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Self-Respect Movement

The Self-Respect Movement was a social reform campaign initiated in 1925 by E.V. Naicker, commonly known as , in the of British , primarily targeting the eradication of caste-based hierarchies and the promotion of and individual dignity among non-Brahmin populations. Originating from Periyar's disillusionment with the Indian National Congress's tolerance of Brahmanical dominance, the movement sought to dismantle superstitions, priestly authority, and traditional Hindu customs deemed oppressive, advocating instead for self-respect marriages conducted without religious rituals and emphasizing education and . Central to the movement's was a critique of Vedic Hinduism and privilege, which viewed as mechanisms perpetuating and intellectual subjugation, leading to campaigns against idol worship, religious festivals, and the imposition of Sanskrit-dominated . Through publications like the weekly Kudi Arasu, the movement propagated atheist and rationalist principles, influencing the formation of the in 1944 as a non-electoral for these ideals. While achieving notable successes in mobilizing non-Brahmin communities, advancing widow remarriage, and contributing to the political framework that prioritized reservations for backward s, the movement drew controversy for its vehement anti-Hindu rhetoric and perceived divisiveness, which alienated orthodox groups and sparked debates on cultural preservation versus reform. Its legacy endures in Tamil Nadu's social policies, though critiques highlight how its focus on caste antagonism sometimes overshadowed broader economic reforms.

Origins and Historical Development

Founding in 1925

The Self-Respect Movement was established in 1925 by E. V. Ramasamy, widely known as , in collaboration with S. Ramanathan, as a social reform initiative primarily targeting non-Brahmin communities in . , who had risen to prominence within the —serving as president of the Committee from 1922—resigned from the organization in late 1925 amid profound disillusionment with its approach to caste hierarchies and Brahmin dominance. Despite non-Brahmins comprising over 90% of the population in the , Brahmins held disproportionate influence in leadership and decision-making, which viewed as perpetuating social subordination rather than genuine equality. This frustration was exacerbated by events such as the (1924–1925), a temple-entry campaign for lower castes where support faltered under pressure from orthodox Hindu elements, leading to conclude that political nationalism alone could not eradicate entrenched caste-based indignities. The movement's inception marked Periyar's shift from electoral politics—having briefly aligned with the Justice Party earlier in the 1920s—to a focused campaign for cultural and psychological emancipation, emphasizing suyamariyathai (self-respect) as the foundation for social progress. Periyar argued that without instilling self-respect in marginalized groups, independence from British rule (swaraj) would merely replace one form of subjugation with Brahminical hegemony, prioritizing rational inquiry over religious dogma and rituals that reinforced inequality. Initial propagation occurred through Periyar's Tamil weekly Kudi Arasu, launched around the same period, which disseminated critiques of Brahmin privileges, caste endogamy, and priestly authority, urging non-Brahmins to reject subservient customs. This foundational phase eschewed formal political engagement, instead fostering grassroots awareness of dignity as a prerequisite for equitable societal structures, drawing from Periyar's observations of systemic biases during his Congress tenure where demands for proportional non-Brahmin representation in committees were repeatedly ignored. Though the first provincial Self-Respect Conference was not held until February 1929 in —presided over by W. P. A. Soundarapandian—the founding laid the ideological groundwork by explicitly naming the effort the "Self-Respect Movement" to symbolize against hereditary hierarchies. Periyar's personal evolution, from a devout Hindu who undertook pilgrimages to a skeptic influenced by rationalist texts and interactions with reformers, informed this launch, positioning the movement as a against what he termed the degradations imposed by Vedic traditions on the majority. Early adherents, largely from urban non-Brahmin elites and Party sympathizers, viewed it as a corrective to Congress's upper-caste tilt, though its anti-clerical stance drew immediate opposition from conservative Hindu groups.

