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Cost-push inflation

Cost-push inflation denotes a rise in the overall price level triggered by elevated costs of production inputs, such as raw materials or labor, which producers transmit to consumers through higher output prices, often resulting in reduced aggregate supply.^[1]^[2] This mechanism contrasts with demand-pull inflation, where excess demand relative to supply drives price increases, as cost-push effects stem primarily from adverse supply-side shocks rather than buoyant demand.^[3] Empirical analyses indicate that such inflationary pressures can emerge independently of demand dynamics, though their persistence frequently hinges on subsequent monetary expansion.^[4] Prominent causes include sudden spikes in commodity prices, exemplified by oil supply disruptions, which elevate energy costs across industries and curtail output without commensurate demand growth.^[1] Historical instances, such as the 1970s OPEC oil embargoes, demonstrated cost-push inflation manifesting as stagflation—simultaneous high inflation and economic stagnation—challenging Keynesian models reliant on stable Phillips curve trade-offs between inflation and unemployment.^[2] Wage-push variants occur when labor costs surge due to union militancy or regulatory mandates outpacing productivity gains, prompting firms to hike prices amid contracting employment.^[5] Unlike demand-pull scenarios amenable to demand-side monetary tightening, cost-push inflation poses policy dilemmas, as curbing money supply may exacerbate output losses while ignoring supply rigidities sustains price spirals.^[6] Debates persist over the relative empirical weight of cost-push versus demand-pull forces in recent episodes, with evidence suggesting supply disruptions, including those from geopolitical events or pandemics, have materially contributed to inflationary persistence beyond mere monetary factors.^[7] This underscores the causal primacy of real economic frictions in initiating inflation, rather than solely nominal aggregates, aligning with supply-oriented critiques of overly demand-centric macroeconomic frameworks.^[8]

Definition and Mechanisms

Core Concept and Distinction from Other Inflation Types

Cost-push inflation occurs when increases in production costs, such as higher prices for raw materials, energy, wages, or imported inputs, lead firms to raise output prices to preserve profit margins, resulting in a general rise in the price level without a corresponding increase in aggregate demand. This supply-side pressure shifts the short-run aggregate supply curve leftward in the aggregate demand-supply framework, elevating prices while reducing real output and employment at the prevailing demand level.^[9]^[10] In distinction from demand-pull inflation, which stems from excess aggregate demand outpacing supply capacity and driving competitive bidding for goods and services, cost-push inflation originates from exogenous or endogenous cost escalations that compress profit margins unless prices adjust upward. Demand-pull typically correlates with economic expansion and rising output, whereas cost-push often coincides with stagnating or contracting production due to the inverse relationship between costs and supply responsiveness.^[11]^[12] Unlike built-in inflation, which arises from entrenched inflationary expectations leading to automatic wage indexation and perpetuating price-wage spirals through adaptive behaviors, cost-push inflation is initiated by discrete shocks to factor costs rather than ongoing expectation dynamics. While built-in mechanisms sustain inflation via inertia, pure cost-push impulses tend to be transitory in the absence of monetary accommodation, as unaccommodated price rises prompt relative price adjustments, substitution toward cheaper alternatives, or output contraction until cost pressures equilibrate without embedding into persistent dynamics.^[12] From a causal perspective, the mechanism proceeds as elevated input costs force firms to recalibrate pricing via markups over variable costs, but without demand expansion, this yields higher unit prices alongside diminished quantities supplied, fostering stagflationary conditions characterized by rising prices and subdued growth unless central banks expand money supply to validate the price level shift. Empirical models confirm that such supply frictions elevate inflation temporarily when isolated from demand stimuli or policy responses that monetize the shock.^[7]

Underlying Dynamics and Wage-Price Spirals

Cost-push inflation arises when increases in production costs, such as raw materials or wages, prompt firms to raise output prices to preserve profit margins, effectively shifting the short-run aggregate supply curve leftward and elevating the overall price level while contracting real output.^[13] This pass-through mechanism operates through markup pricing models, where firms set prices as a fixed markup over unit costs, leading to proportional price adjustments in response to cost shocks, though the extent of pass-through varies with market competition and demand elasticity.^[14] Empirical analyses indicate that pass-through is often gradual and incomplete, particularly in low-inflation environments, as firms balance pricing power against customer sensitivity.^[15] At the macroeconomic level, these cost-induced price hikes reduce aggregate supply, fostering stagflation characterized by simultaneous rises in inflation and unemployment, which deviates from the inverse trade-off posited by the short-run Phillips curve for demand disturbances.^[16] Instead, cost-push shocks displace the short-run Phillips curve upward, as higher unit costs erode real wages and profitability, prompting output reductions without initial demand expansion. Input-output tables reveal how these shocks propagate through production networks, with upstream cost increases rippling to downstream sectors via interindustry linkages, amplifying inflationary pressures beyond the initial shock.^[13] For instance, a rise in energy costs can elevate intermediate input prices across multiple industries, tracing the transmission path quantitatively.^[17] A wage-price spiral may emerge if elevated prices trigger compensatory wage demands from workers or unions, prompting further price increases to offset labor cost rises, potentially creating a feedback loop. However, empirical evidence from historical episodes shows such spirals are rare and non-persistent absent accommodating monetary growth, as rising unemployment disciplines wage bargaining and real wage adjustments restore equilibrium.^[18] Models incorporating on-the-job search and firm wage-setting behaviors demonstrate weak pass-through from prices to wages, limiting spiral risks by constraining nominal wage acceleration in response to transitory inflation.^[19] Without sustained expansion of the money supply, cost-push dynamics tend to dissipate as relative prices realign and economic slack curbs secondary pressures.^[20]

Theoretical Foundations

Keynesian and Post-Keynesian Perspectives

Keynesian economics posits that cost-push inflation arises from shifts in the aggregate supply curve due to increased production costs, such as higher wages or input prices, leading to higher overall price levels without proportional demand increases.^[21] This mechanism is embedded in the aggregate supply-aggregate demand (AS-AD) framework, where a leftward shift in the short-run aggregate supply curve—driven by supply-side pressures—elevates prices and reduces output, assuming sticky nominal wages and prices prevent immediate market clearing.^[22] The foundational empirical basis traces to A.W. Phillips' 1958 analysis of UK data from 1862 to 1957, which revealed an inverse relationship between unemployment rates and the percentage change in money wage rates, suggesting that low unemployment pressures firms to raise wages, propagating costs through the economy.^[23] Post-Keynesian extensions emphasize endogenous distributional conflicts rather than purely exogenous shocks, viewing inflation as a process of bargaining between labor and capital over income shares in oligopolistic markets.^[24] In this conflict theory, workers demand higher real wages to maintain purchasing power, while firms respond with markups to preserve profit margins, resulting in persistent price increases if neither side fully concedes.^[25] Pricing power in concentrated industries amplifies these dynamics, as firms set prices as markups over unit costs rather than marginal revenue equals marginal cost in competitive settings.^[26] During the 1960s and 1970s, Keynesian-influenced policies in the United States, including fiscal expansion via the 1964 tax cuts and sustained Vietnam War spending, accommodated cost pressures from rising wages and commodity prices, contributing to the Great Inflation period from 1965 to 1982.^[27] Policymakers initially interpreted accelerating inflation through the Phillips curve lens, tolerating higher price growth to achieve low unemployment, predicated on short-run trade-offs enabled by nominal rigidities.^[28] However, this approach rested on assumptions of price stickiness that facilitated output stabilization but overlooked potential long-run verticality in the Phillips relation, where inflation expectations could adjust without reducing unemployment.^[29]

