarly, in the United Kingdom, repeated incomes policies during the 1960s and 1970s, including statutory wage freezes and guidelines under Labour governments, yielded no lasting disinflationary effects; inflation averaged over 10% by the mid-1970s, culminating in the 1976 IMF bailout amid persistent wage pressures and fiscal imbalances.^[9]^[79] These policies induced structural distortions by suppressing price signals essential for resource allocation, leading to chronic shortages, quality degradation, and inefficient production. Wage and price ceilings below market-clearing levels reduced supply incentives, as producers faced compressed margins and could not recoup rising costs, resulting in underinvestment and output declines; for instance, U.S. controls contributed to agricultural shortages and meat price spikes post-1973 deregulation, while distorting energy markets by locking in pre-OPEC embargo levels.^[80]^[81] In labor markets, wage restraints fostered rigidities, including overstaffing (labor hoarding) to evade productivity scrutiny and reduced worker incentives, which empirical analyses link to diminished long-run output growth; UK experiences showed increased industrial disputes, with strike days lost peaking at over 29 million in 1979, partly attributable to suppressed relative wage adjustments.^[54]^[82] Long-term productivity suffered as controls disrupted innovation and capital formation, with firms prioritizing compliance over efficiency amid arbitrary guidelines. Cross-country evidence indicates that prolonged interventions correlate with slower total factor productivity growth, as relative price distortions misdirect resources toward protected sectors while penalizing dynamic ones; monetarist critiques, supported by post-control data, attribute this to the policies' inability to align nominal rigidities with real economic adjustments, ultimately amplifying inflationary expectations once dismantled.^[83]^[84] Such outcomes underscore how incomes policies, by evading monetary discipline, perpetuate cycles of distortion and rebound rather than fostering sustainable equilibrium.

Controversies and Alternatives

Incentive Distortions and Market Interference

Incomes policies, by imposing caps on wages and prices, disrupt the price mechanism that coordinates supply and demand in labor and product markets, leading to misallocation of resources and reduced economic efficiency.^[80] When governments mandate wage freezes or guidelines below market-clearing levels, firms face disincentives to hire or invest in productivity-enhancing technologies, as labor costs no longer reflect marginal productivity, resulting in underutilization of capital and labor.^[85] Similarly, price controls on goods suppress signals of scarcity, prompting producers to divert output to uncontrolled sectors or reduce quality, as seen in historical implementations where controlled prices encouraged "skimpflation"—delivering inferior products to maintain margins without violating caps.^[86] These interventions create perverse incentives for evasion and rent-seeking. Workers, anticipating limited nominal wage growth, may withhold effort, reduce hours, or seek informal employment to circumvent controls, eroding overall labor supply responsiveness.^[83] Firms respond by lobbying for exemptions or engaging in non-price competition, such as perks over pay, which distorts relative prices and favors politically connected entities over efficient allocators. Empirical observations from mid-20th-century controls, including widespread black markets for meat and other essentials during World War II, demonstrate how suppressed prices incentivize underground trading, where transactions occur at premiums far exceeding official levels, undermining legal markets and fostering corruption.^[86] ^[87] Longer-term, such policies interfere with dynamic market adjustments, stifling innovation and capital accumulation. By compressing wage differentials, incomes policies blunt incentives for skill acquisition and occupational mobility, as high-productivity workers cannot command premiums commensurate with their output, leading to talent misallocation and slower human capital development.^[85] In controlled environments, chronic shortages emerge because producers lack motivation to expand capacity when prices are fixed below equilibrium, as evidenced in post-war European experiments where wage-price guidelines correlated with persistent supply bottlenecks and parallel markets.^[88] These distortions compound over time, as initial short-term inflation suppression gives way to structural rigidities that amplify inflationary pressures upon relaxation, without addressing underlying monetary causes.^[87]

Superiority of Monetary Policy and Market Mechanisms