Expansion and Key Events (1920s–1940s)

Following the establishment of the Self-Respect Movement in , its influence expanded rapidly within the through organized and efforts aimed at eradicating caste-based humiliations and promoting rationalist ideals among non-Brahmin communities. The inaugural provincial Self-Respect convened in February 1929 at , drawing participants to discuss principles of individual dignity and opposition to Brahminical orthodoxy; this event, presided over by W.P.A. Soundara Mary, marked a pivotal step in institutionalizing the movement beyond informal advocacy. A subsequent conference of Self-Respect volunteers in May 1929 at further solidified organizational structure, with K.V. Alagiriswami appointed to lead activities. A core mechanism of expansion involved the promotion of self-respect marriages, introduced from 1928 onward, which rejected priests, Vedic rituals, and practices in favor of secular ceremonies emphasizing mutual consent and equality between spouses across castes. These unions, conducted even in rural areas among non- groups, challenged traditional Hindu norms and gained traction as a practical assertion of social autonomy, reducing clerical intermediaries and fostering inter-caste alliances. In , the movement held annual conferences that intensified critiques of religious superstitions and gender inequalities, with women's emancipation positioned as integral to broader self-respect; these gatherings mobilized thousands, propagating ideas via publications like Kudi Arasu and public speeches by E.V. . Key events in the late 1930s underscored the movement's growing political resonance, including Periyar's leadership in the anti-Hindi imposition agitations from to , which protested mandatory Hindi education in schools as a tool of North Indian cultural dominance. These protests, involving mass rallies and boycotts, culminated in the policy's reversal, demonstrating the Self-Respect cadre's capacity for sustained mobilization against perceived linguistic and cultural impositions. By the early 1940s, the movement's emphasis on and anti-caste reforms had permeated Tamil social discourse, influencing non-Brahmin electoral strategies in —despite Congress victories—and laying groundwork for deeper ideological shifts, though quantitative membership data remains sparse in historical records.

Transition to Dravidar Kazhagam and Later Phases

In 1944, E. V. Ramasamy, known as , merged the Self-Respect Movement with the South Indian Liberal Federation (Justice Party) to form the (DK) on August 27. This transition integrated the movement's emphasis on self-respect, , and opposition to caste-based into a broader organizational framework aimed at cultural and social assertion. The formation marked a shift from localized self-respect initiatives to a more structured advocacy for rationalist reforms and resistance against perceived Aryan-Brahminical dominance. Following , DK initially pursued demands for a separate state, formalized at a 1945 conference in , but later prioritized social mobilization over separatism. A major schism occurred in 1949 when and associates departed to establish the (DMK), driven by disagreements over electoral engagement—DK rejected party politics to focus on ideological purity. Under Periyar's leadership until his death in 1973, DK sustained campaigns promoting , self-respect marriages, and critiques of religious through publications like Viduthalai and public conferences. Subsequent phases saw assume leadership in 1978, steering DK toward continued rationalist activism, including opposition to caste privileges and promotion of . The organization has influenced Dravidian discourse without direct political power, marking milestones such as the 75th anniversary of its founding in 2019 and centenary celebrations of the Self-Respect Movement in 2025, while maintaining non-electoral commitments.

Core Ideology and Principles

Emphasis on Self-Respect and Rationalism

The Self-Respect Movement, founded by E.V. Ramasamy (Periyar) in 1925, centered self-respect (suyamariyathai) as a core principle to empower non-Brahmin and marginalized communities against caste-induced degradation. Periyar argued that self-respect demanded rejection of subservient roles enforced by Brahminical norms, prioritizing individual dignity over mere political independence like swaraj. This emphasis sought to instill pride in Dravidian identity, enabling participants to assert equality without reliance on religious or hierarchical validations. Complementing self-respect, the movement vigorously promoted (pagutharivu), positioning reason as the antidote to superstition and religious dogma that upheld social hierarchies. , an avowed atheist, criticized and practices—such as publicly burning copies of the Manusmriti in 1956—as instruments of oppression, urging adherents to adopt and evidence-based judgment over blind faith. was framed not merely as but as a for causal analysis of societal ills, dismantling myths that justified and subjugation. These principles were codified in foundational pamphlets like Namathu Kurikkol ("Our Principles") and Tiravitak Kalaka Lateiyam, which outlined a rejection of in favor of egalitarian, reason-driven conduct. The movement operationalized through secular practices, including priestless self-respect marriages introduced in the 1920s and legally validated in by 1967, bypassing ritualistic dependencies. Publications such as Kudi Arasu (launched 1925) and Pakkutharivu propagated these ideas, fostering conferences and propaganda that equated irrational belief with continued exploitation. By linking self-respect to rational , the movement aimed to cultivate autonomous individuals capable of resisting systemic , though its vehement anti-religious stance drew opposition from groups. Empirical outcomes included heightened awareness among non-Brahmins, contributing to broader social mobilization, yet persistence of dynamics underscores the limits of ideological campaigns absent structural enforcement.

