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Prairie madness

Prairie madness, also termed prairie fever, described the acute psychological distress documented among European immigrant settlers on the North American Great Plains during the late 19th and early 20th centuries' homesteading era.^[1]^[2] Symptoms encompassed depression, insomnia, social withdrawal, irrationality, and violent outbursts, contributing to elevated insanity rates that overwhelmed local asylums.^[1]^[2] Particularly acute among Scandinavians transitioning from dense village communities to solitary cabins amid vast, treeless expanses, the condition arose from compounded environmental stressors including extreme social isolation—farmsteads often miles apart—and a bleak, unchanging horizon fostering monotony and despair.^[2]^[1] The prairie's acoustic profile, marked by profound silence punctuated by howling winds, exacerbated these effects through potential sensory deprivation and conditions like hyperacusis or misophonia, as evidenced by contemporary settler accounts and modern soundscape analyses.^[1] Women, largely confined to homestead duties, suffered disproportionately, with reports of heightened vulnerability leading to claim abandonments, familial breakdowns, or suicide.^[2]^[1] While not a formalized medical diagnosis, prairie madness highlighted the human psyche's intolerance for prolonged deprivation of social and sensory stimuli, prompting some observers to advocate clustered settlements over dispersed farming to mitigate risks.^[2]

Historical Context

Settlement Patterns on the Great Plains

The Homestead Act of 1862 provided adult heads of families with 160 acres of surveyed public land after five years of continuous residence and improvement, for a minimal filing fee, spurring rapid settlement across the Great Plains.^[3] This legislation distributed approximately 270 million acres by the early 20th century, transforming sparsely populated territories into agricultural frontiers, with peak annual claims reaching 11 million acres in 1913.^[4] ^[5] Settlement concentrated in states like Nebraska, Kansas, and the Dakotas, where homesteaders from the Midwest and European immigrants established dispersed farmsteads, often separated by miles of open prairie.^[6] Settlement patterns emphasized individual quarter-section claims, fostering low population densities typically below two persons per square mile in many frontier counties, a threshold historically marking unsettled land.^[7] Railroads, granted vast public lands, dictated linear expansion, with farms clustered along tracks for access to markets and supplies, yet leaving vast interiors isolated.^[8] Only about 40% of the roughly 4 million claims filed between 1863 and 1961 resulted in successful patents, as environmental hardships prompted high failure rates and transient populations, exacerbating social fragmentation.^[9] ^[4] These patterns inherently promoted geographic isolation, with homesteaders often living miles from neighbors, limited social infrastructure, and reliance on infrequent travel, contributing to the psychological strains later termed prairie madness.^[10] Early towns emerged sporadically at rail junctions, but rural areas retained a pioneer landscape of scattered sod houses and minimal community density into the 1890s.^[6] By 1900, over 80 million acres had been homesteaded, yet the expansive scale underscored the causal role of land policy in dispersing settlers across unforgiving terrains.^[11]

Initial Reports and Documentation (Late 19th Century)

