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Optimism bias

Optimism bias, also known as unrealistic optimism, is a in which individuals tend to overestimate the likelihood of experiencing positive events and underestimate the likelihood of negative events in their own lives compared to those of others. This bias manifests as a systematic discrepancy between personal expectations and objective probabilities, leading people to believe they are less vulnerable to harm or more likely to achieve desirable outcomes than their peers. First systematically documented in by D. Weinstein in 1980, who demonstrated it through surveys of college students estimating risks for various life events, the phenomenon has since been observed across diverse populations, cultures, and even non-human animals. The optimism bias is one of the most prevalent and robust cognitive tendencies, affecting approximately 80% of individuals regardless of age, gender, , or , though it is notably absent or reversed in with . It arises from selective updating of beliefs, where positive information is more readily incorporated into one's than negative information, a process mediated by neural mechanisms involving heightened activity in the and rostral (rACC) during the imagination of future scenarios. These brain regions integrate emotional salience with to favor optimistic projections, and disruptions in their function, as seen in mood disorders, can lead to pessimistic outlooks. While the bias offers adaptive benefits—such as improved mental and physical outcomes (e.g., 30% lower of cardiac-related and reduced anxiety), greater motivation for goal pursuit, and higher professional success—it also carries , including diminished engagement in preventive behaviors like screenings or financial planning, and contributions to societal issues like economic bubbles or delayed responses to threats. Research continues to explore moderators such as perceived control and event desirability, which influence the bias's magnitude, underscoring its role in across domains from personal to .

Definition and Measurement

Core Definition

Optimism bias, also referred to as unrealistic optimism, is a characterized by the tendency for individuals to overestimate the probability of desirable outcomes and underestimate the probability of undesirable outcomes occurring to themselves compared to others or an objective baseline. This bias manifests as a systematic deviation from rational probability judgments, leading people to believe that good things are more likely and bad things less likely to affect them personally. A core feature of optimism bias is its comparative nature, where judgments about one's own future are favorably skewed relative to peers or the average person, rather than absolute overoptimism in isolation. It is one of the most robust and prevalent cognitive biases observed in , appearing consistently across diverse populations, including variations in age groups from adolescents to older adults and across cultures such as Western and Eastern societies, though the magnitude can differ based on cultural norms around self-enhancement. Everyday examples illustrate this bias clearly: individuals often underestimate their personal risk of contracting illnesses like heart disease or , believing such events are more likely to befall others, while overestimating their chances of achieving professional successes such as rapid career advancement or . Similarly, people may downplay the odds of experiencing traffic accidents or relationship failures for themselves compared to the general population. Optimism bias differs from related phenomena like pessimism bias, which involves overestimating the likelihood of negative events for oneself, and the , a specific instance where individuals underestimate the time or resources needed for tasks despite evidence from past experiences.

Operationalization and Methodology

Optimism bias is operationally defined in psychological research through comparative judgments, where individuals assess the likelihood of specific events occurring to themselves relative to an average peer or population. This approach typically involves participants rating the probability of positive or negative outcomes on scales, such as estimating the chances of experiencing desirable life events (e.g., career success) or undesirable ones (e.g., health risks) for the self compared to others. Pioneered in seminal work, this method reveals the bias when self-ratings systematically deviate toward more favorable expectations than those for others. Methodologies for assessing optimism bias encompass a range of experimental and . Surveys often employ Likert-scale questionnaires, prompting participants to rate event probabilities on a scale from "much less likely" to "much more likely" for self versus others, allowing ers to quantify comparative discrepancies across diverse domains like , , and relationships. Vignette-based experiments present hypothetical scenarios describing events to participants, who then provide self-relative judgments; this controlled format isolates the while minimizing real-world confounds, as seen in studies examining perceptions in contexts. Longitudinal designs track individuals' initial predictions against actual outcomes over time, providing evidence of persistent by comparing baseline to realized events, such as in adolescent risk-taking behaviors where early optimistic estimates predict later discrepancies. A common metric for quantifying optimism bias is the optimism index, computed as the difference between an individual's self-estimate and their estimate for an average person (self-estimate minus average estimate) for positive or negative events; positive values indicate for desirable outcomes, while negative values for undesirable ones signify the . This straightforward difference score facilitates cross-study comparisons and is widely adopted due to its simplicity in establishing at both individual and group levels. Assessing the validity and reliability of these measures presents challenges, particularly with self-report methods prone to , where participants may inflate optimistic responses to appear more positive or competent. Test-retest reliability is often low at the individual level due to fluctuating event perceptions, though group-level consistency remains robust across repeated administrations. To mitigate these issues, researchers incorporate indirect measures, such as belief-updating tasks where responses to new information are tracked, enhancing by reducing reliance on explicit self-assessments.