Positions on Caste, Brahminism, and Hinduism

The Self-Respect Movement, led by E. V. Ramasamy (), fundamentally opposed the system as an institutionalized mechanism of social hierarchy that subordinated non-Brahmin communities, particularly Shudras and , under Brahminical dominance. Periyar argued that the varnashrama enshrined in Hindu scriptures perpetuated economic exploitation and ritual pollution, denying dignity to lower s; he advocated for the complete eradication of distinctions through practices like removing caste-based surnames, which was formalized at the 1929 conference. The movement promoted inter- marriages without religious rituals to dismantle , viewing such unions as essential for fostering equality and challenging hereditary inequalities, with over 1,000 self-respect marriages conducted by 1930 to exemplify this break from norms. Periyar's critique of Brahminism framed it as an ideological framework imported by invaders to subjugate indigenous populations, positioning as custodians of a priestly monopoly that controlled religious, educational, and administrative spheres in colonial . The movement's propaganda, including journals like Kudi Arasu, denounced Brahminical rituals and dominance as tools for cultural alienation, urging non-Brahmins to reject subservience and assert rational self-governance; this anti-Brahmin stance gained traction amid 1920s temple entry disputes, where Brahmin priests barred lower castes from inner sanctums, reinforcing Periyar's call for secular alternatives. While Periyar distinguished between individual Brahmins and systemic Brahminism, the movement's rhetoric often generalized Brahmin privilege as the root of caste oppression, influencing non-Brahmin mobilization but drawing accusations of fostering communal division. Regarding , the Self-Respect Movement rejected it as a superstitious edifice that codified through texts like the and epics glorifying divine hierarchies, with publicly burning such scriptures in 1956 to symbolize opposition to god-centric irrationality that hindered social progress. Proponents advocated and as antidotes, arguing that and karma doctrines rationalized inequality rather than addressing material causes of poverty and discrimination; proposed "self-respect" as a secular ethic superior to devotion, which he saw as pacifying the oppressed. This stance extended to critiquing Hindu revivalism under Gandhi, whom accused of upholding varnashrama under the guise of village self-rule, prioritizing empirical self-reliance over mystical traditions; however, the movement did not uniformly demand conversion but focused on internal critique to liberate adherents from priestly intermediaries. Empirical data from post-1925 shows declining overrepresentation in civil services from 70% in 1920 to under 10% by 1950, partly attributable to such ideological challenges, though causal links remain debated amid broader policies.

Advocacy for Gender Equality and Social Reforms

The Self-Respect Movement, initiated by E.V. Ramasamy Naicker () in 1925, placed at the core of its social reform agenda, challenging patriarchal norms embedded in traditional Hindu practices. Periyar argued that women's subjugation stemmed from Brahminical dominance and hierarchies, advocating for their emancipation through and self-respect. He emphasized that true social progress required granting women identical rights to men in , employment, and decision-making, viewing oppression of women as a barrier to societal rationality. Key reforms targeted customs like and enforced widowhood, which Periyar condemned as exploitative and irrational. He promoted widow remarriage and the education of girls to foster independence, insisting that young widows be allowed to remarry without . The movement opposed systems, which often indebted families, and pushed for and access to , framing as a voluntary companionship rather than a lifelong bondage. These positions were propagated through conferences and publications, aiming to dismantle gender-based . Self-respect marriages exemplified the movement's approach, conducted without priests or religious rituals as secular contracts emphasizing mutual consent and equality. Participants pledged fidelity and equal obligations, with provisions for dissolution if the partnership failed, rejecting notions of eternal unions. extended advocacy to , supporting contraception and permanent for women to achieve sexual autonomy and prevent unwanted pregnancies tied to economic dependency. This radical stance on sexual freedom positioned women as agents of their bodies, countering traditional controls. Broader social reforms intertwined with , as the movement linked caste annihilation to women's liberation, encouraging female participation in public debates and mobilization against superstitions. envisioned women in roles like to assert parity, though empirical implementation varied. These efforts influenced Tamil Nadu's policies on and , contributing to measurable increases in female and workforce participation post-independence, though causal attribution remains debated amid confounding factors like national reforms.