Monetarist and Austrian School Critiques

Monetarists, exemplified by Milton Friedman, maintain that sustained inflation cannot originate from cost-push factors alone but requires excessive monetary expansion to persist. Friedman articulated this in his assertion that "inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon," meaning general price increases stem from a faster growth in the money supply relative to output, rather than exogenous cost rises like higher wages or commodity prices.^[30] Cost shocks, in this analysis, induce temporary relative price adjustments—elevating some prices while potentially lowering others through substitution and efficiency gains—but fail to generate economy-wide inflation without central bank accommodation, such as rapid M2 growth that validates higher costs across sectors.^[31] Friedman explicitly rejected ongoing cost-push pressures as a driver, viewing them as incompatible with the quantity theory of money, where velocity and output changes explain short-term deviations but not long-term trends.^[32] The Austrian School, drawing on Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich August Hayek, echoes this monetary emphasis while framing cost-push critiques through the lens of business cycle distortions. Mises defined inflation as an increase in the money supply injected via credit expansion, arguing that supply disruptions reveal prior malinvestments—unsustainable capital structures built during artificially low interest rates—but do not independently sustain rising prices. Hayek extended this in his theory of the trade cycle, positing that exogenous shocks accelerate necessary liquidations of boom-induced errors rather than initiating inflationary spirals; wage or input cost pressures, often blamed in cost-push narratives, arise secondarily from monetary policies that distort intertemporal coordination, rendering them incapable of general inflation without ongoing credit fuel. Thus, Austrians dismiss wage-push variants as illusory, attributing them to lagged effects of prior monetary excesses that inflate nominal claims without real productivity gains. Empirical validation for these perspectives appears in the Federal Reserve's policy under Chairman Paul Volcker (1979–1987), where abandoning interest rate targeting for strict control of non-borrowed reserves and money aggregates curbed the Great Inflation despite unresolved oil shocks. Inflation declined from 13.5% in 1980 to 3.2% by 1983, as high federal funds rates exceeding 20% in 1981 withdrew accommodation, allowing cost pressures to dissipate through market adjustments rather than entrench via monetary validation.^[33]^[34] This episode underscores that, absent monetary expansion, supply-side perturbations revert to relative price shifts, aligning with quantity-theoretic predictions over autonomous cost-push dynamics.^[35]

Primary Causes

Exogenous Supply Shocks

Exogenous supply shocks involve sudden, external disruptions to the availability of key production inputs, such as energy or commodities, stemming from geopolitical events, natural disasters, or pandemics, which elevate marginal costs and shift the aggregate supply curve inward.^[36] These one-off adverse shifts reduce potential output while raising price levels, distinguishing them from demand-driven inflation by simultaneously pressuring both prices and real activity.^[37] A prominent historical instance occurred during the 1973–1974 OPEC oil embargo, imposed in October 1973 amid the Yom Kippur War, which quadrupled crude oil prices from about $2.90 per barrel to $11.65 by January 1974.^[38] The resultant surge in energy costs propagated through global supply chains, increasing prices of intermediate goods and fostering cost-push dynamics.^[39] Structural vector autoregression models confirm that such oil supply shocks accounted for substantial portions of the 1970s inflation accelerations and associated output contractions in advanced economies.^[40] In contemporary contexts, Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, precipitated acute energy price spikes, with Brent crude oil prices exceeding $120 per barrel in early March 2022 due to sanctions and export uncertainties.^[41] These elevations in hydrocarbon costs amplified input expenses worldwide, contributing to headline inflation via direct pass-through to consumer energy and derived goods prices.^[42] Similarly, COVID-19-induced port bottlenecks from 2020 to 2022, including severe backlogs at facilities like the Ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach, disrupted logistics and intermediated trade flows, sustaining elevated freight and component costs that fed into broader price increases.^[43] ^[44]

Endogenous Cost Pressures (Wages and Inputs)

Endogenous cost pressures arise from internal economic mechanisms, such as institutional rigidities in labor markets or policy-induced rises in domestic production inputs, which elevate firm costs independently of external shocks. These factors contrast with exogenous disruptions by originating in structural features like collective bargaining dynamics or regulatory burdens that distort relative prices without abrupt global supply interruptions. While capable of shifting aggregate supply curves leftward in the short term, their inflationary impact typically remains transitory unless validated by expansionary monetary policy or persistent demand growth.^[45]^[46] Wage-push dynamics emerge when labor market institutions, including powerful unions or legislated minimum wage adjustments, propel compensation growth exceeding productivity advances, thereby compressing profit margins and prompting price hikes to restore them. In the United States during periods of pattern bargaining in manufacturing, union settlements often set benchmarks leading to sector-wide wage escalations, with empirical estimates indicating pass-through rates to producer prices ranging from 0.15% to 0.76% for a 10% minimum wage increase across aggregated studies. However, rigorous econometric analyses reveal muted long-term inflationary effects, as competitive markets erode margins through output adjustments or substitution, and productivity gains frequently offset cost rises; for example, a comprehensive review of wage-price relationships finds little causal evidence that nominal wage acceleration directly generates sustained price inflation.^[47]^[48]^[49] Domestic input cost escalations, driven by endogenous policies like environmental compliance mandates or antitrust exemptions fostering oligopolistic pricing, further contribute by inflating non-labor expenses embedded in the Producer Price Index (PPI) components for intermediate goods. Federal regulations in 2022 imposed an estimated $3.079 trillion burden on the U.S. economy, equivalent to $12,800 per employee, with manufacturing sectors facing heightened compliance costs that correlate with elevated input prices; a 10% rise in regulatory intensity has been linked to statistically significant price level increases across industries. PPI data disaggregates these effects, showing wages and salaries comprising a core value-added element alongside materials, where regulatory stringency amplifies intermediate input indices without exogenous triggers. Nonetheless, such pressures seldom originate autonomous inflation cycles, as firms absorb portions via efficiency improvements or demand elasticity limits their propagation.^[50]^[51]^[52] Critiques grounded in monetarist frameworks underscore that endogenous cost elevations, while initiating one-off price adjustments, require monetary accommodation—such as central bank tolerance of money supply growth—to engender persistent inflation, as velocity and output responses otherwise constrain spirals. Empirical tests confirm this, with wage or input cost surges dissipating absent demand-side reinforcement, highlighting productivity offsets and market corrections as natural dampeners; for instance, post-adjustment real wage moderation often restores equilibrium without embedded inflationary momentum.^[45]^[46]^[53]

Historical Examples

1970s Oil Crises and Stagflation

The 1973 oil crisis began with the Yom Kippur War on October 6, 1973, prompting the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) to impose an oil embargo on October 17 against the United States and other nations supporting Israel, alongside monthly production cuts of 5 percent.^[54] This exogenous supply shock quadrupled crude oil prices from approximately $3 per barrel to $11.65 per barrel by January 1974, directly elevating production costs across energy-dependent industries and initiating cost-push inflationary pressures.^[38] In the United States, consumer price index (CPI) inflation accelerated, contributing to broader price increases as firms passed on higher input costs to consumers.^[27] These shocks coincided with stagflation, characterized by simultaneous high inflation and economic stagnation: U.S. real GDP contracted by 3.2 percent during the November 1973 to March 1975 recession, while unemployment rose from 4.9 percent in 1973 to 8.5 percent in 1975.^[55] The Federal Reserve, under Chairman Arthur Burns, initially pursued accommodative monetary policies, expanding credit to mitigate recessionary impacts, which empirical data indicate exacerbated inflationary persistence rather than resolving supply-side disruptions.^[56] Annual M2 money supply growth often exceeded 10 percent through the decade, aligning with monetarist analyses attributing prolonged inflation to excessive monetary expansion amid the shocks, rather than cost increases alone.^[57] The 1979 Iranian Revolution further intensified pressures, halting Iranian oil exports after the Shah's overthrow in January 1979 and sparking panic buying that doubled spot prices to over $30 per barrel by early 1980.^[58] U.S. CPI inflation peaked at 13.5 percent annually in 1980, with unemployment remaining above 6 percent amid the ensuing 1980 recession.^[59] Paul Volcker's Federal Reserve responded in October 1979 by shifting to non-borrowed reserves targeting to restrain money growth, raising the federal funds rate to nearly 20 percent and inducing the 1981-1982 recession, which ultimately subdued inflation to 3.2 percent by 1983 without recurrent supply shocks.^[33] This resolution empirically validated causal emphasis on monetary restraint over cost-push factors for breaking inflationary inertia, as subsequent price stability decoupled from oil volatility.^[60]

