Dalit
Dalits, deriving from a Marathi term meaning "broken" or "scattered," refer to the castes positioned at the base of India's hereditary social stratification, historically excluded from the four varnas as untouchables and confined to ritually impure manual labor such as scavenging and handling animal hides. [1] [2]
Under the Indian Constitution, these groups are classified as Scheduled Castes, eligible for quotas in education, employment, and legislative seats to redress systemic exclusion, and they accounted for 16.6 percent of the national population—over 201 million individuals—in the 2011 census. [3]
Although untouchability was constitutionally prohibited in 1950, empirical surveys reveal that while upper-caste respondents often acknowledge caste-based bias, lower-caste individuals report limited personal experiences of discrimination, suggesting a complex interplay of formal equality and residual social norms. [4] [5]
Pioneered by B.R. Ambedkar, a Dalit jurist who drafted the Constitution and orchestrated a 1956 mass conversion to Buddhism for over 500,000 followers to reject Hindu caste doctrines, Dalit assertion has evolved into organized political vehicles like the Bahujan Samaj Party, founded in 1984 to champion broader "bahujan" interests including Scheduled Castes. [6] [7]
Terminology
Etymology and primary usage
The term Dalit derives from the Sanskrit root dal, signifying "broken," "crushed," "oppressed," or "scattered," evoking a state of fragmentation or subjugation.[6][8] In pre-modern contexts, it carried broader connotations of poverty or destitution applicable across castes, such as daridra for impoverished Brahmins, without specific ties to hereditary social exclusion.[9] Its contemporary caste-specific usage emerged in the 19th century, when Marathi reformer Jyotirao Phule (1827–1890) applied it to denote those enduring caste oppression, marking a shift toward self-identification rooted in shared victimhood rather than ritual impurity.[10][11] The term gained political salience in the mid-20th century amid anti-caste activism, though B.R. Ambedkar (1891–1956), a key architect of Dalit emancipation, infrequently employed Dalit himself, preferring descriptors like "Untouchables," "Depressed Classes," or "boycotted community" to highlight exclusionary practices.[12] It proliferated through Ambedkarite movements and the 1970s Dalit Panthers, who adopted it as a unifying emblem of resistance against hierarchical structures, extending its scope to any marginalized group while retaining focus on hereditary disadvantage.[13] This evolution reflects a deliberate reclamation, supplanting colonial-era labels like "untouchable" with one emphasizing agency and collective grievance.[14] Primarily, Dalit denotes members of India's Scheduled Castes—enumerated groups constitutionally recognized for historical untouchability and occupational segregation at the base of the varna system—comprising occupations like manual scavenging or leatherwork deemed polluting under traditional norms.[6][11] Usage is concentrated in Hindi- and Marathi-speaking regions but extends pan-Indianly via activism and literature, often self-applied to underscore ongoing socioeconomic disparities rather than fixed jati identities; externally, it sometimes conflates with "Harijan" (Gandhi's paternalistic coinage meaning "children of God"), which many reject as condescending.[10][13] In diaspora contexts or Nepal, analogous terms arise for similar strata, but Indian Dalit retains primacy as a marker of caste-endured oppression distinct from class or tribal marginality.[6]Alternative and regional terms
The term Harijan, meaning "children of God," was popularized by Mahatma Gandhi following the 1932 Poona Pact, as a replacement for derogatory labels like "untouchable," but it has been widely rejected by Dalit activists for implying paternalistic divine benevolence rather than addressing structural oppression.[15] B.R. Ambedkar and subsequent Dalit leaders criticized it as condescending, favoring self-identifying terms that emphasize agency over charity, leading to its decline in usage post-independence.[16] Officially, the Indian Constitution designates these groups as Scheduled Castes (SC), a legal category established in 1950 to list specific castes eligible for affirmative action, encompassing over 1,200 jatis historically subjected to untouchability and ritual exclusion from the fourfold varna system.[17] This term, derived from the British-era "Depressed Classes" and formalized via the Government of India Act 1935, prioritizes administrative precision over social nomenclature, though it is often seen as bureaucratic and detached from lived experiences of caste discrimination.