Key Activities and Practices

Self-Respect Marriages and Secular Ceremonies

Self-Respect Marriages, introduced by () as a core practice of the Self-Respect Movement, consisted of simple, priest-less unions devoid of religious rituals, mantras, or oversight, emphasizing mutual respect, , and companionship between partners. The first such marriage occurred in 1928, officiated directly by , marking an early rejection of traditional Hindu matrimonial customs that reinforced hierarchies and patriarchal control. These ceremonies promoted inter-caste pairings, love marriages, and widow remarriages while prohibiting and marriages, positioning the union as a secular dissolvable if eroded. The format involved the couple exchanging vows of fidelity and self-respect before witnesses, often at Self-Respect conferences or public gatherings, without invoking deities or scriptures, thereby challenging the monopoly of priests and reducing ceremonial costs that burdened lower castes. Periyar advocated these as rational alternatives to orthodox weddings, arguing they fostered genuine partnership over ownership or ritual subservience, with the movement conducting thousands informally in the 1920s and 1930s to normalize egalitarian norms. Initially unrecognized under Hindu law, which required rituals for validity, Self-Respect Marriages faced legal hurdles until the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) government in legalized them in 1967 through an amendment introducing Section 7A to the Hindu Marriage , validating secular ceremonies for Hindus meeting age requirements. By promoting women's agency and dissolution, these marriages contributed to broader social reforms, with registering 12,114 Self-Respect Marriages between 2018 and 2024, reflecting sustained adoption amid ongoing critiques of their simplicity as insufficiently binding without legal enforcement. Critics, including orthodox Hindu groups, viewed them as eroding cultural traditions, yet proponents credited them with advancing and reducing economic exploitation in matrimony.

Conferences, Propaganda, and Mobilization Efforts

The Self-Respect Movement convened to propagate its principles of , anti-casteism, and self-respect among non-Brahmin communities in . The inaugural provincial occurred in in February 1929, organized and presided over by E. V. Ramasamy (), where resolutions emphasized eradicating Brahminical dominance and promoting inter-caste marriages. A subsequent for Self-Respect Volunteers took place in Pattukkotai in May 1929 under the presidency of S. Guruswami, focusing on volunteer training and organizational expansion. These gatherings, often annual in nature during the movement's early phases, featured speeches, debates, and resolutions that critiqued Hindu and advocated secular reforms, drawing participants from rural and urban non-Brahmin groups. Propaganda efforts centered on print media to challenge dominant narratives and foster ideological commitment. established the weekly newspaper Kudi Arasu in 1925 as the movement's flagship publication, using it to denounce Brahminism, policies, and caste-based inequalities while promoting self-respect and rational inquiry. The paper's editorials and articles, circulated widely among Tamil-speaking audiences, served as tools for , countering Brahmin-controlled press and encouraging subscriptions as acts of solidarity. Complementary outlets included Dravidan (launched 1927), the English (1928), Puratchi (1933), and Paahuththarivu (1934), which amplified the movement's message through serialized critiques and calls for social upheaval. Self-respect marriages were also leveraged as propaganda vehicles, with ceremonies conducted without priests to symbolize rejection of traditional rituals and to publicize the movement's egalitarian ethos. Mobilization tactics emphasized grassroots engagement to build a broad base among lower castes and women. Public speeches by and associates, often delivered in processions accompanied by slogan-chanting, created discursive spaces for articulating anti-Brahmin sentiments and mobilizing non-elite groups like Vanniya Kula Kshatriyas. These efforts intertwined social reform with political agitation, influencing to pressure colonial and later state authorities on issues like reservations and linguistic policies. By integrating conferences with media campaigns and street-level activities, the movement sustained participation, though its confrontational sometimes provoked backlash from Hindu factions.