Initial documentation of what came to be termed prairie madness emerged in the late 19th century amid rapid settlement of the Great Plains following the Homestead Act of 1862, with intensified reports during the settlement boom of the 1870s and 1880s.^[12] Journalists and observers noted elevated rates of mental distress, including depression, withdrawal, and suicide, among isolated homesteaders, particularly in states like Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas.^[13] A pivotal early account appeared in 1893 when journalist E. V. Smalley, editor of The Northwest Magazine, published observations in The Atlantic Monthly after a decade of reporting on Plains life. Smalley described "an alarming amount of insanity" among prairie farmers and their wives, attributing it to extreme isolation, lack of social institutions like churches and schools, and the monotonous landscape that deprived settlers of "all the influences of civilized society."^[13]^[14] He highlighted that "in no civilized country has so large a proportion of the population been so deprived," linking the condition to the dispersal of homesteads miles apart and the absence of trees or varied terrain.^[13] Contemporary settler letters and diaries from the 1870s and 1880s provide firsthand corroboration, recounting episodes of profound loneliness, auditory hallucinations from wind, and abrupt departures from claims—behaviors later retroactively associated with prairie madness.^[15] For instance, Norwegian immigrant accounts from this period document similar mental breakdowns, with families experiencing paranoia and violence amid the transition from communal European villages to solitary Plains farms.^[16] These personal records, often shared via correspondence or local newspapers, underscored the psychological toll without formal medical diagnosis, as asylums in frontier territories reported disproportionate admissions for "melancholia" and self-harm by the 1880s.^[17] Institutional records, such as those from territorial insane asylums established in the 1870s (e.g., in Kansas and Nebraska), began logging cases of settler insanity linked to environmental stressors, though systematic statistics were limited until the 1890s.^[18] Smalley's synthesis drew on these scattered reports, marking a shift from anecdotal to more publicized recognition, though he cautioned that the phenomenon primarily affected recent immigrants unaccustomed to the Plains' vast emptiness.^[19]

Definition and Manifestations

Core Symptoms

Prairie madness, a historical descriptor for psychological distress among Great Plains settlers, primarily manifested as severe depression characterized by persistent crying, emotional withdrawal, and neglect of personal hygiene or dress, such as appearing in slovenly attire.^[15] Affected individuals often displayed abrupt changes in personality and daily habits, including irritability and detachment from family or community interactions.^[20] In more acute cases, symptoms escalated to violent outbursts, particularly among men, contrasting with women's tendencies toward internalized despair.^[21]^[22] Suicide emerged as a tragic outcome, with historical accounts noting elevated rates driven by prolonged isolation, especially impacting women left alone on remote homesteads while men worked away.^[15] These manifestations were not formally diagnosed as a clinical disorder but were recurrently documented in settler diaries and regional records from the late 19th century onward, reflecting acute responses to environmental and social stressors rather than inherent psychopathology.^[23]^[20]

Observed Behaviors and Outcomes

Settlers afflicted with prairie madness exhibited behaviors such as depression, social withdrawal, alterations in personality and daily habits, and episodes of irrationality or aggression.^[20] ^[22] These manifestations often included crying fits, neglect of personal appearance, and avoidance of interactions, particularly among women isolated on remote homesteads.^[15] Insomnia and heightened sensitivity to environmental stimuli, like wind, were also reported in historical accounts of immigrant settlers.^[12] In severe cases, behaviors escalated to violence, including domestic aggression or self-harm.^[20] ^[22] Outcomes frequently involved suicide, with journalists documenting an "alarming amount of insanity" among farmers and their wives in prairie states during the late 19th century, disproportionately affecting Scandinavian immigrants.^[2] ^[13] Many cases led to abandonment of homestead claims, as individuals fled eastward, contributing to high failure rates under the Homestead Act of 1862 and regional depopulation trends.^[13] ^[16] Institutional records from asylums in states like Kansas and Nebraska reflected elevated admissions for such conditions among recent arrivals, though precise causation remained debated.^[2]

