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Old Arabic

Old Arabic is an umbrella term denoting the diverse, pre-Islamic varieties of the Arabic language attested primarily through epigraphic and documentary sources, such as inscriptions and papyri, spanning from the early BCE to the . These forms represent a spoken by nomadic and settled Arab tribes across the , the , , and adjacent regions, serving as the direct linguistic precursor to , the standardized variety codified in the and early Islamic texts. The earliest clear attestation of an Arabic word appears in the Kurkh Monolith inscription of the Neo-Assyrian king , dated to 853 BCE, which records a coalition including Arab forces. Subsequent evidence emerges in Assyrian records from the 8th century BCE, such as those of (744–727 BCE), and proliferates in the BCE through Old North Arabian scripts like and . The main corpora of Old Arabic include thousands of inscriptions from the basaltic deserts of the Syro-ian Ḥarrah (late BCE to 4th century CE), texts from southern and the (1st–3rd centuries CE), and Nabataeo-Arabic materials from and its environs (2nd century BCE to CE), often blending Arabic with influences. Linguistically, Old Arabic belongs to the Central Semitic branch of the Semitic language family, sharing innovations with Northwest Semitic languages like Aramaic but distinguished by features such as the merger of Proto-Semitic *ś and *s into a single *s phoneme. Notable morphological traits include variant definite articles—northern forms with prefixed *h- (e.g., *han-nās "the people") and southern *ʔal- (precursor to Classical *al-)—feminine singular endings in *-at or *-ah, and plural feminine *-āt, alongside a general absence of nunation (indefinite ending -an) and reduced case vowel system compared to Classical Arabic. Syntactically, it features verbless clauses and existential constructions typical of Semitic, with content often comprising funerary, votive, or graffiti texts reflecting nomadic life, tribal conflicts, and religious practices. This epigraphic record reveals Old Arabic's role in cultural and trade interactions under Nabataean, Roman, and Palmyrene influences, highlighting its evolution amid contact with and other regional languages before the Islamic conquests unified and standardized it into .

Classification and Definition

Linguistic Affiliation

Old Arabic is classified as a member of the Central Semitic subgroup within the Semitic branch of the Afroasiatic language family, descending from Proto-Semitic through shared innovations that unite it with Northwest Semitic languages such as Aramaic, Hebrew, and Ugaritic. This positioning reflects a divergence from Proto-Semitic around 4450 years before present, with Central Semitic characterized by morphological developments like the yaqtulu imperfective verbal stem. Unlike the South Semitic languages, including Old South Arabian, Old Arabic lacks certain South Semitic traits, such as preserved triadic broken plurals in specific patterns, while exhibiting areal influences from Old South Arabian through contact in the Arabian Peninsula. Recent analyses confirm Old Arabic's retention of the Proto-Semitic lateral fricative *ś as [ɬ], a trait shared with some Northwest Semitic languages but lost in Classical Arabic. Key phonological and morphological innovations distinguish Old Arabic from and align it more closely with Central patterns. For instance, Old Arabic retained the Proto- lateral *ś/s² as [ɬ], a sound preserved longer in as a distinct lateral; this contrasts with the later merger into in . Additionally, the emphatic consonants in Old Arabic likely originated as glottalized stops or s, differing from the pharyngealized emphatics that developed later and contrasting with the glottalized emphatics in . These changes highlight Old Arabic's independent evolution within Central . Nunation (-n), inherited from Proto-Central as a replacement for mimation, is sparsely attested in Old Arabic inscriptions and its role as an indefinite marker is disputed. Old Arabic retains numerous Proto-Semitic while exhibiting characteristic sound shifts that reflect its Central affiliation. The following table illustrates select examples of shared roots and typical shifts:
Proto-Semitic RootMeaningOld Arabic FormShift/Retention Notes
*q-t-lto killq-t-l (qatala)Retention of gutturals; yaqtulu .
*p-ʔ-lto do/actf-ʕ-l (faʕala)*p > f (spirantization).
*k-t-bto writek-t-b (kataba)Retention; innovation.
*ś-l-mto be wholes-l-m (salima)*ś (lateral) retained as [ɬ], orthographically s; merger to s in later .
These examples demonstrate how Old Arabic preserved core triconsonantal structures from Proto-Semitic while retaining certain and undergoing spirantization, setting it apart from Arabian's retention of laterals. Scholars whether Old Arabic represents a single unified or a , given the epigraphic evidence from pre-Islamic inscriptions showing systematic variations, such as the definite article appearing as h- in southern varieties and ʔl- in northern ones. This variation suggests a continuum of mutually intelligible dialects spoken across the , rather than a monolithic , with modern Arabic dialects reflecting ongoing diversification from this base.