2020s Supply Chain Disruptions and Energy Shocks

The COVID-19 pandemic's lockdowns from 2020 to 2021 triggered widespread supply chain disruptions, including semiconductor chip shortages due to factory shutdowns in Asia and severe shipping delays from port congestions and container imbalances.^[61]^[62] These bottlenecks particularly affected sectors like automobiles, where chip scarcity halved production and drove up used vehicle prices by over 40% in the U.S. by mid-2021.^[63] Empirical analyses indicate these supply constraints contributed significantly to early pandemic-era inflation, with global supply chain pressures adding 1-2 percentage points to U.S. core inflation through 2022.^[62] The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine exacerbated cost-push pressures via energy shocks, as Russia curtailed pipeline gas exports to Europe by about 80 billion cubic meters, causing benchmark TTF natural gas prices to surge from around €20/MWh in early 2021 to peaks exceeding €300/MWh in August 2022—a more than 1,400% increase in spot terms.^[64]^[65] This volatility rippled into broader input costs, with European wholesale electricity prices following suit and U.S. energy import dependencies amplifying domestic fuel price hikes.^[66] Combined with lingering COVID effects, these shocks propelled U.S. consumer price index (CPI) inflation to a 40-year peak of 9.1% year-over-year in June 2022, while producer price index (PPI) measures for intermediate inputs rose sharply, reflecting heightened costs for commodities and goods.^[67]^[68] Decompositions of inflation drivers attribute roughly 30-50% of the 2021-2022 surge to supply-side factors like these disruptions and energy spikes, with IMF models highlighting oil shocks and supply chain frictions as key amplifiers, though demand rebounds from fiscal stimulus played a concurrent role.^[69]^[70] World Bank assessments similarly emphasize global supply vulnerabilities in elevating headline inflation across advanced economies.^[71] By 2023-2025, inflation moderated to around 3% in the U.S. as supply chains reopened—e.g., port throughput normalized and chip production ramped up—and Europe diversified energy imports via LNG from alternatives like the U.S. and Qatar, averting sustained cost escalation.^[72] Despite initial fears, no entrenched wage-price spiral materialized, as nominal wage growth stabilized below 5% amid softening labor markets, and Federal Reserve rate hikes to a 5.25-5.5% target range by mid-2023 successfully anchored expectations without derailing recovery.^[73]^[74] Debates persist on residual effects, with some analyses crediting supply normalization over monetary tightening for disinflation, while others note fiscal demand impulses prolonged pressures; however, the absence of persistent unit labor cost pass-through underscores the transient nature of these exogenous shocks relative to endogenous dynamics.^[75]^[76]

Empirical Evidence

Measurement Challenges and Indicators

Measuring cost-push inflation presents significant challenges due to the interdependence between supply and demand factors, where cost increases can stimulate secondary demand responses or vice versa, complicating causal attribution. Econometric techniques such as vector autoregression (VAR) models, often employing sign restrictions or structural assumptions, are commonly used to disentangle supply shocks from demand shocks by analyzing impulse responses in variables like output, employment, and prices; for example, a negative supply shock typically raises prices while reducing output, contrasting with demand shocks that boost both.^[77] Endogeneity issues arise particularly with wage-driven cost pressures, as nominal wage growth may reflect anticipated inflation rather than exogenous pushes, requiring instrumental variables or high-frequency data for identification.^[78] Primary data sources include the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) for domestic indices and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) for harmonized international series, though revisions and measurement lags can introduce noise.^[52] Key indicators for quantifying cost-push components focus on upstream cost metrics relative to final prices. A divergence where the Producer Price Index (PPI), which tracks wholesale input costs, rises faster than the Consumer Price Index (CPI), measuring retail prices, signals potential cost transmission; BLS data from 2021-2022 showed PPI increases outpacing CPI by up to 5 percentage points quarterly amid energy shocks.^[52] Unit labor costs, calculated as total labor compensation divided by output, serve as a wage-push proxy, with BLS reporting U.S. nonfarm unit labor costs rising 5.7% in 2022, correlating with service sector inflation. Import price indices, capturing exogenous global input shocks, further aid identification, as tracked by BLS for commodities like oil. Decomposition models distinguish headline inflation (including volatile food and energy) from core measures stripping these to isolate persistent pressures, though core metrics may understate transient cost-push effects. Empirical studies leveraging VAR frameworks reveal that supply shocks, including cost-push variants, explain notable short-term inflation variance—often 30-60% in event windows like post-2020 disruptions—but their long-run contribution typically falls below 20%, as persistence hinges more on demand or monetary accommodation. For instance, Federal Reserve analyses attribute 20-40% of 2021-2022 U.S. headline inflation variance to supply constraints, fading at longer horizons.^[79]^[7] Similar findings from international VAR applications indicate supply factors drive initial volatility but <15% of multi-year inflation trends in advanced economies.^[80] These estimates underscore the metric's utility for tactical policy but highlight limitations in forecasting sustained inflation without broader model integration.

Studies on Attribution and Persistence

Empirical analyses using structural vector autoregressions (SVARs) and dynamic stochastic general equilibrium (DSGE) models have decomposed inflation variance into supply-side cost-push components and other drivers, revealing that cost-push shocks typically account for initial spikes but contribute minimally to long-term persistence. For instance, a 2023 IMF study employing a demand-supply decomposition framework found that while supply-driven inflation—proxied by oil shocks and supply chain pressures—reacted more acutely in the short term, its effects waned rapidly compared to demand components, which exhibited greater inertia through fiscal and monetary channels.^[81] Similarly, Federal Reserve Board research on supply chain disruptions estimated they explained about half of the U.S. inflation surge from 2021 to 2022, but emphasized that these pressures amplified existing capacity constraints rather than initiating self-perpetuating dynamics.^[82] Granger causality tests further underscore that monetary aggregates, rather than cost-push variables, drive inflationary persistence. Examinations of U.S. data from the 1970s onward, including periods of oil shocks, show bidirectional but predominantly unidirectional causality from money growth (e.g., M1 or base money) to price levels, with cost factors failing to Granger-cause inflation independently once monetary expansions are controlled for.^[83] In the 1970s context, initial correlations between energy costs and CPI rises were high, yet econometric decompositions attribute sustained elevation to Federal Reserve accommodation, which expanded the monetary base by over 10% annually in the mid-1970s, validating wage-price feedbacks absent in non-accommodative episodes.^[84] Post-2008 studies highlight the transitory nature of shocks, with inflation deviations from target dissipating within 1-2 years under low money velocity and tight policy, despite large-scale asset purchases that ballooned central bank balance sheets without proportional base money proliferation into broad circulation.^[85] DSGE simulations of the 2020s, such as those from the New York Fed, indicate that demand shocks—tied to fiscal stimulus exceeding $5 trillion in the U.S.—outweighed supply disruptions in explaining core PCE inflation persistence through 2023, rejecting pure cost-push narratives by showing supply effects peaking in 2021 and reverting by mid-2022 without policy-induced spirals.^[86] No robust evidence emerges for self-sustaining cost-push spirals in market-oriented economies; instead, persistence correlates with monetary validation, as free-price adjustments erode relative cost distortions over time, per vector error correction models.^[87]