Historical Development

The concept of optimism bias, originally termed "unrealistic optimism," was first systematically identified and coined by Neil Weinstein in 1980 within the field of . In his seminal study, Weinstein demonstrated that individuals tend to underestimate their personal risk of negative health events, such as contracting diseases, compared to the average person, attributing this to cognitive factors like perceived control and familiarity with risks. This early work laid the foundation for recognizing optimism bias as a pervasive tendency in , primarily explored through surveys of health-related scenarios in the 1980s. A key milestone in the evolution of the concept came in 1988 with Shelley and Jonathan 's expansion of optimism bias into the broader framework of self-enhancement and . They argued that mild forms of unrealistic optimism contribute to psychological by fostering and , challenging earlier views that saw such biases solely as defensive errors. This shift integrated optimism bias with , influencing subsequent research on its adaptive role in . Influential figures like Weinstein, , and established the bias as a core element of human during this period. By the 2000s, research on optimism bias had broadened beyond to applications in and . In , studies began examining how optimistic beliefs drive behaviors like increased work effort and investment decisions, with evidence showing that self-reported optimists earn higher wages due to prolonged hours. investigations, led by in her 2011 work, revealed neural mechanisms underlying the bias, such as asymmetric updating where positive information is incorporated more readily than negative, linking it to brain regions like the frontal cortex. Sharot's contributions further embedded optimism bias within , emphasizing its evolutionary persistence across cultures. Recent developments, particularly since the , have integrated optimism with computational models like active inference, which frame it as a precision-weighted toward positive predictions to minimize in . For instance, a 2024 model proposes that optimism arises from high precision on likelihoods favoring beneficial outcomes, aligning with predictive processing theories in . This evolution reflects a shift from descriptive studies in the 1980s to interdisciplinary frameworks by the 2020s, incorporating for behavioral impacts and for mechanistic insights.

Theoretical Foundations

Valence Effects

Optimism bias exhibits a notable based on the emotional of events, with individuals displaying a stronger tendency to underestimate the likelihood of negative outcomes—such as risks and harms—compared to overestimating positive outcomes like benefits and successes. This pattern results in greater deviations from objective probabilities for undesirable events, where people often perceive their personal risk as lower than that of peers, while the bias is more muted for desirable events. For instance, in belief-updating tasks, participants integrate desirable information about future outcomes more readily than undesirable information, leading to persistent about one's prospects. Empirical studies consistently demonstrate this valence-driven asymmetry, particularly in domains involving versus gain achievement. Research on risks, such as underestimating personal susceptibility to diseases like compared to overestimating chances of positive life events, reveals greater magnitudes for negative events than for positive ones. Meta-analytic reviews of unrealistic further support that this effect is robust across cultures and event types, with approximately 80% of individuals exhibiting . These findings highlight how shapes perceptions, with stronger emerging when estimating avoidance of threats rather than attainment of rewards. Theoretically, this asymmetry in optimism bias traces to evolutionary pressures favoring threat avoidance, where underestimating dangers minimizes the fitness costs of false negatives in uncertain environments. Under , cognitive systems evolved to err on the side of overreacting to potential threats—prioritizing by downplaying personal risks—while positive biases motivate persistence and , though they can lead to underpreparation for negatives. Quantitative evidence from belief-updating models indicates higher learning rates for positive than for negative, underscoring the adaptive tilt toward in threat-laden contexts. Valence effects in also interact with event , such that the asymmetry intensifies for uncontrollable or low-efficacy events. When outcomes are perceived as hard to influence—such as unavoidable threats—the toward underestimating negatives grows stronger, as motivational processes heighten to cope with limited . In contrast, for controllable events, differences may diminish, with itself not independently driving the but modulating impacts under high severity or low avoidance potential. This interaction explains why is particularly pronounced in passive risk scenarios, like onset, compared to active pursuits.