Scope and Attested Varieties

Old Arabic refers to the diverse pre-Classical forms of the attested in epigraphic and other documentary evidence from approximately the 9th century BCE to the 7th century CE, prior to the standardization of in the Islamic era. This period captures a of dialects rather than a uniform , preserved primarily through inscriptions, papyri, and occasional transcriptions in foreign scripts like and . The main attested varieties of Old Arabic include , a nomadic dialect of northern Arabia associated with pastoralist communities in the Syro-Arabian desert; , another nomadic form found in the ; , an oasis-based variety linked to sedentary populations; , a trade-influenced dialect shaped by mercantile interactions; and early Hijazi forms emerging in central Arabian oases. inscriptions, numbering around 40,000, predominate in the basalt deserts of the Ḥarrah region, while texts, about 3,700 in count, appear in areas from in to Tabuk in northwest . is centered at the Dadān oasis (modern ), with extensions to nearby sites, and emerges in trade hubs, often intermixed with . Early Hijazi varieties represent transitional forms closer to , attested in northern Hijaz oases. Geographically, Old Arabic was distributed across the Arabian Peninsula, from the northern Hijaz and northwest regions to the Syrian steppe and Jordanian deserts, extending into the southern Levant and Sinai. Key sites include Harran in northern Syria for northern nomadic inscriptions, Tayma in northwest Saudi Arabia for oasis varieties like Taymanitic influences on Dadanitic, and Petra in southern Jordan as a Nabataean center where Arabic elements appear alongside Aramaic. This spread reflects both nomadic mobility and sedentary trade networks, with concentrations in the Syro-Jordanian Ḥarrah and areas south to Hegra (Madāʔin Ṣāliḥ). Inclusion as an Old Arabic variety is determined by shared isoglosses distinguishing it from neighboring , such as the use of broken plurals (e.g., fuʿūl for sound masculine plurals), the definite article al- (often without full to sun letters in northern forms), and sparse attestation of in nominal endings, unlike its systematic use in . Varieties like exhibit borderline features, such as the relative pronoun ʾlt resembling Old Hijazi, but are included if they demonstrate these Arabic-specific innovations over or traits; transitional forms post-7th century are excluded as they align more closely with emerging Classical norms.

Historical Development

Early Attestations (1st Millennium BCE)

The earliest historical references to Arabs appear in Assyrian royal inscriptions from the mid-9th century BCE, where nomadic groups designated as Aribi or Arubu are documented in the annals of kings such as Shalmaneser III (r. 858–824 BCE) and Shamshi-Adad V (r. 824–811 BCE). These texts describe the Aribi as pastoralist tribes inhabiting the fringes of the Syrian Desert and northern Arabia, involved in tribute payments—such as camels and spices—and occasional conflicts with Assyrian forces during campaigns in the Levant. While these records provide no direct linguistic material in Arabic, the ethnonym Aribi represents the oldest known precursor to the term "Arab," reflecting interactions between Mesopotamian powers and proto-Arabic-speaking nomads. By the 5th century BCE, sources offer the first external perspectives on groups, with referring to the Araboi in his Histories (ca. 440 BCE) as inhabitants of the engaged in trade and known for unique customs, such as not taxing imports. A notable linguistic glimpse emerges in 's account of Arabian religious terminology, where he states that "the call Alilat," providing early evidence of the Proto-Arabic definite article al-, a feature absent in neighboring like but central to later morphology. This borrowing or direct attestation underscores emerging Arabic distinctiveness amid interactions with Mediterranean cultures. Epigraphic evidence for proto-Old Arabic begins to surface in the Ancient North Arabian (ANA) scripts of the late 1st millennium BCE, particularly in Thamudic and Lihyanite inscriptions from northwestern Arabia and the Hijaz. Thamudic graffiti, dated roughly to the 8th–4th centuries BCE and scattered across the Arabian Peninsula, include personal names and short dedications with onomastic elements like ʾbdʾl ("servant of God") and verbal roots (e.g., qtl "to kill") that align with Old Arabic patterns, suggesting a dialectal continuum. Similarly, Lihyanite inscriptions from the Dedan region (ca. 6th–4th centuries BCE), written in a script derived from South Arabian monumental forms, feature proper names such as Wadd (a deity) and grammatical constructions (e.g., broken plurals) indicative of proto-Arabic innovations diverging from Central Semitic norms. These onomastic and lexical traces, analyzed through comparative Semitics, highlight Old Arabic's roots in a nomadic milieu without fully formed textual corpora. The transition to more explicit Old Arabic attestation occurs in the late 1st century BCE with early graffiti, a voluminous corpus of over 30,000 short inscriptions carved by nomads in the basaltic deserts of , , and northern . These texts, using the variant of the , record personal laments, dedications, and travel notes in a exhibiting core traits, such as the verbal . An exemplary early piece from this period invokes tribal protection with forms like l-ʿrby ("O "), linking directly to the ethnonyms in and sources. Complementing this, the inscription (ca. 1st century BCE), rendered in Musnad at a Arabian trade center, contains the earliest known continuous , including a dedication with the phrase b-ʿrb ("in "), affirming the language's use in settled contexts.

Pre-Islamic Expansion (2nd Century BCE to 6th Century CE)

During the 2nd century BCE to the 1st century CE, Old Arabic began to emerge prominently in the , centered in and extending along key trade routes connecting the to the Mediterranean. Nabataean inscriptions, often bilingual with , reveal Arabic linguistic features such as case endings and verbal forms integrated into administrative and dedicatory texts, reflecting the spoken use of Arabic among the Arab population. For instance, the ʕEn ʕAvdat hymn from the demonstrates early Arabic poetic elements alongside Aramaic script, highlighting the language's role in religious and cultural expression within this trade hub. These bilingual artifacts underscore Old Arabic's adaptation to Nabataean commerce and governance, marking its expansion beyond oral traditions. A significant example is the from (328 ), a trilingual funerary in Greek, , and Arabic that features a seven-line Arabic for the Lakhmid king Imru' al-Qays, showcasing advanced , the definite article ʾl-, and tribal affiliations, evidencing Old Arabic's use in royal and commemorative contexts. From the 2nd to 4th centuries , a significant proliferation of and graffiti occurred across the deserts of , , and northern , with thousands of inscriptions documenting nomadic life. These texts, primarily short dedications and personal statements, were carved by pastoralists on rocks along migration routes, invoking deities such as Allāt for or vengeance, as seen in numerous votive formulas like pleas for safe passage or curses against enemies. examples from the Syro-Jordanian Ḥarrah often blend with Nabataean influences in bilingual contexts, illustrating the dialectal diversity and mobility of Old Arabic speakers. variants, concentrated in southern , similarly record tribal affiliations and daily exploits, contributing to the vast epigraphic corpus that evidences the language's widespread vernacular use. In the 5th to 6th centuries , Dadanitic inscriptions in the al-ʕUlā region (ancient Dadan) declined, giving way to emerging forms of Old Arabic with proto-Hijazi characteristics in central and northern Arabia. This shift is evident in texts like JSLih 384, which incorporates Arabic innovations such as the definite article ʔlt, signaling linguistic replacement amid changing political dynamics. The Zabad inscription from 512 in northern , a trilingual Greek-Syriac-Arabic text on a church lintel, exemplifies this evolution, featuring fully vocalized Arabic with Hijazi-like morphology and the term "" denoting ethnic . These developments reflect Old Arabic's consolidation in tribal contexts across the and Hijaz. Old Arabic inscriptions from this period served diverse societal functions, including funerary markers, such as the 267 tomb text from Madāʔin Ṣāliḥ that records lineage and prayers for the deceased; votive offerings to secure divine favor; and ownership declarations on property or livestock, all underscoring tribal solidarity and . These texts provide glimpses into pre-Islamic Arabian tribal life, where language reinforced ties, religious practices, and economic claims amid nomadic and semi-settled communities.