Policy Implications

Monetary Policy Responses

Central banks typically counter cost-push inflation by implementing restrictive monetary policies that refuse to accommodate the initial price shocks, thereby preventing the embedding of higher inflation expectations and avoiding the monetization of temporary cost increases. Monetarists, following Milton Friedman's framework, argue that sustained inflation from cost-push factors requires monetary expansion to finance it, and non-accommodation ensures that such shocks do not lead to permanent shifts in the price level.^[88] ^[89] This approach prioritizes long-term price stability over short-term output smoothing, as empirical evidence from disinflation episodes demonstrates that credible tightening can restore anchor expectations without indefinite persistence.^[34] A core strategy involves raising short-term interest rates aggressively to increase borrowing costs, dampen demand, and signal commitment to the inflation target, often calibrated via rules like the Taylor rule. The Taylor rule prescribes setting the nominal federal funds rate as the equilibrium real rate plus current inflation plus 0.5 times the inflation gap (actual minus target) plus 0.5 times the output gap, which mechanically implies hikes exceeding one-for-one with inflation deviations during cost-push episodes to counteract upward pressure.^[90] ^[91] For instance, in response to the 1970s oil shocks, Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker shifted to tighter targeting of non-borrowed reserves in October 1979, driving the federal funds rate to a peak of approximately 20% by June 1981, which induced recessions in 1980 and 1981-1982 but reduced CPI inflation from 13.5% in 1980 to 3.2% by 1983.^[33] ^[92] In contrast, the Federal Reserve's earlier accommodation under Arthur Burns in the mid-1970s, by easing policy amid cost-push narratives, exacerbated wage-price spirals and allowed inflation to accelerate toward double digits.^[57] ^[27] More recently, following supply chain disruptions and energy shocks post-2020, the Federal Reserve under Jerome Powell raised the federal funds rate from near zero to 5.25-5.50% between March 2022 and July 2023, contributing to a decline in CPI inflation from 9.1% in June 2022 to around 2.5% by early 2025, with the disinflation occurring alongside only a modest rise in unemployment from 3.5% to 4.1%.^[93] ^[94] ^[95] Studies of these episodes indicate that such tightenings temporarily elevate unemployment—estimated at 1-2 percentage points above natural rate during Volcker's era—to break inflationary inertia, but yield sustained lower inflation without fiscal offsets or blame-shifting to supply factors.^[96] Failure to tighten risks prolonging inflation through de-anchored expectations and secondary effects like accelerated wage demands, as seen in the 1970s when partial accommodations led to velocity stability despite shocks, necessitating deeper later interventions. Post-tightening, money velocity often declines due to higher opportunity costs of holding money and restored credibility, reducing the money supply growth needed for transactions and aiding disinflation without hyperinflationary spirals.^[97] ^[98] Empirical models confirm that non-accommodative policies limit cost-push persistence to 1-2 years, versus indefinite escalation under loose stances.^[53]

Supply-Side and Regulatory Interventions

Supply-side interventions target the underlying frictions and inefficiencies that amplify cost-push inflation, such as monopolistic pricing power, regulatory barriers to entry, and rigidities in factor markets, by promoting competition, productivity, and resource allocation efficiency.^[99] These reforms prioritize deregulation and liberalization to expand productive capacity, contrasting with demand-suppression measures that do not resolve supply bottlenecks.^[100] Empirical analyses indicate that such policies can dampen the passthrough of input cost increases to consumer prices by fostering substitutability and innovation, though their effects often manifest over medium to long horizons rather than immediately.^[101] Antitrust enforcement and pro-competition policies mitigate cost-push pressures from oligopolistic or monopolistic structures, where concentrated market power enables firms to mark up prices beyond marginal costs during supply disruptions. For instance, breaking up cartels or preventing mergers that reduce rivalry lowers input markups and enhances price responsiveness to shocks.^[102] Labor market reforms emphasizing flexibility, including reductions in union bargaining power and implementation of right-to-work provisions, address wage rigidity that sustains inflationary spirals by decoupling wages from productivity trends.^[103] These measures allow real wages to adjust downward in response to adverse shocks without mass layoffs, as evidenced by studies showing that nominal wage rigidities exacerbate inflation persistence during cost episodes.^[104] In the U.S., states with right-to-work laws have exhibited lower wage inflation transmission from energy shocks compared to union-dense counterparts, correlating with more stable unit labor costs.^[105] Energy independence policies, exemplified by the U.S. shale revolution following regulatory easing post-2008, have buffered against exogenous oil price spikes by increasing domestic output and reducing import dependence. U.S. crude production rose from 5.0 million barrels per day in 2008 to over 13 million by 2019, decoupling domestic energy costs from global volatility and muting passthrough to CPI during the 2010s.^[106]^[107] This supply expansion offset potential cost-push from Middle East tensions, with econometric models confirming altered shock transmission post-shale.^[108] Deregulatory precedents, such as the Thatcher and Reagan administrations' 1980s efforts to privatize state monopolies, cut marginal tax rates, and curb union militancy, coincided with disinflation from double-digit peaks to under 4% by the late 1980s, as productivity gains outpaced cost pressures.^[109] These outcomes stemmed from reduced X-inefficiencies and entry barriers, though critics note concurrent monetary tightening amplified the effect.^[110] Recent initiatives like supply chain diversification under the 2022 CHIPS and Science Act aim to insulate against input shocks via domestic semiconductor capacity, allocating $52 billion in incentives to relocate production.^[111] However, the heavy reliance on subsidies risks distorting market signals and fostering dependency, as industrial policy critiques argue that government picking winners often yields lower returns than private investment, potentially prolonging inefficiencies rather than resolving them.^[112]^[113] Cross-country evidence supports that economies with pre-existing flexibility, such as Germany's post-Hartz IV labor reforms enhancing hiring/firing ease, exhibit muted cost-push transmission; during the 2022 energy crisis, German core inflation rose less than in more rigid peers due to adjustable contracts and vocational training buffering wage pressures.^[114] Overall, these interventions underscore causal realism in targeting supply elasticities to prevent persistent inflation from entrenched frictions.^[7]