Causal Factors

Environmental Influences

The expansive, monotonous terrain of the Great Plains, lacking trees, hills, or other visual breaks, fostered sensory deprivation among settlers, contributing to disorientation and despair. This featureless horizon, extending uniformly in all directions, was frequently cited in late 19th-century accounts as inducing a creeping ennui that eroded mental resilience over time.^[2] Sparse settlement patterns amplified isolation, with homesteads often spaced several miles apart across the open prairie, restricting human contact and daily stimulation. Women, in particular, bore the brunt, confined to remote sod houses amid this void, leading to documented cases of withdrawal and hysteria.^[2]^[1] Climatic extremes intensified these pressures, including summer heat waves surpassing 100°F (38°C) and winter blizzards with temperatures dropping below -20°F (-29°C), often trapping families indoors for extended periods and straining physical endurance. Persistent winds, averaging 10-20 mph year-round and gusting higher during storms, eroded soil, obscured visibility, and generated a relentless auditory backdrop that unsettled nerves.^[24] The acoustic environment, characterized by profound quietude interrupted by wind, further taxed psychological adaptation. Analysis of contemporary Plains soundscapes reveals minimal frequency coverage in the human hearing range compared to urban settings, potentially magnifying minor noises into intrusive stressors for immigrants from denser, noisier locales.^[1] This mismatch, evidenced in settler reports of "deadly silence," aligns with experimental findings on sensory isolation inducing hallucinations and mood disturbances.^[17] Social vulnerabilities to prairie madness stemmed primarily from the extreme isolation inherent in Great Plains settlement patterns. Homesteads under the Homestead Act of 1862 were spaced at least a mile apart, often resulting in days or weeks without human contact beyond immediate family members, compounded by vast, featureless landscapes that induced a sense of entrapment.^[12] Harsh weather events, including blizzards from November to April and summer droughts, confined settlers indoors for prolonged periods, severing even sporadic neighborly visits and eroding social support networks essential for psychological resilience.^[19] Immigrant settlers, comprising a significant portion of arrivals—such as Norwegians, who peaked at over 800,000 immigrants to the U.S. between 1825 and 1925—faced amplified risks due to language barriers and cultural dislocation. These factors impeded integration into nascent communities, fostering alienation as newcomers struggled with unfamiliar agrarian lifestyles and lacked kin-based support systems left behind in Europe.^[16] Gender dynamics further stratified exposure: women, tasked with child-rearing and household maintenance while men pursued off-homestead labor, endured extended solitude, with historical observations from the 1880s–1890s noting disproportionate affective disorders among them, including despondency leading to infanticide or suicide in documented cases.^[23] Individual vulnerabilities often intersected with these social pressures, particularly for those unaccustomed to rural solitude. Migrants from urbanized eastern U.S. or European settings, representing up to 70% of initial Plains settlers in states like Kansas and Nebraska by 1880, lacked adaptive experience to monotonous isolation, precipitating breakdowns as reported by journalist E.V. Smalley in 1893 after a decade of fieldwork.^[19] Personal predispositions, including genetic liabilities or early-life stressors, contributed variably; analyses of Norwegian cohorts indicate that familial mental health histories correlated with higher incidence rates, suggesting heritable factors interacted with environmental stressors rather than isolation alone.^[16] Women in reproductive years appeared especially susceptible, with postpartum states exacerbating isolation-induced depression, as evidenced in settler diaries from the 1870s–1890s.^[23]

Empirical Evidence

Primary Sources from Settlers

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, homesteaders on the Great Plains documented the psychological strain of isolation in diaries, letters, and memoirs, often highlighting symptoms like depression, hallucinations, and withdrawal. Caroline A. Henderson, a homesteader in northwestern Oklahoma, conveyed this in a series of letters to an East Coast friend, published in The Atlantic Monthly starting in 1931; by 1935, she described four years of drought and dust storms compounding the "isolation and drabness" of farm life, with "long days with no sunshine" and machinery breakdowns extending solitude, though she maintained functionality through routine.^[25] Her correspondence illustrates the cumulative burden but also individual coping, as she refused government relocation offers and persisted on her claim until her death in 1966.^[26] Norwegian-American settlers frequently referenced mental distress in personal writings, linking it to the shift from dense European villages to sparse prairie claims under the Homestead Act of 1862. Virginia Langum's analysis of immigrant records from the 1880s–1910s, including family letters and asylum commitments, reveals accounts of utvandringssyke (emigration sickness), where women reported auditory hallucinations of voices from home or compulsive pacing due to endless horizons and neighborless expanses averaging one mile apart.^[27] These primary materials, drawn from Minnesota and Dakota Territory archives, underscore vulnerability among recent arrivals, with one 1890s letter from a Dakotan farmwife describing the "deadly silence" provoking irrational fears of abandonment.^[28] Contemporary observer Julius B. Nelson, after a decade residing among prairie farmers in the 1880s–1890s, compiled reports from settlers in Iowa, Minnesota, and the Dakotas, noting farm wives' tendencies toward melancholia and "prairie fever"—marked by despondency and erratic behavior from cabin-bound routines unbroken by social visits.^[2] Scandinavian homesteaders predominated in these accounts, with families citing the "monotony of the view" and half-mile-plus separations between sod or frame dwellings as triggers for familial breakdowns, including spousal estrangement and child neglect. Such writings, while anecdotal and unverified by clinical standards, align with patterns in settler correspondence preserved in regional historical societies.