Key Theoretical Models

Motivational theories of optimism bias posit that the tendency to overestimate positive outcomes serves to protect and enhance , a process known as self-enhancement. According to this perspective, individuals maintain optimistic views to foster psychological well-being and , as overly realistic assessments might lead to distress or reduced . Complementing self-enhancement, self-presentation theory suggests that optimism arises from the desire to appear favorable to others, aligning personal predictions with social norms of desirability to manage impressions in interpersonal contexts. These motivational accounts integrate affective processes, where emotional satisfaction from positive self-views drives the bias. In contrast, cognitive theories emphasize informational processing errors, such as , where individuals overweight their own experiences and attributes when estimating risks or outcomes compared to others. Focalism further contributes by causing people to overly focus on their personal circumstances while underweighting broader, comparative factors that might equalize probabilities across individuals. These mechanisms lead to systematic deviations in judgment without invoking emotional motives. Integrated models bridge motivational and cognitive elements; for instance, the active model frames optimism bias as a Bayesian where the assigns high precision to positive likelihoods to minimize prediction errors, thereby optimizing expectations for favorable futures in uncertain environments. This approach posits the bias as an adaptive for efficient under . Recent neuroaffective frameworks further explore how arises from perceptual and projective , integrating effects with neural mechanisms of . Key differences among these models lie in their explanatory emphases: and Brown's affective framework highlights the psychological benefits of optimistic illusions for , whereas Weinstein's informational model attributes the bias to flawed and egocentric information use, without requiring motivational underpinnings. Valence asymmetries, in which undesirable outcomes are underestimated more strongly than desirable ones are overestimated, offer empirical support across these frameworks.

Mechanisms

Cognitive Mechanisms

Optimism bias arises from several cognitive processes that systematically distort probability judgments, leading individuals to overestimate positive outcomes and underestimate risks for themselves. These mechanisms operate through mental shortcuts and interpretive biases that prioritize personal over objective , often without conscious . Key among them are heuristics and perceptual focuses that shape how information is processed and recalled. The contributes to optimism bias by prompting individuals to assess the likelihood of future events based on how closely they resemble vivid, stereotypical examples from personal experience, while neglecting base rates or . For instance, people may judge their own chances of success in a venture as high because it "feels" representative of past personal triumphs, ignoring broader failure rates in similar endeavors. This , identified as a core in probabilistic reasoning, leads to overoptimism by substituting intuitive similarity judgments for rigorous statistical analysis. Singular focus exacerbates optimism bias through an "inside " perspective, where narrows to the specifics of one's own situation, causing individuals to overlook historical or outcomes from similar cases. When predicting task or , this focus on the as the primary results in underestimation of delays or obstacles, as external benchmarks are dismissed in favor of scenario-specific details. Experimental shows that such predictions remain overly optimistic even when participants are aware of past inaccuracies in analogous situations, highlighting the heuristic's role in isolating personal narratives from broader . Egocentric thinking fuels bias by relying excessively on subjective personal experiences and abilities, leading to an inflated sense of control and underestimation of external constraints compared to others. Individuals tend to attribute positive outcomes to their own unique skills while downplaying factors like or systemic barriers that affect peers, resulting in comparative where one views oneself as less vulnerable. This bias manifests in social judgments, where self-enhancement motives amplify perceived personal advantages, distorting assessments in domains like or health predictions. Interpersonal distance modulates optimism bias cognitively, with the tendency being stronger when evaluating outcomes for oneself or close relations versus distant others or groups, due to differential attention to controllable versus uncontrollable elements. For close targets, judgments emphasize personal agency and vivid details, fostering overoptimism, whereas distant targets invoke more aggregate, probabilistic thinking that aligns closer to reality. This mechanism explains why optimism diminishes in third-party assessments, as reduced psychological proximity encourages consideration of base rates over individualized scenarios. These cognitive mechanisms complement motivational explanations, such as self-enhancement drives, by providing the informational processing pathways through which biased judgments emerge.