Role of Women in Organizational Activities

Women in the Self-Respect Movement actively contributed to organizational activities, including the orchestration of conferences, dissemination of propaganda through speeches and publications, and mobilization for social campaigns against caste and hierarchies. From the movement's inception in 1925, female participants helped propagate rationalist and egalitarian principles by organizing local meetings and addressing public gatherings, often challenging traditional norms that confined women to domestic roles. Their involvement extended to editing and contributing to key periodicals like Kudi Arasu, which served as a primary vehicle for ideological outreach and documented women's roles in agitations. Prominent women leaders such as Nagammai, who edited Kudi Arasu and led participation in the during the 1920s to demand access to public spaces for lower castes, exemplified this organizational engagement. Similarly, Ammayar, S. Dharmambal, and Annai Meenambal organized branches, delivered speeches at self-respect conferences, and advocated for reforms like widow remarriage and opposition to practices, fostering grassroots mobilization across . At the 1929 Self-Respect Conference in , women-driven resolutions were passed to advance , including demands for equal property rights and education access, highlighting their influence on policy agendas within the movement. The 1938 Women's Conference in Salem further underscored female agency, with leaders like Moovalur Ramamirthammal, Lakshmi Ammal, and Dhrumambal presiding over sessions that critiqued patriarchal customs and promoted self-respect marriages as alternatives to religious rituals. These events not only raised awareness but also trained women in public speaking and leadership, enabling them to lead propaganda efforts that reached rural audiences through pamphlets and street meetings. Empirical records from movement archives indicate that by the 1930s, women comprised a notable portion of conference delegates and volunteer organizers, contributing to the expansion of local self-respect associations in districts like Tiruvarur and Salem. This participation challenged prevailing social barriers, as evidenced by increased female enrollment in non-Brahmin educational initiatives tied to the movement's mobilization drives.

Political and Social Impact

Influence on Dravidian Politics and Parties

The Self-Respect Movement, initiated by E. V. Ramasamy () in 1925, initially focused on social reforms but increasingly intersected with through its alliance with the Justice Party, a non-Brahmin political entity formed in 1916 to counter dominance in administration. By the 1930s, the movement's emphasis on , eradication, and self-respect influenced the Justice Party's , leading to Periyar's leadership role within it. In 1944, Periyar merged the Justice Party with the Self-Respect Movement to form (DK), a socio-political that rejected electoral participation in favor of and mobilization against hierarchies and Hindi imposition. Tensions within DK over political strategy culminated in a split in 1949, when C. N. Annadurai and supporters, favoring contesting elections to advance Dravidian ideals, established the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK). The DMK adopted core Self-Respect principles, including opposition to caste discrimination, promotion of Tamil identity, and advocacy for federalism, while adapting them to electoral politics; it gained prominence by opposing the Congress Party's centralizing policies, such as the 1965 Hindi promotion efforts. This shift enabled DMK's breakthrough in the 1967 Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly elections, where it secured 137 of 234 seats, forming the state's first non-Congress government and institutionalizing Dravidian governance focused on social welfare and reservations. Subsequent factionalism within DMK further propagated Self-Respect legacies; in 1972, M. G. Ramachandran broke away to found the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), emphasizing populist measures alongside anti-caste rhetoric. Both parties dominated Tamil Nadu politics for decades, alternating power—DMK from 1967–1976, 1989–1991, 1996–2001, and 2006–2011; AIADMK from 1977–1980, 1984–1989, 1991–1996, 2011–2016, and 2021 onward—while embedding Self-Respect tenets like rationalist education reforms and expanded quotas for backward classes into policy. This enduring influence reshaped Tamil Nadu's political landscape, prioritizing regional identity and social equity over national Congress dominance, though critics argue it entrenched identity-based divisions.