Transition to Islamic Era (7th Century CE)

The transition from Old Arabic to the Islamic era in the 7th century CE was marked by the central role of the Old Hijazi dialect in shaping the Quran's consonantal rasm (skeletal text), which preserved several archaic linguistic features of pre-Islamic Arabic varieties. The rasm, as attested in the earliest Quranic manuscripts, reflects the phonological and morphological traits of Hijazi Arabic spoken in the western Arabian Peninsula around the time of Muhammad's revelation (circa 610–632 CE), including the absence of the hamza (glottal stop) and the omission of tanwin (indefinite endings), which were not pronounced in this dialect. For instance, the retention of the consonant *w in certain positions, such as in verbal forms like tawṯāq (from tūṯīq) instead of the later Classical pronunciation /tiwṯāq/, highlights how the Quranic text captured vernacular elements that later standardized readings would alter. This vernacular basis underscores the Quran's composition in a local Hijazi idiom rather than a fully codified Classical Arabic, bridging pre-Islamic oral traditions with emerging written standardization. Key epigraphic evidence from this period illustrates the transitional of Old Arabic under early Islamic influence. The Zuhayr inscription, dated to 24 AH (644 ) and found near al-ʿUla in , is the earliest dated Islamic rock inscription; it commemorates the death of Caliph ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb and employs an early script indicating case endings through morphological forms and innovative orthographic conventions like the use of dots for consonant distinction—features that signal a shift toward more systematic Arabic writing while retaining Old Arabic grammatical structures such as nominative and accusative inflections. Similarly, early Islamic from sites like Wādī al-Khirqah in northwestern , dated to the late 7th and early 8th centuries , exhibit transitional , including variable use of the definite article al- and imperfect verb forms that blend Hijazi patterns with emerging koine elements, such as simplified case marking and formulaic phrases invoking God that foreshadow conventions. These inscriptions demonstrate how everyday writing practices in the nascent Islamic community adapted Old Arabic substrates to religious and administrative needs. The rapid Arab conquests following Muhammad's death in 632 profoundly influenced this linguistic transition by disseminating the Hijazi dialect across the newly conquered territories of , , and beyond, where it interacted with local , , and other varieties. Hijazi Arabic, as the prestige dialect of the tribe and early Muslim elites, was carried by armies and settlers, leading to a blending process that incorporated influences like loanwords and phonological shifts (e.g., affrication of certain consonants) into emerging regional dialects, while Hijazi features such as (vowel raising) persisted in urban centers like and . This spread facilitated the formation of a , where Hijazi served as a koine base, gradually evolving into the standardized used in administration and literature by the Umayyad (661–750 ). Scholarly debates on Old Arabic's role in the formation of Quranic Arabic emphasize its position within a broader pre-Islamic across northern and central Arabia, rather than as a monolithic entity. Recent work by highlights how this continuum, evidenced in and , contributed to the Quran's hybrid features, challenging views of as a direct descendant solely from Hijazi and arguing instead for a synthesis influenced by and urban variants during the conquests. Similarly, Ahmad Al-Jallad's analyses of inscriptions connect Old Arabic relics—such as retained case systems and lexical archaisms—to modern vernaculars, positing that the Islamic era catalyzed a continuum-wide without erasing regional diversity, as seen in the Quran's accommodation of multiple dialectal readings (qirāʾāt). These perspectives underscore the 7th-century as a pivotal era of linguistic convergence, where Old Arabic transitioned into the foundational register of Islamic civilization.