Monetary policy achieves inflation control by targeting the root cause—excessive growth in the money supply—rather than suppressing wage and price adjustments, which incomes policies attempt without addressing underlying monetary expansion.^[89] Economists such as Milton Friedman argued that inflation is "always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon," stemming from money supply outpacing output growth, and that wage-price controls merely mask symptoms while distorting market signals for resource allocation.^[85] In contrast, central banks employing tight monetary policy, such as raising interest rates to contract money and credit, directly curbs inflationary pressures without interfering in relative price formations across sectors.^[90] Market mechanisms enable wages and prices to flexibly reflect supply-demand imbalances, facilitating efficient labor and capital allocation, whereas incomes policies impose uniform caps that ignore sector-specific scarcities, leading to persistent shortages, black markets, and reduced productivity.^[80] For instance, price controls prevent signals of scarcity from prompting increased production or substitution, resulting in queues for goods or labor mismatches, as observed in historical implementations where controls exacerbated distortions rather than resolving them.^[6] Monetary restraint, by contrast, allows relative prices to adjust, preserving incentives for innovation and efficiency gains that sustain long-term price stability without administrative fiat.^[91] Empirical outcomes underscore this superiority, as evidenced by the U.S. Federal Reserve's policy under Paul Volcker from October 1979, which shifted focus to controlling money supply growth and non-borrowed reserves, reducing inflation from a peak of 13.5% in 1980 to 3.2% by 1983 through recession-inducing tightness, without resorting to wage-price controls.^[92] Similarly, in the United Kingdom, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's administration from 1979 abandoned prior incomes policies in favor of monetarist targets for broad money measures like M3, halving inflation to under 5% by 1983 and fostering sustained growth thereafter, demonstrating that credible monetary rules outperform direct interventions in restoring price stability.^[91] These cases highlight how monetary policy's emphasis on aggregate demand restraint avoids the microeconomic rigidities of incomes policies, yielding lower inflation volatility and higher output potential over time.^[9]

References

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Saying No (Again) To Wage And Price Controls - Hoover Institution
Feb 3, 2023 · The vast majority of economists understand that economy-wide price controls are a bad idea. The reason is that they prevent prices from adjusting in individual ...Missing: controversies | Show results with:controversies
[7]
A SYMPOSIUM: Incomes Policy: Fervent Hopes vs. Dismal Reality
benefits of incomes policy are extremely doubtful, while the microeconomic costs seem much more certain. THOMAS MAYER. Professor of Economics,. University of ...Missing: controversies | Show results with:controversies
[8]
What is incomes policy and what can it achieve? - IMF eLibrary
Mar 1, 1975 · Incomes policy is now commonly employed to cover specific measures aimed at moderating the rate at which money incomes tend to rise.
[9]
Prices and incomes policy - Economics Help
Jun 29, 2020 · Prices and incomes policy is an attempt by the government to set the rate of increase in prices and the rate of wage increases in the economy.Missing: definition | Show results with:definition
[10]
Incomes and price policies (Chapter 13)
The objective of incomes policy is to contain increases in the general price level by controlling distributive variables, which are essentially the wage rate ...
[11]
INCOMES POLICY Definition & Meaning - Dictionary.com
a government policy to curb inflation that relies on voluntary compliance rather than on mandatory wage, price, or profit controls.Missing: economics | Show results with:economics
[12]
A Simplified Approach to Incomes Policy - jstor
Incomes policies may be viewed as having three principal objectives. The "imperfections" objective of wage-price controls is to counteract.Missing: scope | Show results with:scope<|control11|><|separator|>
[13]
Incomes Policies in: An Encyclopedia of Keynesian Economics ...
Jan 1, 2013 · The purpose of incomes policies is to reduce or control inflation without creating recession. These policies are generally supplemental to ...Missing: rationale | Show results with:rationale
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[PDF] Incomes policy: Two approaches - SciSpace
18. Incomes policies can take, for example, the form of a trilateral agreement involving the government, employers and organized workers: The government agrees ...