Contributions to Reservations and Social Policies

The Self-Respect Movement advanced reservation policies by vigorously defending quotas for Dalits and backward castes in education, employment, and political representation, viewing them as essential tools to dismantle caste-based oppression and ensure proportional access to opportunities. E.V. Ramasamy, the movement's founder, advocated for representation aligned with demographic realities, critiquing overrepresentation in civil services—where they held about 70% of positions despite comprising only 3% of the population in the 1920s—and pushing for affirmative measures to empower non-Brahmin communities. This ideological framework built on earlier non-Brahmin agitations, reinforcing demands that shaped Tamil Nadu's reservation system, which evolved from the Justice Party's 1927 Communal Government Order allocating 44% quotas to non-Brahmins. The movement's influence extended through its merger with Dravidian politics, particularly via the (DMK), which upon gaining power in 1967 implemented and expanded reservations to include 31% for backward classes alongside scheduled and tribe quotas, later increasing to 69% under subsequent administrations. These policies, sustained despite legal challenges, have correlated with Tamil Nadu's high gross enrollment ratios exceeding 50% in higher education by the 2020s and improved for reserved categories, though critics argue they entrench identities rather than eradicate them. Periyar's support for B.R. Ambedkar's 1936 push for separate electorates further underscored the movement's commitment to inclusive . Beyond reservations, the Self-Respect Movement contributed to social policies promoting and , influencing state initiatives like the scheme launched in 2006, which establishes model villages with integrated housing to foster social harmony and reduce . It also underpinned welfare measures such as robust public distribution systems and programs, reflecting the movement's emphasis on institutional and women's emancipation, which pressured legislative reforms against practices like enforced widow celibacy and the system. These efforts have positioned as a leader in social equity metrics, with policies prioritizing empirical upliftment over ritualistic traditions.

Empirical Outcomes in Tamil Nadu Society

The Self-Respect Movement's promotion of and as tools for influenced Dravidian-led policies that expanded access to schooling across castes, yielding measurable gains in . In the 2011 , recorded an overall literacy rate of 80.09%, surpassing the national average of 74.04%, with male literacy at 86.77% and female literacy at 73.44% compared to India's 82.14% and 65.46%, respectively. These improvements accelerated post-independence under Dravidian administrations, which implemented and nutritional schemes like mid-day meals—originating from Party initiatives tied to the movement's ethos—contributing to a of 52% in by 2025. Reservation policies, amplified by the movement's anti-caste stance, established Tamil Nadu's 69% quota for backward classes, scheduled castes, and tribes in education and public employment since the 1990s, exceeding the national 50% cap via constitutional protection. This framework correlated with upward trends in reserved category outcomes, such as scheduled caste literacy rising from 54% in 2001 to 73.26% in subsequent surveys, alongside increased representation in government jobs and universities. Empirical assessments indicate these quotas facilitated intergenerational mobility for non-Brahmin and lower castes, reducing disparities in access to professional fields, though elite capture within backward classes and ongoing economic gaps persist. On gender fronts, the movement's advocacy for women's self-respect through secular reforms supported higher female literacy and participation in public life, with achieving female literacy rates consistently above the national mean since the . Self-respect marriages, which eschew priestly rituals and emphasize mutual consent and property rights, numbered 12,114 registrations statewide from 2018 to 2025, often incentivized with financial aid to encourage inter- and widow unions. However, broader data reveal limited erosion of barriers, with over 95% of marriages remaining endogamous, underscoring that while institutional access improved, cultural norms of preference endured. These outcomes positioned among India's higher human development states, with 70% above the 2015-16 national average and lower rates, attributable in part to the movement's fusion of policies with industrialization. Yet, causal attribution remains complex, as complementary factors like remittances and urban migration amplified gains, and critiques note uneven quality in alongside persistent intra-caste hierarchies.

Controversies and Criticisms

Accusations of Divisiveness and Anti-Hindu Sentiment

Critics have accused the Self-Respect Movement of fostering social divisiveness by amplifying and racial antagonisms, particularly through its emphasis on an Aryan-Dravidian binary that portrayed s as foreign oppressors subjugating indigenous Dravidians. E.V. Ramasamy's 1925 vow at Kancheepuram to eradicate " " exemplified this framing, which opponents argue entrenched mutual distrust between communities rather than promoting inclusive reform. Such rhetoric, including calls to prioritize harming s over other threats, is cited as inciting targeted hostility and undermining social cohesion in Tamil society. Accusations of anti-Brahmin bigotry intensified with Periyar's advocacy for excluding Brahmins from public life and organizations, as stated in his 1954 directive to drive them away and his 1967 insistence on their barring from key roles. He asserted that Brahmins could "never have honest intentions" due to their birth, a claim critics interpret as essentializing an entire group and justifying . Actions like the 1957 statewide agitation to remove "Brahmin" from hotel signboards further fueled perceptions of punitive targeting, with opponents arguing it normalized economic boycotts and deepened communal rifts. The movement's campaigns against Hindu religious symbols have been central to charges of , including 's 1952-1953 initiatives to smash idols as a rejection of idol and caste reinforcement. He organized burnings of copies in 1954 and 1968, decrying the epic as propaganda that demeaned Dravidians by depicting as a casteist figure and as a villainous native hero inverted to serve Brahminical narratives. Such acts, alongside vows to break temple idols and eradicate god-belief, are viewed by detractors as direct assaults on Hindu devotional practices, provoking backlash including of Periyar statues in subsequent decades. Hindu nationalist groups and commentators contend that these elements, rooted in Periyar's and rationalist push, prioritized cultural demolition over empirical social uplift, contributing to long-term polarization in by alienating Hindu majorities and sustaining identity-based grievances. While proponents frame the critiques as liberating non-Brahmin masses from scriptural oppression, critics maintain the movement's inflammatory tactics—such as equating with —exacerbated sectarian divides without verifiable reductions in attributable solely to anti-religious fervor.