Phonology

Consonant Inventory

The consonant inventory of Old Arabic is reconstructed primarily from epigraphic in scripts such as , , and Nabataean, supplemented by comparative analysis with other and occasional transcriptions of Arabic names and phrases from the pre-Islamic and early Islamic periods. This posits a system of approximately 28 phonemes, including a full set of stops, fricatives, nasals, liquids, and glides, with distinctive emphatics characterized by or . The inventory reflects Proto-Semitic heritage while showing early innovations, such as the retention of certain fricatives, the development of emphatic contrasts, and the merger of Proto-Semitic sibilants * and *s into a series distinguished epigraphically as s¹ (/s/) and s² (/sˤ/), a key Central feature. The following table summarizes the reconstructed consonant phonemes, their approximate realizations (based on epigraphic and comparative evidence), and representative examples from inscriptions:
Place/MannerBilabialLabiodentalInterdentalDental/AlveolarPalatalVelarUvularPharyngealGlottal
Stops (voiceless)tkqʔ [ʔ]
Stops (voiced)bdg [ɡ]
Emphatic stopsṭ [ṭ]
Fricatives (voiceless)fθ [θ] (ṯ)s (s¹)ʃ [ʃ] (š)x (ẖ)ħ [ħ] (ḥ)h
Fricatives (voiced)ð [ð] (ḏ)zɣ [ɣ] (ġ)ʕ [ʕ] (ʿ)
Emphatic fricativesṣ [sˤ] (s²)
Nasalsmn
Liquidsr , l
Emphatic lateralḍ [dˤ]
Glideswj (y)
Examples include flfṣ transcribed as Greek Φίλιππος for [Philippos], illustrating /f/; yṯʿ as Ιαιθεου for [yathʿū]; and grgs as Γρηγόρης for [Grēgorios], showing /g/ as [ɡ]. Emphatic consonants—ṭ [ṭ], ḍ [dˤ], ṣ [sˤ], and possibly q —are pharyngealized or glottalized, as evidenced in Safaitic inscriptions like C 404 () and KRS 15 (s¹ams¹um > s²ms¹, suggesting emphatic sibilant variation). Fricatives encompass voiceless interdental θ [θ] (ṯ), velar x (ẖ), pharyngeal ħ [ħ] (ḥ), and sibilants s (s¹), with voiced counterparts ð [ð] (ḏ), ɣ [ɣ] (ġ), ʕ [ʕ] (ʿ), and z ; emphatic fricatives include ṣ [sˤ] (s²). Glides w and y function as semivowels, appearing in roots like III-w/y verbs (e.g., s¹ry in KRS 1670), with occasional allophonic shifts such as w > in certain contexts. Variations occur across Old Arabic varieties: Safaitic retains Proto-Semitic g as [ɡ] (e.g., ḥg = Αγγηνος), whereas Nabataean Arabic shifts it to [d͡ʒ] (j), as inferred from comparative epigraphy. Sibilants also vary, with s¹/s² interchange in Safaitic (e.g., s¹rʿ in KRS 196 vs. s²ḥṣ in SESP.U 18), reflecting the emphatic distinction. Allophonic rules include emphatic spread, where pharyngealization from emphatics like ṣ or ḍ affects adjacent vowels and consonants (e.g., in s²ḥṣ ʾbl from KRS 761, influencing nearby segments), and general pharyngealization conditioning lower and backer vowels in proximity to ħ or ʕ. Greek transcriptions from the 4th century and early Islamic period provide key evidence: /q/ is realized as voiceless , transcribed with κ (e.g., Αλκασεμ /al-qāsem/ in a 714–716 inscription), ruling out voicing or full glottalization; /ʔ/ appears as a glottal stop, often elided or marked by vowel breaks (e.g., in personal names like Μοαινος for Muʿāyin). These sources confirm the voiceless nature of emphatics like ḍ [dˤ] (transcribed as δ in Αδραμουθ /ḥaḍramūt/ c. 685 ) and the fricative quality of š [ʃ] (as σζ in Σζεριχ /šrīk/ c. 709 ).

Vowel System and Suprasegmentals

The vowel system of Old Arabic is reconstructed as a symmetrical triadic inventory comprising three short vowels /a, i, u/ and their long counterparts /aː, iː, uː/, where length is phonemically contrastive and often determined through comparative linguistics and transcriptions of Arabic names and terms in inscriptions. This system reflects the Proto- heritage, with vowel quality remaining stable across most attested varieties, though length distinctions are crucial for morphological functions like case endings, as inferred from residual markers in epigraphic texts such as graffiti. Diphthongs /aw/ and /ay/ complete the inventory, appearing in open syllables and subject to variable realization in transcriptions; for instance, renderings from the 1st century CE show *ay transcribed as ει or η, indicating a glide toward /eː/ or /iː/ in some dialects. Variety-specific traits emerge in regional epigraphic corpora, particularly in , where short /a/ exhibits fronting to /e/ in certain phonetic environments, likely influenced by adjacent emphatic consonants or substrate effects. This is evident in transcriptions of proper names, such as the deity *Dū-Šara rendered as Δουσαρης (Dousarēs), where the medial /a/ shifts to an e-quality . Similar fronting appears sporadically in inscriptions from southern , contrasting with the more conservative /a/-preservation in central Arabian texts. Stress patterns in Old Arabic are primarily penultimate, with heavy syllables (closed or containing long vowels) attracting the , as reconstructed from metrical structures in poetic graffiti and comparative evidence with . For example, in inscriptions like C 2679 ("l-ʿbd w-ʾḥwh"), falls on the of bisyllabic forms, yielding /al-ˈʿabd/, while trisyllabic verbs like *kataba show antepenultimate if the final is . Word-initial occurs in monosyllables or when the initial is heavy, as in vocative forms attested in Dadanitic-Arabic hybrid texts from northwest Arabia. Suprasegmental features, including intonation and prosody, are inferred from the rhythmic structure of poetry-like graffiti in Safaitic and Hismaic corpora, where quantitative meter—distinguishing long (CVː or CVC) from short (CV) syllables—governs verse composition. Recent reconstructions emphasize a stress-timed prosody with rising intonation in declarative phrases, as modeled through comparative analysis of epigraphic poetry and early Islamic papyri; for instance, post-2020 studies using digital prosodic mapping of Safaitic verses reveal consistent iambic patterns in lament graffiti, such as En Avdat 40, evoking oral recitation contours. These features underscore the role of prosody in mnemonic transmission among nomadic communities, with no evidence of lexical tone but clear phrasal boundaries marked by pitch reset in inscriptional sequences.