Institutional Records and Statistics

The Nebraska Asylum for the Insane, established in 1870 near Lincoln, recorded 1,740 admissions over its first 16 years of operation through November 30, 1886, with annual admissions escalating from 87 in 1871 to 545 in 1885 amid rapid territorial settlement.^[29] This growth reflected broader institutional expansion to address mental disorders in frontier populations, where sparse settlement and poor infrastructure delayed commitments but aligned with rising reports of distress from isolation and economic strain.^[29] Of patients present in 1886 (387 total), 165 were foreign-born, including significant numbers from Germany (48), Ireland (26), and Sweden (27), highlighting immigrant vulnerabilities in rural prairie contexts.^[29] Commonly documented causes in Nebraska records included heredity (estimated at 50% of cases by superintendent reports circa 1880), overwork, nutritional deficiencies, domestic troubles, financial losses, and intemperance, many of which correlated with the hardships of homestead farming and social isolation on the Plains.^[29] Diagnoses predominantly featured mania (acute and chronic forms), melancholia, and dementia, with outcomes showing 700 discharges, 261 deaths, and 155 improvements over the period, though escapes and elopements (27 cases) underscored inadequate containment in under-resourced facilities.^[29] Analogous patterns emerged in adjacent states; the Colorado State Insane Asylum admitted patients at a rate of 26.0 per 100,000 population from 1879 to 1899, with population growth from 29 to 446 patients, driven by similar frontier stressors including migration and economic volatility.^[30] U.S. Census data from 1880 to 1890 documented a national doubling of hospitalized insane from 40,942 to 74,028, with western states including prairie territories exhibiting elevated per capita burdens due to recent immigration and settlement pressures, though state-specific enumerations for Nebraska and Kansas lagged in precision until post-1890 refinements.^[31] Asylum records from prairie regions consistently overrepresented Scandinavian immigrants, particularly Norwegians, who comprised disproportionate commitments in North Dakota, Minnesota, and similar Plains institutions; annual reports and casebooks attributed this to "prairie madness" effects like auditory hallucinations and withdrawal from monotonous landscapes and cultural dislocation.^[16] Such patterns, while not uniformly labeled as prairie-specific in official diagnostics, provided empirical correlates to settler accounts of environmental and social causation, with foreign-born rates exceeding natives in multiple facilities.^[16]^[29]