[15]
6 Incomes Policy and Economic Theory in - IMF eLibrary
Keynes defines “involuntary unemployment” as existing if labor in general would be prepared to work for a lower real wage due to a small rise in prices. He does ...<|separator|>
[16]
Cost Inflation and Incomes Policy in Industrial Countries in
Its purpose is to indicate why the underlying tendencies to internally generated cost inflation are likely to be stronger in some economies than in others, ...Missing: rationale | Show results with:rationale
[17]
[PDF] SPECIAL ANALYSIS INCOMES POLICIES AND INFLATION An ...
The policy conclusions to be drawn from the wage-push theory of inflation are quite straightforward: In order to eliminate the dilemma confronting monetary.<|separator|>
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[PDF] NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES THE GREAT INFLATION IN THE ...
(i) Monetary policy can be a source of inflation, by producing excess aggregate demand. (ii) Pure cost-push inflation (i.e., sustained inflation in the absence ...
[19]
What Would Milton Friedman Say about Market Monetarism?
May 2, 2022 · Friedman warned that wage/price controls merely treated the symptoms of inflation, while the root cause was excessive money growth.Missing: incomes | Show results with:incomes
[20]
Friedman's smashing success - Econlib
Jun 17, 2021 · Friedman saw that while wage/price controls might lead to a one-time drop in the price level of a few percentage points, as long as the money ...Missing: incomes | Show results with:incomes
[21]
An Economist's Critique of Wage and Price Controls - Africa Commons
In this 1970 Newsweek article, Milton Friedman critiques Arthur Burns's suggestion of an incomes policy to combat cost-push inflation. Friedman argues that ...
[22]
[PDF] The Impact of Milton Friedman on Modern Monetary Economics
[Friedman] will not entertain wage and price controls or other incomes policies as alternatives or complements to anti-inflationary monetary restrictions… If ...
[23]
Friedrich Hayek and the Price System - Federal Reserve Board
Nov 1, 2019 · Hayek's ideas on prices influenced Joseph Stiglitz in his analysis of markets with asymmetric information and Roger Myerson's insights on ...
[24]
Friedrich Hayek: Decentralizing the Monetary System
Obversely, price-fixing hinders coordination; attempts to gather knowledge centrally do not permit the best use of localized and tacit knowledge; and no system ...
[25]
Mises on how price controls lead to socialism (1944)
He thought the logical consequence of strict price controls would be a system of socialism: Socialism & Interventionism
[26]
Ludwig von Mises' Decisive Blows Against Interventionism - Econlib
Nov 1, 2021 · Mises states: “… price control measures can be used with some degree of effectiveness… (in)… the case of monopoly prices. The price control ...
[27]
Wage and Price Controls in the Ancient World - Mises Institute
Feb 27, 2009 · They examined over one hundred cases of wage and price controls in thirty different nations from 2000 BC to AD 1978. By special arrangement ...
[28]
Flaws and Ceilings: Price Controls and the Damage They Cause
This book demonstrates why economists do not like price controls and shows why they are widely regarded as being amongst the most damaging political ...
[29]
[PDF] Post-war reconstruction and development in the Golden Age of ...
Jul 13, 2017 · The years immediately following the Second World War were marked by an unprecedented speed of economic recovery from the most devastating ...
[30]
Incomes policies, 1948–1979 (Chapter 5) - British Trade Unions ...
Clement Attlee's Labour government (1945–51), struggling to reconstruct the British economy after the Second World War, called for voluntary restraint on wage ...
[31]
PERSONAL INCOMES, COSTS AND PRICES (Hansard, 12 ...
PERSONAL INCOMES, COSTS AND PRICES (Hansard, 12 February 1948) ... introduced a policy of reducing capital expenditure. I am speaking of that ...<|separator|>
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Trade Union Wage Policy in Postwar Britain - jstor
From 1948 to. 1950 British trade unions endeavored to follow a policy of wage restraint such as Beveridge urged. The conflicting pressures generated by this.
[33]
[PDF] Have Controls Ever Worked? The Post-War Record - Fraser Institute
It focuses solely on the United Kingdom's ex- perience with wage-price controls since 1945. The study has three main sections. First, it examines Britain's ...