Grammar

Nominal Morphology

The nominal morphology of Old Arabic, as attested in epigraphic varieties such as , , and Nabataean, reflects a inherited from Proto-Semitic, with inflections for case, , and number on nouns and adjectives. These features are often obscured by the consonantal scripts employed, requiring from , comparative Semitics, and occasional vocalized evidence. While Proto-Arabic maintained a robust triptotic case , later varieties like Nabataean show reduction, particularly in the loss of and final short vowels. The case system in Proto-Arabic and early Old Arabic varieties like featured three cases: nominative marked by -u(n), accusative by -a(n), and genitive by -i(n), applied to triptotic nouns (fully inflectable forms). In inscriptions, explicit case endings are rarely visible due to the script's lack of vowels, but contextual and comparative evidence supports their presence; for instance, the common formula bn PN ("son of [personal name]") implies a genitive bini, as in bn 'bʿl interpreted as "son of ." Adjectives agree with nouns in case, though this agreement is often unobservable in the . In contrast, exhibits reduction, with the loss of (-un, -an, -in) and generalization of nominative forms (often ending in wawation -ū), as seen in phrases like mlk ʾl-ʕrb "king of the ," where case distinctions are neutralized. Gender distinction is , with masculine as the unmarked default and feminine typically marked by the -at (appearing as -t in consonantal ). This ending is added to masculine bases, as in frs "horse" (masculine) versus frst "" (feminine), and adjectives agree accordingly, e.g., zby "male " and zb yt "female ." Some nouns are lexically feminine without the , such as 'm "." Number inflections include singular (unmarked), marked by -ān (rendered as -y or -n in , e.g., gmln "two camels"), and , which may be (external suffixes like -ūn for masculine or -āt for feminine) or broken (internal pattern changes, e.g., the fuʿāl pattern in fuʿūl forms like 'gml "camels" from singular gamal). Non-human plurals often trigger feminine singular agreement. Definiteness in Old Arabic emerges variably across varieties, with Proto-Arabic lacking a morphological marker; instead, it relied on context. In , the prefixed article is most commonly h-, as in h-nhl "," though forms like ʾ- or hn- appear occasionally. The form ʾl- , precursor to al-, emerges prominently in Nabataean, e.g., ʾl-nbṭy "the Nabataean," and is attested in some contexts amid bilingual influences, marking a shift toward prefixed articles influenced by substrates. This development extends to genitive constructs, where definiteness propagates from head to modifier.

Pronominal System

The pronominal system of Old Arabic, as attested in pre-Islamic inscriptions across varieties such as Safaitic, Hismaic, and Nabataean, primarily features clitic and suffixal forms, with independent pronouns appearing infrequently due to the epigraphic nature of the corpus. Independent personal pronouns show continuity with later Arabic stages but exhibit archaic simplifications, such as the reduction of long vowels in unvocalized scripts. The first person singular is typically ʾanā, though often shortened to ʾn in Safaitic and Hismaic texts, as in the inscriptional formula ʾn [personal name] "I, [name]." The second person masculine singular is ʾanta, with feminine ʾanti, while the third person masculine singular is huwa and feminine hiya; these are rare as full independents but appear in narrative contexts, such as hw mwt "he died" in Nabataean Arabic. Dual and plural forms, like humā for third dual and hum for masculine plural, preserve Proto-Semitic patterns but are sparsely documented, mainly in Safaitic blessings invoking pairs. Clitic pronouns, used as direct or indirect objects, follow similar paradigms but attach directly to verbs or prepositions. Common forms include 1sg -n(i) or -ī, 2msg -k(a), 3msg -h(u), and 3fsg -hā, as seen in verbal constructions like ktb-h "he wrote it" (masculine object). In , the 1sg clitic is consistently -n, while Nabataean favors -y for 1sg, aligning closer to -ī, as in object suffixes on verbs like qtl-y "they killed me." These s exhibit vowel harmony and assimilation rules, such as the loss of final -a in pause, reflecting dialectal variation across northern and central Arabian varieties. Demonstrative pronouns in Old Arabic distinguish proximal and distal deixis, with forms varying by variety and gender. In Safaitic and Hismaic, the proximal masculine singular is ʾdʾ or dʾ "this," feminine ʾdt or dt, and plural ʾlh or ʾl; distal forms are rarer but include ʾlk for masculine singular. Nabataean Arabic employs similar proximal dʾ, but early Hijazi varieties show hāḏā "this" (masculine singular) and hāḏihi "this" (feminine), prefiguring Classical Arabic. The following table summarizes key demonstrative forms across varieties:
VarietyProximal Masc. Sg.Proximal Fem. Sg.Proximal Pl.Distal Masc. Sg.
Safaiticʾdʾ / dʾʾdt / dtʾlhʾlk
Hismaichʾ / ʾdʾʾdtʾlhʾl
Nabataeandtʾlhʾlk
Old Hijazihāḏāhāḏihihāʾulāʾḏālik
These demonstratives often function adnominally without agreement in number for plurals, as in Safaitic ʾdʾ ʾl-rḥl "this caravan." Possessive pronouns are expressed through suffixes attached to nouns, indicating without a separate in many cases. The core paradigm includes 1sg -ī or -y, 2msg -ka or -k, 3msg -hu or -h, 3fsg -hā, 1pl -nā, and 2pl -kum, with forms like -humā for third showing retention. In Safaitic inscriptions, possessives appear in personal names and terms, such as ʾb-y "" or ʾḥt-k "your (msg) ." Nabataean examples integrate these suffixes in official contexts, as in ʾl-mlk-h "his kingdom" or the genitive-like mlk nbṭw "king of the ," where suffixes alternate with analytic possession. Variations include the occasional use of suffixes -yā (1dual) in early texts, reflecting pre-Islamic dialectal before in the Islamic .