Debates and Alternative Interpretations

Prevalence and Exaggeration Claims

Historical records indicate that prairie madness was reported anecdotally among Great Plains settlers from the 1870s to the early 1900s, particularly in isolated homesteads, but comprehensive prevalence data remains elusive due to the era's limited mental health tracking and sparse population densities. Contemporary observer Eugene Virgil Smalley described in 1893 "an alarming amount of insanity" among farmers and their wives in the new prairie states, based on reports from Kansas and Nebraska, where symptoms like depression and irrational behavior were linked to environmental monotony.^[12] Asylum admissions in states like South Dakota and North Dakota during the 1880s–1910s showed disproportionate rates among Scandinavian immigrants, who comprised a significant settler demographic; Norwegian emigrants, for instance, exhibited elevated incidences of melancholia and paranoia attributed to cultural dislocation and landscape vastness.^[32]^[33] However, quantitative evidence is indirect, relying on settler diaries, local newspapers, and institutional logs rather than population-wide surveys, which introduces selection bias toward documented cases of severe outcomes like suicide or violence. Suicide rates in rural Great Plains counties exceeded urban averages in the late 19th century, with some historians correlating spikes to "prairie fever" episodes, though causation is inferred from qualitative accounts rather than controlled studies. Norwegian immigration records from 1880–1920 reveal patterns of return migration and family breakdowns potentially tied to mental strain, but overall settler attrition—over 60% of homestead claims abandoned by 1900—was more often ascribed to economic failure than explicit madness.^[16] Scholars have contested the phenomenon's scale, arguing it was exaggerated as a literary trope to dramatize frontier hardships, with fiction amplifying transient depression into sensational narratives of irreversible decline. Works by authors like Willa Cather and Hamlin Garland in the 1890s–1910s portrayed prairie madness as a near-universal affliction, yet primary settler testimonies often depicted it as episodic melancholy alleviated by community formation or relocation, not endemic insanity.^[18] This interpretive lens posits that while genuine cases occurred—disproportionately affecting women confined to homesteads and immigrants facing language barriers—the absence of epidemic-level institutional data suggests overstatement in retrospective cultural memory, potentially conflating general pioneer stress with a distinct pathology.^[34]^[23]

Psychological and Neurological Perspectives

Modern psychological analyses interpret prairie madness primarily as a form of situational depression and anxiety triggered by chronic isolation, sensory monotony, and environmental stressors among 19th-century Great Plains settlers.^[23] These conditions manifested in symptoms such as withdrawal, irritability, insomnia, and violent outbursts, often exacerbated by factors like poor nutrition, sleep deprivation, and relentless labor, which align with diagnostic criteria for major depressive disorder or adjustment disorders in contemporary frameworks.^[23] Women, confined more to homesteads, appeared particularly vulnerable, with cases resembling postpartum depression or agitated melancholia, as inferred from settler accounts and literary depictions like Laura Ingalls Wilder's works.^[23] A 2022 acoustical analysis by archaeologist Alex D. Velez highlights the role of the prairie soundscape in contributing to these mental health declines, proposing that the relative silence—punctuated by amplified wind and sparse natural noises—created a low-diversity auditory environment akin to sensory deprivation.^[1] Velez's methodology involved spectral analysis of modern Great Plains recordings compared to urban soundscapes, revealing a lack of broadband "white noise" that typically masks stressors in denser settings, potentially heightening irritability and paranoia through heightened perception of isolated stimuli.^[12] This aligns with broader psychological research on noise pollution's inverse: prolonged quietude can induce stress responses similar to those in high-noise urban areas, though prairie settlers lacked the buffering social density of cities.^[12] Neurological perspectives remain underdeveloped for prairie madness specifically, but parallels exist with sensory deprivation experiments, where reduced auditory input leads to cortical hyperexcitability, hallucinations, and anxiety via disrupted neural adaptation in auditory processing regions.^[12] Neuroscientist Adrian K.C. Lee has drawn comparisons to anechoic chambers, where the brain, unaccustomed to minimal stimuli, generates perceptual distortions to compensate, mirroring settler reports of auditory hallucinations and disorientation.^[12] Empirical studies on isolation, such as those simulating space missions or solitary confinement, corroborate these mechanisms, showing elevated cortisol and altered dopamine signaling that could underlie the apathy-to-violence progression observed in historical cases.^[35] However, without direct neuroimaging from the era, such interpretations rely on retrospective application of modern findings, emphasizing multifactorial causation over a singular "madness" pathology.^[23]