[34]
The Great Inflation | Federal Reserve History
Inflation began ratcheting upward in the mid-1960s and reached more than 14 percent in 1980. It eventually declined to average only 3.5 percent in the latter ...Sections · The Opportunity: Fiscal... · From High Inflation To...Missing: incomes | Show results with:incomes
[35]
Nixon Ends Convertibility of U.S. Dollars to Gold and Announces ...
President Richard Nixon's actions in 1971 to end dollar convertibility to gold and implement wage/price controls were intended to address the international ...
[36]
The Incomes Policy of the Conservative Government, 1957–64
The British government in the early 1960s dedicated a great deal of its time to incomes policy. First it announced a 'pay pause' in July 1961, ...
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THE PRICES AND INCOMES POLICY (Hansard, 3 August 1966)
Wilson's description of the incomes standstill. ... In consequence, the Government launched their incomes policy and created the Incomes and Prices Board.
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5 The Changed Context for Incomes Policy in the 1970s in
France and Italy would have had to accept an earlier adjustment of their exchange rates vis-à-vis the deutsche mark and the U.S. dollar. The authorities ...
[39]
https://www.aei.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/SpecialAnalysis72-27.pdf
[40]
The IMF and the Silent Revolution
The combination of abandoning the monetary role of gold and increasing lending to low-income countries led the Fund to begin selling or distributing a third of ...
[41]
[PDF] Monetary Policy - National Bureau of Economic Research
The story of U.S. monetary policy in the 1980s is fundamentally a tale of struggle and success, after a decade during which monetary policy contributed.
[42]
Thatcher's Economic Policies
Nov 28, 2017 · Mrs Thatcher introduced revolutionary economic policies which had a deep impact on the UK economy. They were characterised by a belief in free-markets.
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Economy: 1980 Budget (Howe 2) | Margaret Thatcher Foundation
Mar 26, 1980 · The incomes policy of the previous Government had collapsed. Earnings also grew by at least 15 per cent. a year. Not surprisingly it was ...
[44]
The influence of monetarism on Federal Reserve policy during the ...
Nov 10, 2016 · [76] This policy was therefore abandoned in August 1982, not for domestic reasons but rather because of its consequences on the Mexican economy, ...
[45]
Reaganomics - Econlib
Monetary policy was somewhat erratic but, on net, quite successful. Reagan endorsed the reduction in money growth initiated by the Federal Reserve in late 1979 ...
[46]
Economic Policy | The Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation ...
The Reagan administration slashed the prime interest rate by more than half, from an unprecedented 21.5% in January 1981 to 10% in August 1988. This achievement ...
[47]
Records of the Economic Stabilization Programs, 1971-1974
Phase I (Aug. 15-Nov. 13, 1971): 90-day price and wage freeze administered by the Office of Emergency Preparedness, by EO 11615, August 15, 1971. Phase II ...Missing: Nixon | Show results with:Nixon
[48]
Remembering Nixon's Wage and Price Controls - Cato Institute
Aug 16, 2011 · On Aug. 15, 1971, in a nationally televised address, Nixon announced, “I am today ordering a freeze on all prices and wages throughout the ...
[49]
[PDF] NIXON'S PROGRAM OF WAGE AND PRICE CONTROLS THESIS ...
the forerunner of a more lengthy method of inflation control-- Phase II. Phase II was a complex system of review boards designed to hold down wages and prices ...
[50]
Economic Stabilization: Controls Extended to 1973 - CQ Press
The Senate bill extended the authority to stabilize wages and prices for one year, through April 30, 1973, as requested by President Nixon in his Oct. 7 address ...
[51]
Ninety-day freeze on wages and prices | Research Starters - EBSCO
The "Ninety-day freeze on wages and prices" was a significant economic measure announced by President Richard Nixon on August 15, 1971, aimed at combating ...
[52]
The macroeconomic impact of the nixon wage and price controls
Results confirm earlier findings: the controls had only brief, downward effects on measured inflation which were reversed by the end of 1973. Even before ...
[53]
The Response of Wages and Prices to the First Two Years of Controls
... Phases I and II of the Nixon wage-price control program had achieved a slight reduction in the advance of wages ... 1971:3 and 1972:2 as compared with ...Missing: implementation details<|separator|>
[54]
[PDF] wage-price controls and - labor market distortions
Much of the analysis of wage/price controls, especially of the 1971-1974 American experiment, has concentrated on the impact of controls on inflation.