Verbal Morphology

Old Arabic verbal morphology is built on a triconsonantal root system, where verbs derive from three-consonant bases, such as k-t-b ("to write"), to which vocalic patterns and affixes are applied to indicate tense, aspect, mood, and voice. This system allows for systematic derivation of forms, with geminate roots (e.g., w-d-d "to love") sometimes functioning as biradical in inscriptions. The core patterns include the perfective faʿala (e.g., kataba "he wrote") and the imperfective yafʿalu (e.g., yaktubu "he writes"), reflecting the language's Semitic heritage while showing early Arabic innovations. Finite verb forms distinguish between perfective and imperfective aspects, with the perfective typically denoting completed actions and the imperfective covering ongoing, habitual, or future non- events. In inscriptions, the perfective is expressed through suffix conjugation, as in qtl "he killed" or s²ty ʿnzt "he spent the winter," inflected for person, number, and gender via suffixes like -t for third feminine singular. The imperfective uses prefix conjugation, such as yqtl "he kills" or ytẓr ḥyt "lying in wait," with prefixes like y- for third masculine singular. These forms can also convey future meaning in modal contexts, as in 's^r tdmr "he will travel to ." Moods in Old Arabic finite verbs include the indicative, subjunctive, and jussive, with the jussive often marked by vowel shortening or deletion, particularly in graffiti texts. In Safaitic, the jussive appears as a shortened prefix conjugation for volitive expressions, such as ys¹lm "may he be secure" or l-yʿwr "let him be blinded," frequently introduced by the particle l-. The subjunctive, ending in -a, is attested in forms like nngy "that I/we may be saved." Passive voice is primarily formed through internal vowel changes (apophony) or dedicated stems, as in the Safaitic G-stem passive ṣlb ḥbb-h "his beloved was crucified" or the N-stem nsl "to be captured." Participles, such as mqtl "killed" (passive), serve non-finite functions and can imply aspectual nuances. Varietal differences emerge across Old Arabic corpora, with Nabataean inscriptions showing Aramaic-influenced verbal patterns, contrasting with the more synthetic subjunctive in Hijazi varieties. For instance, Hijazi imperfectives often feature yaqtulu forms for non-past moods, while northern varieties like Tamim use yiqtulu, reflecting regional phonological and morphological divergence in mood marking. Non-finite forms, such as infinitives (e.g., mktb "to write" in Aramaic-influenced Nabataean) and active participles, further vary, with Safaitic emphasizing contextual optatives over explicit subjunctives.

Lexicon and Sociolinguistics

Core Vocabulary and Etymology

The core of Old Arabic, as attested in inscriptions such as those in and Nabataean scripts, largely inherits from Proto-Semitic roots, reflecting a conservative retention of basic lexical items with occasional phonological adaptations typical of . These terms often exhibit sound shifts, such as the preservation of emphatic consonants or the simplification of tri-consonantal roots, distinguishing Old Arabic from its southern relatives while aligning it closely with later forms. Etymological analysis reveals a shared heritage, where daily and conceptual terms evolved through internal morphological processes rather than extensive borrowing in the core . Kinship terms in Old Arabic demonstrate direct descent from Proto-Semitic, underscoring a patriarchal social structure evident in the language's ancestral forms. The word for "father," ʾab, derives from Proto-Semitic *ʔab(w)-, originally a III-w noun where the final w contracted with case vowels in singular forms but persisted in plurals as ʔabaw- > Arabic ʾabāw, influencing broken plural patterns across West Semitic. Similarly, "brother" appears as ʾaḫ in Old Arabic inscriptions, from Proto-Semitic *ʔaḫ(w)-, with the same III-w structure yielding plurals like ʾiḫwah > Arabic ʾiḫwah, and extensions for "sister" via suffixation as ʾaḫat-. The term for "father-in-law," ḥam, traces to Proto-Semitic *ḥam(w)-, showing analogous developments in construct states and highlighting how these bi-consonantal roots expanded through analogy in Arabic nominal morphology. Daily terms like "hand" (yad) and "head" (raʾs) follow comparable Proto-Semitic origins, *yad- and *raʾš-, with minimal shifts in Old Arabic epigraphy, preserving core anatomical vocabulary for everyday reference. Religious vocabulary in Old Arabic inscriptions, particularly , includes deities whose names etymologize from South roots, indicating cultural exchanges within the . The Wadd, invoked in texts as a lunar or deity, derives from the wdd meaning "to " or "to befriend," paralleling its prominence in South Arabian pantheons where it symbolized affection and agreement. Likewise, Rḍw (Ruda), a protective solar frequently mentioned in North Arabian , stems from the root rḍy "to be content" or "well-disposed," denoting benevolence and appearing in dedications as a high-ranking figure, possibly linked to Ruldaiu. These etymologies reflect Proto- verbal roots adapted into theophoric names, with Old Arabic forms showing influenced by regional dialects. Numbers and quantifiers in Old Arabic maintain Proto-Semitic cardinal forms, used in epigraphic contexts for counting livestock or years, with plural constructions for higher quantities. The term for "one," waḥid, evolves from Proto-Semitic *ʔaḥad- (or variant *ʔist- in some reconstructions), undergoing initial glottal loss and vowel fronting in , as seen in attestations like wḥd. For "three," ṯlāṯ, it directly inherits Proto-Semitic *ṯalāṯ-, with the feminine ṯlāṯat and broken plurals like ṯlṯ for "threes," illustrating stable numeral morphology across branches. Quantifiers such as kull "all" from *kal- "whole" further exemplify this continuity, often appearing in dedicatory formulas.