Debates on Rationalism vs. Cultural Traditions

The Self-Respect Movement's advocacy for positioned it in opposition to entrenched cultural traditions, particularly those intertwined with Hindu rituals and norms, which E.V. Ramasamy viewed as mechanisms of social control rather than organic heritage. Proponents argued that rational scrutiny exposed these practices—such as elaborate wedding rituals, idol worship, and scriptural authority—as superstitious barriers to equality, enabling self-respect marriages conducted without priests or religious sanctions starting in the late 1920s. This approach drew from empirical rejection of unverified beliefs, aiming to foster individual agency over collective dogma, as evidenced by conference resolutions in 1929 demanding property rights for women independent of traditional marital customs. Critics, often from traditionalist and Hindu nationalist viewpoints, accused the movement of cultural erosion by indiscriminately targeting traditions under the guise of , leading to a diminished appreciation for symbols like Siva's cosmic dance, which they claimed held pre-Brahminical scientific symbolism. In , this rationalist framework reportedly fostered an environment where anti-Hindu rhetoric supplanted nuanced cultural preservation, with terms like "rationalist" evolving to denote opposition to religious practices, potentially contributing to identity fragmentation amid ideology's dominance by the mid-20th century. Such critiques highlight causal concerns that discarding rituals without equivalent replacements undermined social cohesion and moral frameworks evolved over centuries, as articulated in analyses labeling Periyar's as "pseudo" and psychologically damaging to regional pride. Defenders countered that many contested traditions, including Tamil concepts of chastity (karpu) and spousal devotion (pativrata), were not purely indigenous but hybridized with Brahminical influences that perpetuated gender and caste inequities, necessitating reform for causal progress toward equity. Empirical shifts in Tamil Nadu, such as increased inter-caste unions and women's participation post-1925, were cited as evidence of rationalism's liberating effects without wholesale cultural annihilation, though debates persist on whether this yielded net societal benefits or selective iconoclasm. These tensions reflect broader conflicts between evidence-based critique and the adaptive value of customs, with movement literature emphasizing that true self-respect demands questioning inherited norms rather than venerating them uncritically.

Intersections with Nationalism and Regionalism

The Self-Respect Movement, initiated by E. V. Ramasamy () in 1925, diverged sharply from mainstream Indian nationalism led by the , which initially supported until his resignation in 1925 following perceived failures to address discrimination during events like the . The movement critiqued Congress nationalism as perpetuating Brahminical dominance and Hindu orthodoxy, advocating instead for social emancipation of non-Brahmin Dravidians prior to political independence, arguing that mere transfer of power from British to Indian elites would entrench hierarchies. This stance positioned the Self-Respect framework as an alternative ideology, emphasizing eradication of and religious superstition over unified anti-colonial struggle, with declaring in 1929 that true freedom required individual self-respect rather than national sovereignty alone. A core intersection manifested in the movement's embrace of Dravidian regionalism, culminating in demands for a sovereign encompassing , , , and Malayalam-speaking regions to counter perceived Aryan-North Indian . formalized this separatist vision at the 1939 Dravida Nadu Conference, framing it as essential for Dravidian free from and imposition, which symbolized linguistic and racial subjugation. The movement's regionalist fervor peaked in 1947, when rejected celebrations, organizing black flag protests and declaring August 15 a "day of mourning" due to fears of Brahmin-Bania dominance in the new republic; he burned maps of united and later the Constitution in 1950 for enshrining customs that upheld inequality. This anti-nationalist posture highlighted causal tensions between pan-Indian unity and subnational identity, with empirical outcomes including ideological splits, such as C. N. Annadurai's 1949 departure to form the (DMK), which moderated for electoral participation while retaining regional demands. The movement's resistance to Hindi imposition further exemplified these intersections, interpreting central policies as extensions of nationalist centralism threatening regional linguistic pride. In 1937, Self-Respect activists mobilized statewide protests against compulsory in schools, led by alongside the Justice Party, framing it as cultural erasure of Tamil-Dravidian heritage in favor of "" languages. These agitations, involving over 1,198 arrests by , compelled the colonial government to withdraw the policy in February 1940, establishing a precedent for linguistic that influenced post-1947 constitutional safeguards under 343 and the States Reorganisation Act of 1956. While not outright secessionist post-independence, the movement's legacy reinforced regionalism's role in checking unitary nationalism, fostering policies like Tamil-only administration in by 1968, though critics noted its potential to exacerbate North-South divides without resolving underlying dynamics.