Neural and Affective Mechanisms

The neural underpinnings of optimism bias involve key brain regions such as the and the , where modulation plays a critical role in enhancing positive expectations. (fMRI) studies have demonstrated that optimism bias is associated with heightened activation in the and rostral during the imagination of positive future events, reflecting an emotional prioritization of desirable outcomes. Additionally, 's influence on function contributes to this bias by facilitating greater belief updating in response to positive information while attenuating responses to negative information, as evidenced by experiments showing increased optimism following enhancement via administration. This asymmetric updating mechanism, where individuals integrate desirable news more readily than undesirable news, further implicates prefrontal regions in maintaining unrealistic optimism despite contradictory evidence. Affective components contribute significantly to optimism bias, with positive mood serving to amplify the tendency toward favorable self-projections and underlying motivating selective information processing. Positive affective states promote a broader attentional scope toward rewarding stimuli, thereby reinforcing optimistic beliefs through enhanced engagement with positive cues. Theoretical models highlight how affective integrates emotional processes with rational evaluation, leading to optimism bias as a to maximize anticipated by overweighting positive payoffs. This emotional modulation acts as a motivator for biased cognitive processing, where the desire to sustain positive feelings drives the underweighting of threats. Recent research has revealed shared neural representations among optimistic individuals, particularly in the medial (MPFC), supporting consistent episodic future thinking that aligns with positive outlooks. In a 2025 study, optimistic participants exhibited similar patterns of MPFC activation when envisioning future scenarios, contrasting with the more variable representations in less optimistic individuals, suggesting a collective neural basis for and well-being. Complementing this, active inference frameworks model optimism bias within paradigms, positing that agents assign higher precision to positive outcome likelihoods to minimize variational and align predictions with self-evidencing priors. The self-positivity bias, a neural preference for positive self-views, manifests in heightened activity in regions like the during self-relevant positive evaluations, underscoring an intrinsic that favors self-enhancing interpretations. This bias integrates with broader optimism mechanisms, where self-positivity emerges from overlapping neural circuits that prioritize affirming personal narratives over neutral or negative ones.

Influencing Factors

Motivational Factors

Motivational factors underlying optimism bias refer to the goal-directed drives that encourage individuals to overestimate positive future outcomes and underestimate negative ones, primarily to fulfill psychological needs such as maintaining and social standing. These factors position optimism bias as a self-regulatory that aligns judgments with desired personal and interpersonal objectives, rather than purely reflecting cognitive errors. indicates that such motivations are particularly pronounced for controllable or personally relevant events, where individuals actively shape their expectations to support emotional and . Self-enhancement represents a core motivational driver, wherein optimism bias helps preserve a positive self-view by buffering against threats to . Individuals exhibit this bias to foster feelings of superiority or , often leading to illusory beliefs that they are less vulnerable to risks than others, which in turn reduces anxiety and promotes . For instance, in contexts, people may downplay personal susceptibility to diseases to uphold self-regard, a pattern resistant to contradictory evidence due to its protective role. Empirical studies confirm that self-enhancement motives intensify for desirable outcomes, as seen in judgments where participants rate themselves more favorably than peers. Self-presentation further motivates optimism bias by encouraging individuals to project confidence and capability in social settings, thereby enhancing their interpersonal image. This drive prompts exaggeration of positive prospects to avoid appearing weak or overly cautious, aligning with strategies that prioritize social approval. For example, under conditions of to others, people modulate their optimistic estimates to maintain a favorable , as demonstrated in experiments where public scrutiny amplified bias toward positive self-attributions. Such motivations are rooted in the need to conform to social norms of positivity, making a tool for relational . Perceived acts as a motivational factor by leading individuals to overestimate their personal over events, thereby instilling and motivating action toward favorable outcomes. This sustains by framing uncertain futures as manageable, encouraging persistence in pursuit despite objective risks. A of 27 independent samples found a significant positive association between perceived and optimistic , with stronger effects among non-students and in samples, highlighting its role in adaptive . However, this overestimation can distort risk assessments, as individuals attribute greater influence to their actions than warranted. Desired end states encapsulate how optimism bias aligns judgments with aspirational goals, motivating individuals to envision and pursue idealized outcomes through . This factor drives selective processing that favors evidence supporting hoped-for results, such as in where potential benefits overshadow likely obstacles. Reviews of optimism identify desired end states as prompting a "better-than-average ," where motivations for positive self-concepts lead to biased probability estimates for controllable events. Consequently, this alignment boosts but can result in underpreparation for setbacks.