Loanwords and Regional Influences

Old Arabic, as attested in pre-Islamic inscriptions and early texts, incorporated loanwords from neighboring languages due to extensive trade, administrative, and cultural contacts across the and its peripheries. Aramaic exerted a significant influence, particularly in administrative and legal terminology, as Arabic-speaking communities interacted with -using empires and local dialects in the and . Aramaic shared many terms with Old Arabic due to common Proto- roots, such as mlk "king" and ʿbd "slave" or "servant," which appear in Old Arabic contexts reflecting imperial hierarchies, governance structures, servitude, and social dependency. These shared elements highlight Aramaic's role as a in the region, facilitating the integration of Old Arabic into broader Semitic administrative networks during the 1st to 6th centuries . Greek influences entered Old Arabic primarily through Nabataean routes and Hellenistic interactions in the , where commerce in goods, , and administrative practices introduced specialized . In 2nd-century texts from Nabataean-influenced areas, terms related to and show origins, often mediated through or , such as dirham derived from δραχμή (drachma). These loans were more prevalent in commercial inscriptions and graffiti, reflecting the economic ties between Greek-speaking traders and Arabic-speaking nomads and settlers. The process often involved intermediary , but direct elements underscore the of border regions. South Arabian substrates, particularly from , contributed agricultural and environmental terms to Old Arabic, especially in southern and central Arabian varieties influenced by migration and cultivation practices. lexical survivals include terms related to and , preserved in later Arabic dialects and reflecting technological exchanges from South Arabian kingdoms like , where advanced supported and farming, influencing northern Arabic speakers through trade caravans. These substrates reflect the technological and lexical exchange, with shared Proto-Semitic terms like mṭr "" enriching discussions of cultivation and seasonal planting in systems. Regional patterns in Old Arabic loanwords reveal distinct influences shaped by geography and contact intensity. varieties, exposed to Hellenistic and administrations via Nabataean hubs like , exhibit greater and integration, with higher incidences of Greek-derived trade terms and legal vocabulary in inscriptions from and . In contrast, central Arabian dialects, such as those in the and around , remained more indigenous, with fewer external loans and stronger retention of Proto-Arabic roots, limited primarily to South Arabian agricultural substrates from southern migrations. This variation underscores how peripheral contacts accelerated lexical borrowing in the north and west, while interior isolation preserved core vocabulary.

Social Contexts of Use

Old Arabic was employed in diverse sociolinguistic environments across , reflecting the lifestyles of its speakers. Nomadic Bedouins, primarily in the arid regions of , northern , and the , used the variety for rock inscriptions, capturing their transient existence through references to , raiding, and seasonal migrations. These speakers, often identified by tribal names and genealogies in the texts, leveraged Old Arabic to assert and group amid harsh environmental and challenges. In contrast, urban traders within the , based in and surrounding trade routes, integrated Old Arabic into commercial interactions and private dedications, alongside administrative uses in a multilingual setting. Oasis dwellers in the Dadan region (modern al-'Ulā) utilized the variety in more fixed communal spaces, recording ties and rituals that underscored their settled agricultural and mercantile life. The primary functions of Old Arabic inscriptions centered on epigraphic expressions rather than literary production, with serving as markers of presence, territorial claims, and memorials for the deceased among nomadic groups. texts frequently invoke deities for protection or lament losses, functioning as personal or communal affirmations of in nomadic society. In and urban contexts, and Nabataean inscriptions often took the form of votive offerings, funerary notes, and declarations, reinforcing bonds and within communities. The of longer forms implies a predominant for Old Arabic, where , genealogies, and historical accounts were likely transmitted verbally, preserving cultural knowledge without reliance on writing. Diglossic patterns emerged in bilingual areas, particularly the Nabataean realm, where Aramaic dominated official inscriptions and documents as the prestige language of administration and trade, while Old Arabic prevailed in vernacular speech and informal writings. This coexistence fostered , as seen in hybrid inscriptions blending syntax with Arabic vocabulary or phrases, such as dedicatory formulas shifting mid-text to express personal devotion. Such practices highlight the adaptive linguistic strategies of speakers navigating multicultural trade networks and imperial influences. Inscriptions also illuminate gender and status dynamics, with evidence of female authorship and elite participation across varieties. Women in Nabataean society, often from high-status families, commissioned tomb inscriptions and legal dedications, indicating autonomy in property and religious matters. Nomadic and texts include rare but notable examples by women, recording journeys or prayers, while records show females in familial and votive roles. Recent from the 2020s, analyzing corpora, emphasize women's active involvement in epigraphic practices, challenging assumptions of universal marginalization and revealing nuanced social agency.

Writing Systems and Epigraphy

South Arabian Scripts (, , )

The South Arabian scripts, collectively known as (ANA) writing systems, represent indigenous traditions employed for recording Old Arabic dialects in southern and central Arabia prior to the dominance of Aramaic-derived scripts. These scripts, including , , and , are consonantal abjads written from right to left, lacking dedicated vowel notation and relying on contextual interpretation for vocalization. They emerged in distinct regional contexts—nomadic in arid zones for and , and oasis-based monumental texts for —spanning from the BCE to the , providing key epigraphic evidence for early Arabic linguistic features. Safaitic, the most extensively attested of these scripts, consists of 28 glyphs representing consonantal phonemes, with no systematic use of matres lectionis for vowels. It was primarily used by nomadic groups from the BCE to the to incise short on rocks across the basaltic deserts of , eastern , and northern , particularly in the Syro-Jordanian Ḥarrah region. Letter forms in exhibit a cursive style suited to quick engraving, evolving slightly over time with variations in shapes such as the elongated verticals of letters like b and l, though maintaining overall consistency derived from earlier South Arabian influences. Monumental variants are rare, but when present, they show more angular, formalized strokes akin to scripts. Hismaic shares core features with Safaitic, including the 28-letter inventory and right-to-left direction, but is distinguished by its southern distribution in the Hismā region of central and northwestern , with usage overlapping Safaitic from roughly the 2nd century BCE to the . Unique letter shapes, such as a more curved dāl with a distinct and a simplified ḥāʾ resembling a triangle, mark its regional adaptation, reflecting local carving practices on surfaces. Like Safaitic, it employs a predominantly style for nomadic inscriptions, though some texts display semi-monumental forms with bolder incisions. The script attests Old Arabic dialects with phonological traits like consistent feminine endings in -at, absent the shifts seen in northern varieties. Dadanitic, the earliest among these, features a 28-consonant used from the BCE to the for inscriptions in the Dadān (modern al-ʿUlā) and surrounding areas in northwestern Hijaz, often blending with Lihyanite forms in a mixed . Its forms are more angular and monumental, suited to formal dedications and funerary texts carved on stelae and rock faces, with phonetic values closely aligned to Old Arabic, including the definite article ʾ(l) and relative pronouns like ʔlt. Evolutionarily, Dadanitic shows progressive refinement in proportions, such as the standardization of as a distinct trident shape, distinguishing it from the curvier nomadic styles of Safaitic and Hismaic. While primarily associated with a non-Arabic Central language, several inscriptions reveal Old Arabic influences, marking it as a transitional system. Across these scripts, common traits include the absence of vowel indicators, reliance on consonantal skeletons for disambiguation, and dual styles—cursive for portable or ephemeral use versus monumental for enduring records—highlighting their adaptation to diverse social and environmental contexts in .