[55]
Nixon's Wage and Price Controls - Econlib
Dec 19, 2016 · In late July, 1971, Nixon reiterated his adamant opposition to wage and price controls calling them a scheme to socialize America. Yet, less ...<|separator|>
[56]
Effects of Selected Cost-Containment Efforts: 1971-1993 - PMC - NIH
In a descriptive study, the Council on Wage and Price Stability (1976) shows that the CPI (hospital service charges) rose from 4.6 percent when controls were in ...
[57]
[PDF] Farewell to prices and incomes policies: Conservative economic ...
May 2, 1977 · His views on incomes policy were, however, certainly in line with the British economists who were advising the Conservatives. They were ...Missing: controversies | Show results with:controversies<|control11|><|separator|>
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ECONOMIC AFFAIRS (Hansard, 27 July 1966) - API Parliament UK
If the Government do not maintain the economy at a proper temperature, no incomes policy can possibly succeed. Part of the incomes policy must also be ...
[59]
BBC ON THIS DAY | 1972: Pay and price freeze aims to curb inflation
In the period before legislation was passed there would be a freeze, effective immediately, on prices, wages, dividends and rents, Mr Heath said.
[60]
[PDF] the 1972 and the 1974 miners' strikes. - CORE
Stage 3 limited wage increases to £2.25 a head or 7%, whichever was ... Heath described Stage 3 as an orderly framework to provide a sensible way of ...<|separator|>
[61]
[PDF] The'Winter of Discontent'in British Politics
Incomes policy was the means by which successive governments sought to prevent this; but incomes policy was doomed to failure because it was akin to trying 'to.
[62]
What Was The Winter of Discontent? - HistoryExtra
Jun 30, 2022 · However, the failure of the government to curb inflation and the weakness of the pound (a product of poor economic growth), prompted it to ...Missing: incomes | Show results with:incomes
[63]
Incomes Policy and Wage Inflation: Empirical Evidence for the UK ...
Mar 26, 2020 · There is considerable uncertainty about the effects of incomes policy on the rate of change of wages, and in this paper we attempt to assess the ...
[64]
Economics Minister Karl Schiller on “Concerted Action” (January 9 ...
He also appealed to employers and labor unions, asking them to set aside their wage disputes in order to support efforts to overcome the economic slump through ...Missing: incomes | Show results with:incomes
[65]
'Concerted action': wages policy in West Germany, 1967–1977 - 1980
In this article, Michael Hudson makes a contribution to the current debate on future British wages policy. He presents a detailed empirical analysis of the ...
[66]
The Conservative Party, Concerted Action and the West German ...
Mar 18, 2021 · Concerted Action was not ultimately a diluted incomes policy. Instead, it was intended to build support for monetarism, which was how the ...
[67]
CONCERTED ACTION IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY
However, it contains no concrete recipes about the distribution of wealth and no formulations about incomes policy'. H. Markmann; 'Wirtschaftliche Bestim ...
[68]
[PDF] Inequality in France: 1968–2022 - IFS
Nov 22, 2023 · The French minimum wage dates back to 1950. It was dramatically increased in 1968, and during the 1970s and 1980s, to reach 60% of median ...
[69]
Assessing the Impact of Incomes Policy: The Italian Experience | IZA
This paper aims to assess the impact of such incomes policy agreements on the long and short run equilibrium relationship between real wages, labour ...
[70]
[PDF] The Evolution of Earnings Inequality in Italy and the Escalator Clause
By granting a flat universal increase in wages for each percentage point rise in the consumer price index, the Scala Mobile had a potential to compress wage ...
[71]
Can the Scala Mobile Explain the Fall and Rise of Earnings ...
Aug 9, 2025 · The Scala Mobile was a wage indexation mechanism granting the same absolute wage increase to all employees as prices rose, thereby potentially ...
[72]
[PDF] Learning from past mistakes? Recent reforms in Italian industrial ...