Controversies and Debates

Debated Reality and Sustainability

The existence of sustained cost-push inflation remains a point of contention among economists, with monetarists and Austrian school proponents arguing that supply-side cost increases primarily induce temporary relative price adjustments rather than persistent general inflation, absent monetary accommodation.^[115]^[116] In contrast, some Keynesian and New Keynesian models incorporate cost-push shocks as capable of generating ongoing inflation through mechanisms like wage-price spirals or firm markups, where initial cost hikes propagate via backward-looking expectations or pricing power in concentrated markets.^[117]^[14] Thomas M. Humphrey traces the intellectual roots of the "cost-push fallacy"—the notion of independent, self-sustaining non-monetary inflation—to mid-20th-century influences, including union lobbying for wage policies that obscured monetary dynamics, though classical quantity theory demonstrates that real cost shocks affect specific relative prices, not the overall price level.^[45] Empirical analyses reinforce that no historical episode of prolonged inflation has occurred without excessive monetary expansion enabling persistence, even when supply disruptions played a role.^[53] In the Weimar Republic's 1923 hyperinflation, while reparations and production shortfalls contributed supply constraints, the core driver was the Reichsbank's rapid money issuance to finance deficits, with the money supply multiplying over 100-fold as prices rose exponentially, aligning with quantity theory predictions over supply-shock narratives.^[118] Similarly, the 2020s post-pandemic episode saw initial cost-push pressures from energy shocks and supply chain breakdowns elevate inflation to peaks above 9% in the U.S. by mid-2022, but rates declined sharply to around 3% by early 2025 as disruptions eased and central banks withheld accommodation, without triggering sustained spirals.^[119]^[94] Structuralist perspectives, emphasizing oligopolistic pricing or profit-led dynamics, posit that market concentration allows firms to embed cost increases into persistent markups, potentially decoupling inflation from demand or money growth.^[120] However, cross-country data from the 2020s indicate that such effects wane without monetary validation, as evidenced by synchronized disinflation across economies tightening policy amid fading supply constraints, underscoring accommodation as the binding causal factor for longevity.^[121]^[7] This consensus from quantity-theoretic frameworks holds that cost-push impulses, while real, require central bank errors in money supply to evade mean reversion toward equilibrium.^[122]

Role in Broader Inflation Narratives

In political discourse surrounding recent inflationary episodes, cost-push factors have been invoked differently across ideological lines. Left-leaning narratives, particularly prominent in 2022, attributed much of the price surge to corporate profiteering, often termed "greedflation," whereby firms allegedly exploited supply disruptions to raise markups excessively.^[123] ^[124] Proponents, including some progressive economists and policymakers, pointed to elevated corporate profit shares as evidence of deliberate price gouging rather than broader economic forces.^[125] Right-leaning perspectives, conversely, have emphasized regulatory burdens and energy policies—such as accelerated transitions to renewables—as key drivers of input cost increases, arguing these impose structural impediments that exacerbate supply-side pressures without addressing underlying fiscal or monetary expansions.^[126] Empirical analyses, however, indicate that corporate profit growth played a secondary role in the 2021-2022 inflation spike, contributing significantly early on but diminishing thereafter as unit labor costs and other factors dominated.^[127] ^[128] The Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond's examination of price-cost markups in nonfinancial corporate business found their net contribution to inflation to be modest, undermining claims of greed-driven persistence.^[128] These narratives often overlook demand-side impulses from fiscal measures like the $2.2 trillion CARES Act of March 2020, which boosted consumer spending on goods amid constrained supply, generating excess demand that amplified price pressures.^[129] ^[130] Such framings distort policy responses by diverting attention from monetary accommodation, which sustains inflation beyond transient cost shocks; historical evidence affirms that sustained rises in prices stem primarily from expansions in money supply relative to output, as articulated in quantity theory frameworks.^[27] ^[131] Invocations of cost-push as causal have fueled proposals for interventions like price controls, which exacerbated shortages and inefficiencies during the 1970s stagflation by suppressing supply signals without curbing monetary growth.^[132] ^[133] In truth-seeking assessments, cost-push serves as a diagnostic indicator of disruptions rather than a primary driver, with effective mitigation requiring restraint on aggregate demand and money creation over targeted supply-side blame.^[134]