Resolution and Decline

Infrastructural Developments

The expansion of railroad networks across the Great Plains in the late 19th century played a pivotal role in reducing the isolation central to prairie madness. Following the transcontinental railroad's completion in 1869, track mileage surged, with Kansas boasting approximately 8,700 miles by 1900, connecting remote homesteads to towns for social visits, mail delivery, and essential goods.^[36] This infrastructure spurred town development and denser settlement patterns, enabling settlers—particularly women confined to isolated claims—to access community support more readily.^[15] The introduction of telephone systems further eroded barriers to communication, with rural cooperatives emerging around 1900 as farmers strung lines between homesteads, allowing real-time interaction without arduous travel. By 1912, over 3,200 such systems operated nationwide, including in Plains states like Iowa, where they linked scattered families and diminished the monotony of solitude.^[37]^[38] Improved roads and the advent of affordable automobiles in the 1910s amplified mobility, as the Ford Model T enabled routine trips to neighbors and markets, effectively ending the profound remoteness of earlier decades. Historians note that these vehicular advancements shattered rural isolation, contributing to the phenomenon's sharp decline by the 1920s.^[15]

Shifts in Settlement Dynamics

As waves of European immigrants and domestic migrants arrived in the Great Plains following the initial homesteading boom of the 1870s and 1880s, settlement patterns evolved from sparse, isolated quarter-section farms—typically 160 acres per family under the Homestead Act of 1862—to denser rural networks. By 1900, much of the region's arable land had been claimed, closing the frontier as declared by the U.S. Census Bureau, which shifted dynamics from pioneering solitude to interdependent agrarian communities.^[39] This transition mitigated the acute isolation that fueled prairie madness, as average distances between homesteads decreased with overlapping claims and secondary settlements.^[40] Population growth accelerated this change: Great Plains counties saw densities rise from approximately 2 persons per square mile in 1880 to 6-12 persons per square mile by 1910 in key states like Nebraska and Kansas, driven by immigration from Scandinavia, Germany, and Eastern Europe, alongside natural increase among established families.^[41] Ethnic enclaves, such as Volga German colonies in the Dakotas, fostered clustered settlements with shared cultural institutions, further eroding the "nearest neighbor" voids of earlier decades.^[42] Failed claims, which accounted for up to 60% of homesteads in arid western areas by 1900, were often consolidated into larger holdings or repurposed for communal grazing, indirectly promoting proximity through shared labor and markets.^[8] By the 1910s-1920s settlement maturation phase, these dynamics supported the emergence of nucleated rural hubs—small towns and villages serving as social and economic nodes—reducing the psychological burden of endless horizons.^[43] Historical accounts note that increased neighborly interactions, via shared schools and cooperative ventures, correlated with fewer reported isolation-induced breakdowns, as the landscape transformed from a "vast solitude" to a populated mosaic.^[15] This spatial densification, combined with adaptive farming, underpinned the phenomenon's wane without requiring wholesale abandonment.^[44]

Cultural and Intellectual Legacy

Representations in Literature and Media

One prominent literary depiction of prairie madness appears in O. E. Rølvaag's 1927 novel Giants in the Earth, where the character Beret Hansa, a Norwegian immigrant settler, experiences severe mental deterioration characterized by depression, paranoia, and withdrawal amid the isolating Dakota prairies.^[32] This portrayal draws on historical accounts of immigrant mental health struggles, emphasizing how relentless environmental hardships exacerbated psychological strain.^[32] Willa Cather's Prairie Trilogy, including O Pioneers! (1913) and My Ántonia (1918), explores related themes of emotional desolation and adaptive breakdown among settlers, with characters confronting the psychological toll of vast, unyielding landscapes that foster alienation and despair.^[27] Analyses highlight how Cather integrates motifs of madness tied to frontier dislocation, reflecting broader settler narratives without overt sensationalism.^[27] In film, the 2018 horror western The Wind, directed by Emma Tammi, centers on a woman's unraveling psyche in the isolated New Mexico Territory of the 1890s, attributing her hallucinations and violence to prairie madness influenced by wind, silence, and solitude.^[45] The narrative blends supernatural elements with documented settler symptoms like paranoia and mental breakdown, underscoring environmental causation over purely psychological origins.^[46] Scholarly discussions of these representations often note a gendered focus, with female characters disproportionately shown succumbing to madness due to domestic isolation, as critiqued in analyses of prairie literature's domestic and relational dynamics.^[18] Such works perpetuate awareness of the phenomenon while sometimes amplifying its dramatic elements for narrative effect.^[18]