Perceptual and Informational Factors

One key perceptual factor contributing to optimism bias is , where individuals possess more detailed and personal about their own circumstances compared to the generalized they have about . This disparity leads people to overestimate their own and underestimate risks for themselves relative to the average person, as self-assessments draw on specific, idiosyncratic details that are unavailable when judging peers. For instance, in evaluations of health risks like contracting venereal disease or experiencing , individuals cite their own low-risk behaviors—such as or job stability—while assuming engage in more hazardous actions due to a lack of comparable intimate information. Related to this is the tendency to underestimate the control or that others have over potential negative outcomes, while overattributing to oneself. People often perceive the "average person" as passive or less capable of mitigating risks, such as avoiding accidents or maintaining , because they project their own proactive strategies onto themselves but view others through a more stereotypical, less controllable lens. This egocentric attribution amplifies optimism bias, as seen in studies where participants rated their personal likelihood of negative events like heart attacks as lower than peers', partly because they believed they exercised greater preventive than the typical individual did. Such perceptions foster a sense of personal in , contributing to biased comparisons without relying on motivational . Optimism bias also diminishes as interpersonal distance decreases, with psychological closeness to the target reducing the individuals feel over others. When people consider risks for close friends, family, or in-group members—whom they view as similar to themselves—the narrows because the abstract "average peer" becomes more concrete and relatable, prompting less favorable self-other . Experimental shows that framing the target as a "typical " (an in-group identifier) rather than a distant "average person" eliminates optimistic judgments about academic success or outcomes, as reduced transforms the evaluation from a self-enhancing contrast to a more equitable assessment. This effect highlights how perceptual proximity modulates the 's intensity. Finally, the person-positivity bias contributes to optimism by promoting inherently favorable evaluations of human targets over abstract or collective ones, leading to overly positive assumptions about personal and peer risks. Individuals tend to rate specific people—or even the prototypical "average person"—more optimistically than impersonal entities like statistics or policies, as person-like targets evoke leniency and positivity. In contexts, this manifests as underestimating vulnerabilities for oneself and concrete others, while statistical averages are judged more harshly; for example, people may view their own cancer risk as below average but still rate the "average person" (as a personified entity) more positively than base-rate would suggest. This perceptual favoritism sustains optimism bias by softening negative judgments in interpersonal comparisons.

Applications

Health and Well-being

Optimism bias contributes to risks by leading individuals to underestimate their personal vulnerability to harmful behaviors and events. For instance, smokers often exhibit optimistic bias, believing their own risk of developing smoking-related diseases is lower than that of average smokers, which discourages cessation efforts. This bias extends to pandemics, where people perceive their likelihood of contracting as lower than peers', resulting in reduced adherence to protective measures like masking and . A 2025 study on behavioral change during found that optimistic bias mediated the relationship between perceived severity and protective behaviors, enhancing preventive actions despite case numbers and social connections influencing the bias. In contexts, optimism bias serves a protective by enhancing and reducing anxiety, yet it can act as a barrier to seeking help. Among students, this bias manifests as an underestimation of personal risks, leading to delayed access to support services even when symptoms of distress are evident. Research from 2024 indicates low utilization of counseling services among university students despite high rates of anxiety and , with barriers including reluctance to seek help. Conversely, moderate fosters , buffering against depressive symptoms by promoting adaptive coping in stressful academic environments. Recent findings highlight optimism bias's influence on specific health outcomes. A 2025 study of patients showed that higher levels, combined with better sleep quality and , were associated with reduced cancer-related post-surgery. In the context of , spatial optimism bias led individuals to underestimate the pandemic's local duration compared to global projections, fostering premature relaxation of precautions. Overall, optimism bias offers adaptive benefits by motivating health-promoting behaviors and bolstering mental resilience, but it proves maladaptive in prevention by diminishing accurate and encouraging risky choices.

and

In organizational , optimism bias often manifests as overoptimism in project timelines, closely linked to the , where individuals and teams underestimate the time, costs, and risks involved in future tasks despite historical evidence to the contrary. This bias leads to systematic delays and budget overruns in projects, as planners focus on internal, best-case scenarios rather than external benchmarks from similar past endeavors. For instance, , a method developed to counteract this, has been applied in projects to adjust estimates based on comparable outcomes. In corporate , optimism bias similarly causes leaders to downplay potential threats, such as cybersecurity vulnerabilities or market disruptions, by overestimating positive outcomes and underestimating negative ones, which can result in inadequate and heightened exposure to losses. Studies show this bias is particularly pronounced in high-stakes decisions, where executives believe their organizations are less vulnerable than peers, leading to flawed . In , optimism bias contributes to errors in financial and environmental , often resulting in underpreparedness for long-term challenges. For example, policymakers frequently exhibit optimistic growth forecasts in fiscal budgeting, associating planned adjustments with inflated economic projections that exceed actual outcomes, as evidenced in analyses of IMF data from over 100 countries. This leads to unrealistic revenue assumptions and subsequent deficits. Regarding , a 2025 found that an optimistic bias in belief updating—where individuals integrate positive news about climate impacts more readily than negative—predicts lower engagement in pro-environmental behaviors, effectively sustaining denial-like attitudes and hindering policy support for mitigation efforts. Optimism bias has also been linked to overconfidence in financial markets, contributing to bubbles, such as underestimating risks in adoption as of 2025. Emerging applications highlight optimism bias in technology adoption and digital behaviors. In medical AI, 2025 surveys reveal cautious optimism among health executives, with 75% viewing as beneficial for efficiency but only 12% trusting current algorithms for standalone clinical decisions, due to concerns over bias and reliability that temper overly positive expectations. A parallel issue appears in social media privacy, where a 2025 study of Instagram users demonstrated how optimism bias underlies the privacy paradox: users acknowledge data risks but overestimate their personal immunity, leading to habitual oversharing despite potential harms like . These patterns underscore policy implications for promoting realistic forecasting in budgeting and disaster preparation. Optimism bias in public planning often results in underfunded emergency responses, as seen in threat preparedness where assumptions of low-probability events delay investments until crises occur. To address this, policies incorporating behavioral nudges, such as mandatory reference class analyses, can foster more accurate projections, enhancing in fiscal and domains.