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Oct 6, 2021 · Cost-push inflation can occur if businesses are faced with sudden rising prices for raw materials, intermediate goods, or labor, and pass those ...
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Inflation: Demand Pull or Cost Push? A Markov Switching Approach
Feb 2, 2024 · Our results reveal that monetary policy is more effective in controlling demand-pull inflation but less so in controlling cost-push inflation.
[7]
The Impacts of Supply Chain Disruptions on Inflation
Our estimates suggest that both aggregate demand and supply factors, including supply chain disruptions, have contributed significantly to high inflation.
[8]
"An Analysis of Demand-Pull Inflation in the United States Post ...
The COVID-19 pandemic led to a global shutdown of the economy resulting from both demand and supply shocks. Also, the significant decline in output and ...
[9]
Cost-Push Inflation - Economics Help
Jul 19, 2022 · Definition: Cost-push inflation occurs when we experience rising prices due to higher costs of production and higher costs of raw materials.
[10]
Cost-Push Inflation vs. Demand-Pull Inflation - ThoughtCo
May 1, 2025 · Cost-push inflation occurs when production costs rise, decreasing supply. Demand-pull inflation happens when demand for goods exceeds available ...
[11]
Causes of Inflation | Explainer | Education | RBA
'Demand-pull inflation' is caused by developments on the demand side of the economy, while 'cost-push inflation' is caused by the effect of higher input costs ...Causes Of Inflation · Demand-Pull Inflation · Inflation ExpectationsMissing: distinction | Show results with:distinction
[12]
Types of Inflation Explained: Causes and Economic Effects
Demand-pull inflation is when the demand for goods and services exceeds production capacity; cost-push inflation is when an increase in production costs ...
[13]
[PDF] International inflation spillovers through input linkages
To gauge the extent to which input linkages propagate inflationary shocks, we feed into the world input-output matrix several hypothetical underlying cost ...
[14]
Markups, profit shares, and cost-push-profit-led inflation
In the face of large import and other price shocks even under constant markups, firms are able to pass the burden of adjustment to real wages. Thus, the term ...
[15]
[PDF] Firms' Pass-Through Dynamics: A Survey Approach
We present five facts based on our novel survey approach. First, firms pass through cost increases only gradually over time. This is due to a combination of ...
[16]
[PDF] How Do Supply Shocks to Inflation Generalize? Evidence from the ...
Our paper provides further evidence of a cost-push pass-through of the supply-side shocks during the pandemic and its aftermath into higher inflation in Europe.
[17]
Analysing cost-push inflation using world input-output tables - CEPR
May 13, 2022 · Input-output tables are used to document the heterogeneous reactions of consumer prices to exchange rate variations across countries, reflecting ...
[18]
Wage-Price Spirals: What is the Historical Evidence?
Nov 11, 2022 · We define a wage-price spiral as an episode where at least three out of four consecutive quarters saw accelerating consumer prices and rising nominal wages.
[19]
Firm Wage Setting and On-the-Job Search Limit Wage-Price Spirals
We argue that if firms set wages and workers search on the job, then pass-through from prices to wages is weak, limiting wage-price spirals.
[20]
[PDF] Firm Wage Setting and On-the-Job Search Limit Wage-Price Spirals
We argue that if firms set wages and workers search on the job, then pass-through from prices to wages is weak, limiting wage-price spirals.
[21]
[PDF] An AS-AD View Pierpaolo Benigno Working Paper 14824
This work presents a simple New-Keynesian model illustrated by Aggregate Demand. (AD) and Aggregate Supply (AS) graphical analysis. In its simplicity, the ...
[22]
[PDF] AGGREGATE SUPPLY, AGGREGATE DEMAND, AND INFLATION
This chapter introduces you to the "Aggregate Supply /Aggregate Demand" (or. "AS/AD") model. This model builds on the model for Aggregate Expenditure (AE).
[23]
Relation between Unemployment and the Rate of Change of Money ...
Since each interval includes years in which unemployment was increasing and years in which it was decreasing the effect of changing unemployment on the rate of ...
[24]
[PDF] Post-Keynesian theory of inflation
Post-Keynesian inflation theory has three main causes: conflictual, imported, and a mitigated role for aggregate demand. Finished goods are cost-determined, ...
[25]
[PDF] post-Keynesian inflation theory and energy price driven ... - IPE Berlin
Post-Keynesian theory views inflation as a conflict phenomenon, linked to rising energy prices and mark-ups, and driven by increased claims of capitalists, ...
[26]
[PDF] Price and Prejudice: A Note on the Return of Inflation and Ideology
Heterodox authors, tended to side with the Neoclassical Synthesis Keynesians in seeing inflation essentially as the result of cost-push factors and ...
[27]
The Great Inflation | Federal Reserve History
The Great Inflation was the defining macroeconomic period of the second half of the twentieth century. Lasting from 1965 to 1982, it led economists to rethink ...
[28]
[PDF] The Phillips Curve and U.S. Macroeconomic Policy
The curve first drawn by A.W. Phillips in 1958, highlighting a negative relationship between wage inflation and unemployment, figured.
[29]
Inflation and the Phillips Curve
In the short-run, where expectations are given, a fall in unemployment due to an increase in nominal demand leads to a rise in inflation. This rise comes from ...
[30]
Cost-Push and Demand-Pull Inflation: Milton Friedman and the ...
18) famous statement: “Inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon.” In this view, ongoing price increases cannot be due to cost-push pressures but ...
[31]
Cost-Push and Demand-Pull Inflation: Milton Friedman and the ...
This paper addresses two conflicting views in the 1950s and 1960s about the inflation-unemployment tradeoff as given by the Phillips curve.Missing: empirical | Show results with:empirical
[32]
[PDF] The Impact of Milton Friedman on Modern Monetary Economics
Friedman rejected both the cost-push and the simple Phillips curve approaches that were emblematic of. Keynesian 1970s inflation analysis. We then describe the ...
[33]
Volcker's Announcement of Anti-Inflation Measures
In October 1979, Fed Chairman Paul Volcker announced new measures by the Federal Open Market Committee aimed at reining in the inflation that had afflicted ...
[34]
[PDF] The Reform of October 1979: How It Happened and Why
Taming the inflation problem of the 1970s did set the stage for a long period of prosperity, as Volcker and many others had hoped.
[35]
Back to the Future? Lessons from the “Great Inflation” | Congress.gov
Jul 28, 2022 · ... Volcker (1979-1987) that inflation fell and remained low. As a result, most economists credit monetary policy with ending the Great Inflation.
[36]
Definition of Cost-Push Inflation | Higher Rock Education
Economists refer to this as a supply shock—an unexpected event that significantly alters the supply of a commodity, leading to a rapid change in its price.
[37]
4.8 The business cycle model: Demand and supply shocks, and ...
In macroeconomics a supply shock means a change on the supply side of the economy, such as a rise or fall in oil prices or an improvement in technology.Aggregate Demand Shocks · Supply-Side Shocks · Increased Market Power Of...
[38]
Oil Shock of 1973-74 | Federal Reserve History
October 1973-January 1974 These cuts nearly quadrupled the price of oil from $2.90 a barrel before the embargo to $11.65 a barrel in January 1974. In March ...
[39]
The True Story of the Oil Crisis of 1973-1974 - Econlib
Oct 19, 2023 · By the end of the embargo in March 1974, the global oil price had quadrupled, from $3 per barrel to nearly $12 per barrel; US prices were ...
[40]
The Economic Consequences of Oil Shocks: Differences across ...
Within a structural vector autoregression ... The two large oil price shocks of the 1970s were associated with higher inflation and lower economic growth.
[41]
Energy commodity prices in 2022 showed effects of Russia's ... - EIA
Jan 3, 2023 · Crude oil prices rose substantially following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine and subsequent sanctions placed on Russia.
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[PDF] Russia-Ukraine war impact on supply chains and inflation
The war complicates supply chains, increases inflation, and exacerbates disruptions, especially in energy, food, and semiconductors, impacting prices.
[43]
Supply chain disruptions and the effects on the global economy
At the peak of the COVID-19 shock in April 2020, supply chain disruptions were the main reason for the longer delivery times. The impulse response functions of ...
[44]
https://www.newyorkfed.org/medialibrary/media/research/staff_reports/sr1164.pdf
[45]
[PDF] Historical Origins of the Cost-Push Fallacy
Here is the classic refutation of the cost-push notion that money, because it responds passively to the needs of trade, cannot be inflationary. Neil Wallace ( ...
[46]
Inflation in the U.S. Economy: Causes and Policy Options
Oct 6, 2022 · Cost-push inflation, especially when caused by a supply shock, tends to result in only a temporary increase in inflation unless accommodated by ...
[47]
[PDF] The Effect of the Minimum Wage on Prices
The effect on wage and price inflation of a 10% increase in the minimum wage across studies ranged from 0.15% to 0.76%. She then criticized these studies on the ...
[48]
[PDF] Does Wage Inflation Cause Price Inflation?
It turns out that the vast majority of the published evidence suggests that there is lit- tle reason to believe that wage inflation causes price inflation. In ...
[49]
[PDF] Do Higher Wages Cause Inflation? - Sveriges Riksbank
Much empirical evidence suggests that wage increases do not lead to inflation. This paper demonstrates that a 2-sector dynamic general equilibrium model ...
[50]
[PDF] The Cost of Federal Regulation to the U.S. Economy, Manufacturing ...
US federal regulations cost an estimated $3.079 trillion in 2022, or $12,800 per employee, with small firms incurring $14,700 per employee.
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[PDF] How Do Federal Regulations Affect Consumer Prices?
We find evidence of a statistically significant relationship between regulation and price levels: specifically, a 10 percent increase in total regulations leads ...Missing: domestic | Show results with:domestic
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Producer Price Index Home - Bureau of Labor Statistics