Influence on Modern Psychology and Regional Studies

Prairie madness has informed modern psychological research on environmental determinants of mental health, particularly the effects of prolonged isolation, sensory deprivation, and vast, featureless landscapes on cognitive and emotional stability. Studies have examined how acoustic monotony, such as the relative silence of the Great Plains, may exacerbate depression and anxiety, drawing parallels to contemporary concepts like cabin fever or seasonal affective disorder in rural settings.^[12] A 2018 analysis proposed that soundscape alterations, including wind-induced white noise, influenced historical settler psychosis, linking prairie conditions to modern environmental psychology frameworks that assess habitat-induced stress.^[47] Epidemiological perspectives on migration have integrated prairie madness as a case study for immigrant mental health vulnerabilities, highlighting elevated insanity rates among late-19th and early-20th-century Norwegian settlers due to acculturation pressures, familial disruptions, and climatic hardships.^[32] This has contributed to broader understandings of how geographic relocation amplifies risks for disorders like melancholia, informing models of transnational mental illness without attributing causality solely to prairie isolation.^[48] In regional studies of the Great Plains, prairie madness serves as a lens for analyzing settler resilience and cultural maladaptation, often framed within ecocritical and gothic literary traditions that explore human-nature tensions. Scholarly works have revisited it to unpack gender dynamics in domestic violence and familial breakdown narratives, challenging romanticized frontier myths with evidence of psychological tolls on women.^[18] Great Plains historiography employs the phenomenon to contextualize population turnover rates, with institutional records from the era indicating higher asylum commitments in prairie states, thus shaping interdisciplinary inquiries into sustainable rural development and indigenous-settler contrasts.^[49]

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Population and Environment in the U.S. Great Plains - NCBI - NIH
We began with the hypothesis that the growth of population density through European-origin settlement led to changes in land use—and therefore environment ...
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[PDF] Geography of Population Change and Redistribution Within the Post ...
In the two decades up to 1910 the non-MSA counties with their agrarian environments accounted for much of the Great Plains total population increase. From ...
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[PDF] The Dual Influence of Railroads in Early 20th-Century Great Plains ...
Although the railroad did not directly influence settlement location or the extent of population growth in the post-railroad era, it did establish the pattern.
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[PDF] Population Dynamics of the Great Plains: 1950 to 2007 - Census.gov
The Great Plains population grew from 4.9 million in 1950 to 9.9 million in 2007, with the largest growth between 1990 and 2000. The region has some declining ...
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THE WIND Uses Folk Horror in an American Prairie Western - Nerdist
Oct 25, 2021 · The Wind is an unsettling 2018 folk horror film that explores the phenomenon known as prairie madness through horror tropes.
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This 2018 Indie Is a Thrilling Twist on the Horror Western Movie Genre
Sep 29, 2024 · "Prairie madness" was a documented condition that cause people to have mental health issues after they moved to America's wilderness. The Wind ...
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'As syllable from sound': the sonic dimensions of confinement at the ...
Oct 3, 2019 · London: Printed for William Alexander. Google Scholar. Velez A (2018) “Effects of soundscape on the prairie madness phenomenon” [unpublished].
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Migration and mental illness: An epidemiological perspective
Prairie Madness: Mental Illness and Norwegian Immigration to North America ... We found an overrepresentation of immigrants in the Swedish suicide statistics ...
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Great Plains Quarterly - Nebraska Journals
The journal, which is published for the Center for Great Plains Studies, is ... "Unsettling Landscapes: Prairie Madness and EcoGothic Themes in US Plains ...Missing: influence | Show results with:influence