Legacy and Contemporary Relevance

Long-Term Effects on Indian Society

The Self-Respect Movement's advocacy for and caste eradication laid foundational principles for broader initiatives in India, influencing policies beyond . By promoting non-Brahmin empowerment and self-respect marriages—secular unions without priestly rituals—the movement challenged orthodox Hindu practices, contributing to national debates on personal laws and . Over 50,000 such marriages were registered in alone by the 1980s, serving as a model for secular alternatives that resonated in states like and , where similar rationalist groups adopted Periyar's critiques of religious dogma. Politically, the movement's evolution into Dravidian parties strengthened Indian federalism by resisting central linguistic impositions, notably through the 1965 anti-Hindi agitations that prompted the Official Languages Act amendments in 1967, ensuring English's continued use alongside Hindi. This federal push, rooted in Self-Respect's emphasis on regional cultural autonomy, influenced the States Reorganisation Act of 1956 and subsequent coalition dynamics, where Dravidian support in national governments amplified demands for state rights. Empirically, policies inspired by the movement elevated Tamil Nadu's social indicators above national averages, with the state's rate reaching 80.3% by 2011 compared to India's 74%, and gross enrollment ratio at 51.4% in recent years—outcomes attributed to reservation-driven and welfare that informed national OBC quotas via the Mandal Commission's 1980 recommendations, implemented in 1990 after Dravidian endorsements. These advancements fostered for backward classes, reducing interstate disparities and prompting emulation in welfare schemes elsewhere, though mobilization deepened social divisions nationally.

Centenary Observances in 2025 and Ongoing Debates

The year 2025 marked the centenary of the , initiated in 1925 by E.V. Ramasamy () to promote , self-respect marriages, and opposition to caste hierarchies and Brahminical dominance in . Commemorative events included a two-day international conference titled "The Self-Respect Movement and Its Legacies" held at St Antony's College, , on September 4–5, 2025, featuring panels on its political, social, and global influences. During the conference's opening, unveiled a of , emphasizing the movement's role in advancing , , and on a global scale. Additional observances encompassed a national symposium, "A Century of Self-Respect: and the Legacy of the ," which reflected on the period from 1925 to 2025 and its transformative effects on humanitarian and political thought. Ongoing debates surrounding the movement's legacy center on its empirical successes in fostering through reservations for Dalits and backward castes, which it actively defended, versus persistent caste-based disparities in despite a century of advocacy. Proponents, including Dravidian Kazhagam leader , argue that Periyar's emphasis on and anti-caste measures remains essential for combating entrenched hierarchies, citing gains in and political participation among non-Brahmin communities. Critics, however, highlight the movement's radical as fostering enduring social divisions rather than universal equality, with data from showing inter-caste marriage rates below 10% as of recent surveys, questioning the depth of attitudinal change. These discussions also intersect with broader Indian conversations on , where the movement's regionalist framework influences defenses of state-level against central policies perceived as diluting them. Academic analyses during centenary events underscore its inspiration for rights-based politics but note limitations in addressing economic inequalities beyond , as evidenced by persistent rates in Dravidian-governed states exceeding national averages.

References

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