The Producer Price Index (PPI) measures the average change over time in the selling prices received by domestic producers for their output.PPI Tables · Final Demand · BLS PPI release · Release Calendar
[53]
[PDF] World Inflation and Monetary Accommodation in Eight Countries
52 Further, there is no sign of the passive accommodation of wage change by monetary authorities required if an inflation initiated by wage push is to continue.
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Oil Embargo, 1973–1974 - Office of the Historian
The price of oil per barrel first doubled, then quadrupled, imposing skyrocketing costs on consumers and structural challenges to the stability of whole ...
[55]
U.S. Recessions Throughout History: Causes and Effects
The Oil Embargo Recession: November 1973–March 1975 · Duration: 16 months · GDP decline: 3%28 · Peak Unemployment Rate: 8.6%17 · Reasons and causes: This long, deep ...
[56]
What went wrong in Arthur Burns' time as Fed chair in the 1970s - NPR
Feb 3, 2023 · History remembers Arthur Burns as the 1970s Fed chair who let inflation run rampant. His name has been invoked recently in the financial press as a cautionary ...
[57]
Can the 1970s Help Inform the Future Path of Monetary Policy?
Aug 31, 2022 · By late 1971, the money supply was surging again, up 13 percent on a year-over-year basis. The Fed's quick and stark policy reversal became a ...<|separator|>
[58]
Oil Shock of 1978-79 | Federal Reserve History
Oil prices began to rise rapidly in mid-1979, more than doubling between April 1979 and April 1980. According to one estimate, surging oil demand—coming both ...
[59]
Consumer Price Index, 1800- | Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis
Historic data including estimates before the modern U.S. consumer price index (CPI) ... 1980. 247.6. 13.5%. 1981. 273.2. 10.3%. 1982. 290.0. 6.1%. 1983. 299.3. 3.2 ...
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Recession of 1981-82 | Federal Reserve History
Volcker's first attempt to lower inflation and inflationary expectations proved insufficient. The credit-control program initiated in March 1980 by the Carter ...
[61]
Unpacking the Causes of Pandemic-Era Inflation in the US | NBER
Sep 1, 2023 · The combination of strong demand and supply chain bottlenecks led to further pressure on prices, particularly on prices of durable goods. Rising ...<|separator|>
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Global Supply Chain Pressures and U.S. Inflation - San Francisco Fed
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Supply Chain Disruptions, Inflation, and the Fed
The spike in used car prices was a prominent example of how global supply chain disruptions have contributed to US inflation.
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Russia's War on Ukraine – Topics - IEA
The energy sector continues to feel the effects of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, which in February 2022 sparked the first truly global energy crisis.
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What drives natural gas price volatility in Europe and beyond? - IEA
Jul 21, 2025 · Natural gas markets suffered an unprecedented crisis in 2022 and 2023 when Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine was followed by a steep ...
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Energy prices and security of supply - consilium.europa.eu
Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 had a devastating impact on the energy market and pushed energy prices to record levels. Russia's unilateral ...
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Consumer prices up 9.1 percent over the year ended June 2022 ...
Jul 18, 2022 · Consumer prices increased 9.1% (largest in 40 years). Food rose 10.4%, energy 41.6%, and motor fuel 60.2%. Food at home rose 12.2%.
[68]
Producer Price Index by Commodity: All Commodities (PPIACO)
Graph and download economic data for Producer Price Index by Commodity: All Commodities (PPIACO) from Jan 1913 to Aug 2025 about commodities, PPI, ...
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[PDF] Demand vs. Supply Decomposition of Inflation
This paper decomposes inflation into demand and supply components, finding supply-driven inflation is more reactive to oil shocks and supply chain pressures.Missing: attribution 2020s
[70]
Are supply shocks a key driver of global Inflation? Evidence from ...
The findings indicate that supply-side factors, particularly food and oil price shocks as well as supply chain disruptions, are the primary contributors to both ...
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What Explains Global Inflation - World Bank
This paper examines the drivers of fluctuations in global inflation, defined as a common factor across monthly headline consumer price index (CPI) inflation ...
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Monetary Policy Report – June 2025 - Federal Reserve Board
Inflation has continued to ease. After declining modestly last year, consumer price inflation continued to ease during the first four months of this year, ...<|separator|>
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July 2023 Fed Meeting: Interest Rate Hikes Resume - J.P. Morgan
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A timeline of the Fed's '22–'23 rate hikes & what caused them
Apr 12, 2024 · In July 2023, the Fed made its final 0.25% increase, bringing rates to 5.25–5.50%. The Fed funds rate has not been cut since then. Table of ...
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[PDF] The Drivers of Post-Pandemic Inflation
Post-pandemic inflation was mainly driven by strong demand, with demand rebounding faster than supply, and possibly due to fiscal policies and pent-up demand.<|separator|>
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Pass-Through of Wages and Import Prices Has Increased in the Post ...
Aug 23, 2022 · In this post we use detailed industry-level data to examine two prominent cost-push-based explanations for high inflation: rising import prices ...Missing: components | Show results with:components
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[PDF] What drives inflation? Disentangling demand and supply factors
Nov 3, 2022 · The first VAR includes the demand and supply factors from the baseline model (extracted from all models, i.e. taking into account model.
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[PDF] What Drives Inflation? Disentangling Demand and Supply Factors
We assess the dynamic impact of monetary policy and EBP shocks on demand and supply factors based on two vector autore- gressive models estimated with two lags ...
[79]
[PDF] Demand versus Supply: Which Is More Important for Inflation?
Apr 24, 2025 · Both studies find that demand shocks account for more than 50% of fluctuations in U.S. inflation during the pandemic era. Models 1 and 2 both ...
[80]
[PDF] Supply shocks and inflation: timely insights from financial markets
We introduce a mixed-frequency model that identifies the impact of supply shocks on inflation in the United States in real time. The model decomposes weekly ...
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Demand vs. Supply Decomposition of Inflation - IMF eLibrary
Oct 17, 2023 · We find that supply-driven inflation is more reactive to oil shocks and supply chain pressures, while demand-driven inflation displays a more pronounced ...<|separator|>
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[PDF] Supply Chain Constraints and Inflation - Federal Reserve Board
To the extent that constraints masquerading as markup shocks explain inflation, this then limits the scope for these alternative labor market mechanisms ...
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[PDF] the granger-causality between money growth, inflation, currency ...
Abstract. This paper uses annual data for the period 1954-2002 to investigate the causal relationship between money growth, inflation, currency.
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Money, inflation, and causality (a look at the empirical evidence for ...
This paper uses two Wiener-Granger causality tests, the Granger direct and the Sims lagged dependent variable tests. These tests evaluate the null ...Missing: persistence | Show results with:persistence
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How Persistent Is Inflation? - Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond
Alternatively, if inflation is high today yet persistence is low, the shocks driving high inflation might quickly dissipate, and inflation would fall back to ...
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Drivers of Inflation: The New York Fed DSGE Model's Perspective
Mar 2, 2022 · This post analyzes the drivers of these developments through the lens of the New York Fed DSGE model. Its main finding is that the recent rise in inflation is ...
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Inflation dynamics: A structural econometric analysis - ScienceDirect
As with the traditional Phillips curve, inflation depends positively on the output gap and a 'cost push' term that reflects the influence of expected inflation.
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[PDF] NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES THE GREAT INFLATION IN THE ...
the price Phillips curve shock would support the idea that cost-push forces are important for medium-run inflation dynamics even without monetary accommodation.Missing: transitory | Show results with:transitory
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[PDF] A Monetarist Model of the Inflationary Process
Monetarists reject nonmonetary explanations of inflation-i.e., those that attribute rising prices to such alleged causes as shifts in autonomous private ...
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Understanding the Taylor Rule: A Guide for Central Bank Policy
The rule suggests a higher federal funds rate when inflation is above target and a lower rate if inflation is below target. Similarly, real GDP growth above a ...
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[PDF] Beyond the Taylor Rule - Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City
Aug 19, 2025 · A key feature that the Taylor rule prescribes is 3 Page 5 that the nominal interest rate should rise and fall more than one-for-one with ...
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How the Fed ended the last great American inflation - Vox
Jul 13, 2022 · After Volcker's appointment in 1979, inflation peaked and then plummeted rapidly. It has never exceeded 4 percent on an annual basis again.
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Federal Funds Rate History 1990 to 2025 – Forbes Advisor
Sep 18, 2025 · Fed Rate Hikes 2022-2025: Taming Inflation and Beyond ; Sept 18, 2024. -50. 4.75% to 5.00% ; July 26, 2023. +25. 5.25% to 5.50% ; May 3, 2023. +25.