Aramaic-Derived Scripts (Nabataean and Paleo-Arabic)

The , derived from the alphabet, emerged in the BCE and remained in use until the CE, primarily among the in northern Arabia and the , including key sites like . This script adapted to represent dialects spoken in the region, incorporating innovations such as distinct forms for the phonemes /p/ (rendered as pe) and /χ/ (as khaph), which accommodated sounds not native to . Inscriptions from , such as those documenting dedications and funerary texts, exemplify this adaptation, often blending syntax with lexical elements to reflect the bilingual environment of Nabataean society. Orthographic conventions in Nabataean Arabic inscriptions began to show early use of matres lectionis, where the letters waw and yod indicated long vowels /ū/ and /ī/, respectively, marking a shift toward more systematic vowel representation compared to earlier Aramaic practices. This development is evident in transitional texts from the late 3rd century CE, such as the En Avdat inscription (JSNab 17, dated 267 CE), which features cursive forms bridging Nabataean and emerging Arabic styles. Bilingualism is highlighted in Petra's epigraphic corpus, including papyri and rock inscriptions that parallel Aramaic administrative formulas with Old Arabic personal names and phrases, illustrating code-switching in trade and legal contexts. Paleo-Arabic scripts represent further transitional forms between the 4th and 6th centuries CE, evolving from late Nabataean cursive to proto-Arabic varieties used for Old Arabic in northern and central Arabian inscriptions. These scripts, often termed Nabataeo-Arabic, appear in graffiti and short dedications, with palaeographic features like elongated vertical strokes and simplified ligatures distinguishing them from classical Nabataean. A notable example is the Raqush inscription, found near Hegra (al-Ula) in northwestern Saudi Arabia and dated to 267 CE, which demonstrates irregular matres lectionis usage and letter forms that anticipate early Islamic Arabic orthography. Such texts, including ARNA Nab 17 (ca. 275/276 CE), underscore the gradual phonetic and visual adaptation for Arabic, facilitating its spread in pre-Islamic trade networks. Recent discoveries, such as a 2024 bilingual Thamudic-early Arabic inscription in Tabuk province, continue to enrich our understanding of these transitional scripts as of 2025.

Other Scripts (Greek and Early Islamic Adaptations)

The use of the script to record was marginal and largely confined to the Hellenistic and -era , spanning from the late 2nd century BCE to the 7th century , with attestations primarily in , , and surrounding regions. These instances typically involved transcriptions of personal names, place names, and occasional short phrases of etymology within Greek inscriptions and papyri, reflecting interactions in multilingual environments under Seleucid, , and Byzantine rule. For example, numerous anthroponyms like ʿAzīz rendered as Αζειζος and Suʿayd as Σοαιδου appear in Greek texts from the region, illustrating early Arabic . Such adaptations highlight the absence of a standardized at the time, prompting ad hoc borrowings from dominant administrative languages. A rare and significant full-text example is the seven-line inscription from Wadi Salma in northeastern , likely dating to the 3rd or , which records Old Arabic prose in letters—the earliest known fully vocalized Arabic inscription. This text, analyzed by epigraphist Ahmad Al-Jallad, demonstrates grammatical structures such as endings (e.g., -u) and the prefix conjugation pattern (ya-), providing crucial insights into pre-Islamic morphology otherwise obscured by consonantal scripts. Phonetic challenges are evident, as lacked symbols for emphatic consonants like and , often approximated with (Δ) or (Τ), resulting in limited fidelity for longer compositions. These short, functional texts underscore the script's unsuitability for , restricting it to brief, practical notations rather than literary works. With the advent of in the , underwent rapid adaptation from precursors into early Islamic forms, notably the Hijazi script employed in the ic —the skeletal consonantal text of the . Originating in the Hijaz region, this script evolved from late Nabataean cursive styles, introducing innovations like distinct letterforms for Arabic sounds (e.g., separated and h) and a more angular ductus to accommodate parchment writing. Beatrice Gründler's of dated texts traces this transition, showing how Hijazi in , such as those from the folios (ca. 568–645 ), prioritized readability for oral over full , with ambiguities in letters like bāʾ, tāʾ, thāʾ, and nūn. By the late , these adaptations paved the way for proto-Kufic styles, blending Hijazi fluidity with angularity for monumental inscriptions, though early texts remained defective in diacritics and remained tied to the 's transmission. Limitations persisted, including the script's inability to mark short vowels or , relying on communal for interpretation. In 2025, the inscription documentation project is enhancing the and of such early epigraphic materials.

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