For example, the abolition of the scala mobile and the re-introduction of incomes policies permitted Italy's monetary authorities to engineer a massive ...
[73]
An Incomes Policy for the Professions: The Dutch Experience - SSRN
Dec 11, 2007 · Initially, the Dutch program involved wages only, but in the 1970s it became an accepted principle that private professional income should be ...
[74]
An Incomes Policy for the Professions: the Dutch Experience.
Sep 29, 2019 · Initially, the Dutch program involved wages only, but in the 1970s it became an accepted principle that private professional income should be ...
[75]
[PDF] OECD Economic Surveys: Netherlands 1970 (EN)
Since the restoration of full employment in the Dutch economy in late 1968, the price-wage problem has re-emerged as the principal policy issue.
[76]
WAGE-PRICE CONTROLS AND INCOMES POLICIES - jstor
The Austrian case demonstrates that a qualita- tive, rather than a quantitative, prices and wages approach is possible on a voluntary basis in a framework ...
[77]
[PDF] Neocorporatism and Incomes Policy in Western ... - Gary Marks
Austria, Norway, Sweden, and. Belgium have experienced consensual incomes policy for most of the 1950 to 1980 period. They are followed by Finland and the ...
[78]
[PDF] The Accord: Background Changes and Aggregate Outcomes
Accord Mark II might be seen to be a classic example of an informal tax-based incomes policy. Accords Mark III-VI, introduced from 1987 to 1990, were the ...
[79]
https://warwicklightfoot.substack.com/p/economic-record-of-labour-government-2c7
[80]
Why Price Controls Should Stay in the History Books
Mar 24, 2022 · Prices allocate scarce resources. Price controls distort those signals, leading to the inefficient allocation of goods and services.
[81]
[PDF] The Economics of Price Controls
In this report we first lay out the economic theory of price controls, describing how price ceilings lead to shortages by forcing prices below market levels.
[82]
The Futility of British Incomes Policy - jstor
only a short-term effect, and that has been generally adverse. During much of the postwar period British Govern- ments have been preoccupied with incomes ...
[83]
[PDF] Wage and Price Controls - Fraser Institute
This volume will attempt to analyze the economic effects of the wage and price controls currently being placed on Canadians.
[84]
Price Controls Don't Fight Inflation: 40 Centuries of Evidence
Oct 3, 2023 · "Price controls do not stop inflation; they only make things worse. If prices are going up, it's either because monetary policy is too loose ...
[85]
Price Controls - Econlib
All of the problems with price controls—queuing, evasion, black markets, and ... Drastic Measures: A History of Wage and Price Controls in the United States.
[86]
Price Controls, Black Markets, And Skimpflation: The WWII Battle ...
Feb 8, 2022 · By all historical accounts, the black market for price-controlled products flourished during the war. The black market for meat became so ...Missing: distortions | Show results with:distortions
[87]
[PDF] Price Controls: Good Intentions, Bad Outcomes
intentions in mind, these policies often distort markets and their consequences for growth, poverty reduction and government policies grow over time.
[88]
[PDF] FORTY CENTURIES OF WAGE AND PRICE CONTROLS
stead of curbing inflation, price controls add.other complications to the inflation disease, such as black markets and shortages that reflect the waste and ...
[89]
[PDF] Have Monetary Policies Failed - Collected Works of Milton Friedman
Whatever else a price and wage freeze or price and wage controls may do, they distort published price indexes and make them highly unreliable measures of ...<|separator|>
[90]
Volcker's Announcement of Anti-Inflation Measures
In October 1979, Fed Chairman Paul Volcker announced new measures by the Federal Open Market Committee aimed at reining in the inflation that had afflicted ...
[91]
What Is Monetarism? - Back to Basics
Monetarism gained prominence in the 1970s—bringing down inflation in the United States and United Kingdom—and greatly influenced the U.S. central bank's ...
[92]
[PDF] The Reform of October 1979: How It Happened and Why
A quarter-century after Paul Volcker's monetary policy reform in October 1979, the profound significance of restoring price stability for the nation's ...