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[PDF] Inflation since the Pandemic: Lessons and Challenges
supply in the labor market. Notably, inflation has fallen almost 5 percentage points since mid-2022 to early 2025 without a large increase in the unemployment ...
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The rise and retreat of US inflation: An update | CEPR
Jun 19, 2025 · The 12-month CPI inflation rate rose from an average of 2.1% over 2017-2019 to 9.0% in June 2022, alarming economists and the public. Then, ...<|separator|>
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[PDF] MONETARY POLICY AND INFLATION IN THE 1980s
The very short period of tight monetary policy and weak economic activity was not enough to reduce the rate of inflation. The Reagan-Volcker Disinflation Policy.
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How the Great Inflation of the 1970s Happened - Investopedia
In the 1970s, moves meant to boost employment went wrong, causing inflation to skyrocket and creating one of the most painful economic disasters of the ...
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Ups and Downs of Inflation and Role of Fed Credibility
Apr 1, 2014 · When a central bank is not credible, it is always fighting inflation—as the Fed had to do in the 1970s. Earning credibility can be very costly.
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Policies to reduce cost-push inflation - Economics Help
Apr 6, 2022 · Inflation can be reduced by raising interest rates. Higher interest rates increase the cost of borrowing and discourage consumer spending and ...
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Effective Inflation Control Requires Supply-Side Policy
Sep 15, 2022 · Fed inflation policy, which relies on demand reduction, needs to be augmented by supply-side actions; otherwise, there will be avoidable losses in output and ...
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https://www.tutor2u.net/economics/reference/ib-economics-strengths-and-weaknesses-of-supply-side-policies
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Supply Side Policies - Economics Help
Oct 30, 2019 · By making the economy more efficient, supply-side policies will help reduce cost-push inflation. For example, if privatisation leads to more ...
[103]
What impacts do supply-side policies have on inflation rates?
Supply-side policies can help to reduce inflation rates by increasing productivity and competition, thereby lowering costs of production.
[104]
[PDF] NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES WAGE FLEXIBILITY AND ...
Inflation creates implicit variation in the bite of nominal wage rigidity but does not directly distinguish more or less flexible contracting arrangements.
[105]
Identifying the policy levers generating wage suppression and wage ...
May 13, 2021 · The focus on labor market competition led to the promotion of “labor flexibility” to achieve growth; this policy agenda sought to weaken ...<|separator|>
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The Shale Gas and Tight Oil Boom | Council on Foreign Relations
The boom in production of oil and natural gas from shale formations became a significant factor after 2008. Greater availability of domestic energy resources ...Missing: post- | Show results with:post-
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The shale oil boom and the US economy: Spillovers and time ...
May 24, 2024 · We provide new evidence that the transmission of oil price shocks to the US economy has changed with the shale oil boom.Missing: post- | Show results with:post-
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Does the shale gas boom change the natural gas price-production ...
This change in the relationship between U.S. natural gas and oil prices after 2008 has often been attributed to the dramatic rise in shale gas production, or ...Missing: post- | Show results with:post-
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[PDF] Margaret Thatcher's Privatization Legacy - Cato Institute
Feb 1, 2017 · Her gov- ernment deregulated, cut marginal tax rates, repealed exchange con- trols, and tamed militant labor unions. But it was privatization ...<|separator|>
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Thatcher: the Myth of Deregulation - Institute of Economic Affairs
Summary: It is commonly believed that, during the 1980s, Margaret Thatcher presided over a substantial reduction in government regulation of financial services ...
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The CHIPS Act: What it means for the semiconductor ecosystem - PwC
and whether — to pursue a piece of the $52.7 billion in federal subsidies ...Missing: critique | Show results with:critique
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The False Promise of America's CHIPS Act by Anne O. Krueger
Nov 21, 2022 · Anne O. Krueger argues that large subsidies and government management will not keep the US semiconductor industry on top.
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The Real Problem With CHIPS Subsidies - The Heritage Foundation
May 19, 2022 · The bill's $50 billion handout to the semiconductor industry has little to do with beating China. In fact, it will help China achieve its industrial goals.
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The effectiveness and transmission of monetary policy in the euro area
Aug 24, 2024 · Monetary policy affects demand and prices through multiple channels: someare more direct (via intertemporal substitution) and others are more ...
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Historical Origins of the Cost-Push Fallacy | Richmond Fed
They demonstrated that real shocks to costs determine the relative prices of specific goods rather than the average of all prices. Monetary policy, not real ...
[116]
Making Milton Friedman's Monetarism Relevant Again
Mar 19, 2025 · ... cost-push inflation ... How the Fed's shift to monetarism proved inflation is a monetary phenomenon—and why Friedman's insights still matter for ...
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[PDF] The Science of Monetary Policy: A New Keynesian Perspective
If cost push fac- tors drive inflation, however, it is only possible to reduce inflation in the near term by contracting demand. This consideration leads to the ...
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The Quantity Theory of Money in the Weimar Hyperinflation - Econlib
Nov 16, 2023 · In particular, the money supply continued to grow, albeit slowly, in 1920-21, while prices were falling. The quantity theory of money – as ...
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The Rise (and Fall) of Inflation During the Early 2020s | Econ Primer
Aug 25, 2023 · Inflation slowed noticeably by summer 2023, reflecting both the tightening in monetary policy and unwinding of some supply constraints.
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[PDF] Profit shares and cost-push inflation: examining the distributional ...
May 4, 2024 · The post-Keynesian theory of price formation is based on the Kaleckian markup pricing model, where prices depend on unit direct costs (Lavoie, ...
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Understanding the international rise and fall of inflation since 2020
This paper analyzes inflation dynamics in 21 advanced and emerging market economies since 2020. We decompose inflation into core inflation.
[122]
[PDF] The Monetarist-Keynesian Debate and the Phillips Curve
Before full em- ployment, cost-push inflation could occur caused by “the psychology of workers and by the policies of employers and trade unions.” Page 14. 96.
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Revealed: top US corporations raising prices on Americans even as ...
Apr 27, 2022 · “The American people are sick and tired of the unprecedented corporate greed that exists all over this country. They are sick and tired of being ...Missing: left wing<|separator|>
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Profits and price inflation are indeed linked | Economic Policy Institute
Sep 5, 2024 · Corporate profits largely explain the initial rise in inflation · Corporate profits have contributed disproportionately to price growth since ...
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The Pundits Were Wrong: Corporate Greed Stoked Inflation - Jacobin
The Pundits Were Wrong: Corporate Greed Stoked Inflation. By: Andrew Perez ... greedflation” narrative on the Senate floor last May. Bloomberg Opinion ...
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The Real Story Behind Inflation | The Heritage Foundation
Milton Friedman famously said inflation is a monetary phenomenon. Our friends at Free to Choose Network have a great video posted of Friedman explaining.
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Corporate Profits Contributed a Lot to Inflation in 2021 but Little in ...
May 12, 2023 · Although corporate profits indeed contributed to inflation in 2021, their contribution fell in 2022. This pattern is not unusual.
[128]
Profits and Inflation in the Time of COVID | Richmond Fed
Did corporate profits cause inflation? The price-cost markup shows that the contribution to inflation in the NFCB sector was rather small.<|separator|>
[129]
Fiscal policy and excess inflation during Covid-19: a cross-country ...
Jul 15, 2022 · Our findings suggest that fiscal stimulus boosted the consumption of goods without any noticeable impact on production, increasing excess demand pressures in ...
[130]
Post-pandemic US inflation: A tale of fiscal and monetary policy
Sep 17, 2024 · The CARES act of March 2020 was worth $2.2 trillion (10% of GDP) ... These shocks act like demand shocks, hence they are in line with ...Missing: pull | Show results with:pull
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Inflation: True and False - Hoover Institution
May 21, 2021 · Inflation, by definition, means that money loses its purchasing power and, therefore, is a monetary phenomenon. But Friedman meant much more.
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Price Controls - Econlib
All of the problems with price controls—queuing, evasion, black markets, and rationing—raise the real price of goods to consumers, and these effects are only ...
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Wage and Price Controls Are Not the Answer to Inflation
Jan 10, 2023 · Both failed then, as every such attempt is bound to fail, because they do not address the cause of inflation. Economist Milton Friedman ...
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[PDF] Inflation Is a Supply Phenomenon - Brandeis University
On the vertical segment of the aggregate supply curve, the economy is at “full employment,” and price increases are the only mechanism to clear excess demand.