Debiasing and Interventions

Strategies for Mitigation

One primary strategy for mitigating optimism bias is awareness , which involves educating individuals about the bias's existence, mechanisms, and consequences to foster metacognitive and self-correction. By highlighting how optimism bias leads to selective belief updating—favoring positive information while downplaying negative— prompts deliberate on potential risks and overoptimism in judgments. This approach targets cognitive mechanisms by enhancing recognition of biased processing, enabling individuals to adjust their expectations more realistically across personal and professional decisions. Comparative feedback serves as another key method, providing statistical norms or base rates from analogous past cases to counteract egocentric assessments that inflate personal success probabilities. Known as , this technique shifts focus from an "inside view" of unique circumstances to an "outside view" grounded in aggregate data, thereby anchoring predictions to empirical realities and reducing overoptimism in timelines, costs, or risks. It specifically addresses perceptual and informational factors by supplying objective benchmarks that challenge subjective underestimation of negative outcomes. Scenario planning mitigates optimism bias by systematically encouraging the exploration of multiple future outcomes, including adverse ones, to broaden perspective and disrupt narrow, positive-focused narratives. A prominent implementation is the premortem technique, in which participants prospectively identify reasons for a hypothetical , surfacing hidden vulnerabilities and countering motivational drives toward unchecked positivity. This targets cognitive and affective mechanisms by promoting comprehensive evaluation, fostering balanced in uncertain environments.

Evidence from Interventions

Empirical research on interventions to debias optimism bias has primarily targeted its underlying mechanisms, such as asymmetric belief updating, with varying degrees of success in laboratory and applied settings. A foundational study by Sharot et al. (2011) identified that optimism bias persists due to greater integration of positive information than negative, linked to differential attention to estimation errors, where undesirable errors receive less neural processing; this finding has informed subsequent attention-based interventions that aim to equalize updating by directing focus toward negative outcomes. In controlled experiments, attention training and related modification techniques have shown partial effectiveness, reducing the asymmetry in belief updating by 20-30% immediately post-intervention, though these gains often diminish without . For instance, strategies, which prompt individuals to plan for potential negative outcomes, have led to significant but modest reductions in optimistic planning errors in lab tasks involving time estimates. In health contexts, during the have highlighted context-specific challenges and limited persistence. Risk communication efforts providing statistical on probabilities did not significantly reduce optimistic perceptions of personal vulnerability, with the persisting in short-term assessments, but the reemerged as participants reverted to motivational tendencies to protect , indicating that informational approaches alone are insufficient without affective components. Similarly, a media-based using peer narratives to counteract unrealistic optimism about risks eliminated the in certain conditions among exposed participants, promoting more accurate self-assessments of susceptibility. Public policy applications, particularly climate nudges, demonstrate further variability. Experimental video interventions designed to counter optimistic updating about environmental risks failed to significantly alter beliefs in some cases, as the anticipated asymmetry was absent or minimal in collective threat scenarios, resulting in negligible behavioral shifts toward pro-environmental actions. In contrast, nudges—comparing personal projections to historical data—have helped reduce optimism in policy planning for project timelines, aiding more realistic in areas like disaster preparedness. Overall, while lab-based interventions achieve partial reductions, real-world persistence is hindered by effects, where optimistic tendencies resurface post-intervention due to habitual cognitive patterns, and individual differences, such as higher baseline or age-related variations, which attenuate outcomes for certain groups. These limitations underscore the need for repeated, tailored applications to maintain effects.

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