[18] Regional variations reflect linguistic and cultural diversity, with local endonyms for Scheduled Caste subgroups; for instance, in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, terms like Adi Dravida ("original Dravidians") and Arunthathiyar denote communities tied to traditional labor roles, while in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh, Chamar refers to leatherworkers historically stigmatized for handling animal hides.[19] In Maharashtra, Mahar has been prominent, linked to Ambedkar's own community, and in Bihar, subgroups include Bantar and Bauri, illustrating how jati-specific names serve as proxies for the broader Dalit identity in everyday discourse.[18] Such terms often carry occupational connotations—e.g., Panchama ("fifth" outside varnas) in southern contexts—reinforcing historical segregation but varying by state lists maintained under the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950.[20]Historical Origins
Roots in ancient Indian social structures
The varna system formed the basis of ancient Indian social stratification, as described in the Purusha Sukta (Rigveda 10.90), a hymn composed during the late Vedic period around 1200–1000 BCE, which portrays the four varnas emerging from the primordial sacrifice of the cosmic Purusha: Brahmins from the mouth (symbolizing knowledge and ritual), Kshatriyas from the arms (governance and protection), Vaishyas from the thighs (production and trade), and Shudras from the feet (service and labor).[21][22] This framework initially emphasized functional interdependence rather than impermeable barriers, with primary Vedic texts lacking explicit references to untouchables or avarnas outside these classes.[23] Untouchability's roots trace to post-Vedic developments in Brahmanical jurisprudence, where ritual purity-pollution doctrines necessitated exclusion of groups handling impure substances like corpses or excrement. In Dharmasutras such as those of Gautama and Baudhayana (c. 600–200 BCE), Chandalas appear as the lowest stratum, originating from pratiloma inter-varna unions—specifically, offspring of a Shudra father and Brahmin mother—rendering them inherently impure and unfit for Vedic society.[24][25] The Manusmriti (c. 200 BCE–200 CE), a key Dharmashastra text, systematized this exclusion by classifying Chandalas and similar groups (e.g., Pulkasas) as outcastes assigned to degrading occupations including cremation, sanitation, and scavenging, while prohibiting their entry into villages, mandating distinctive attire from discarded cloth, and requiring them to emit warning cries to avoid accidental contact with higher varnas, which could transmit pollution.[26][27] These rules reinforced hereditary status, as purity violations perpetuated descent into avarna categories across generations.[28] Causally, untouchability arose from the interplay of occupational specialization and religious ideology, where Brahminical emphasis on ritual cleanliness—tied to samskaras and sacrificial efficacy—logically extended to segregate those in inevitable contact with taboo elements, evolving fluid Vedic divisions into rigid, pollution-enforced hierarchies by the early centuries CE, independent of later colonial amplifications.[29][2] This textual codification, while varying regionally, established Dalit precursors as structurally integral to sustaining varna purity.Evolution through medieval and colonial eras
During the medieval period, from approximately the 7th to the 18th century, the caste system in India exhibited increasing rigidity, with untouchables—often referred to as Chandalas or outcastes—confined to polluting occupations such as scavenging, leatherworking, carcass disposal, and agricultural slavery.[30][31] In regions like Karnataka under Vijayanagara rule (14th–16th centuries), groups such as Madigas and Holeyas lived in segregated quarters outside villages, were barred from common water sources, and served as bonded laborers or field slaves, with inscriptions from 1470 CE documenting their purchase alongside land.[30] Under Islamic polities, including the Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526) and Mughal Empire (1526–1857), the Hindu caste hierarchy persisted among the majority population, enabling agrarian exploitation while untouchables formed a landless proletariat performing menial tasks like sweeping and village watch duties.[32][31] Some limited mobility occurred, as seen in occupational shifts (e.g., tailors adapting to dyeing) and rare elevations, such as Mughal emperor Akbar (r. 1556–1605) appointing Chandalas as palace guards with titles like "rai" and redesignating sweepers as "halalkhor" to legitimize their wages and reduce stigma.[32] The Bhakti movement (roughly 7th–17th centuries), featuring untouchable saints like Chokamela (a 14th-century Mahar) and Ravidas, challenged ritual purity and caste barriers through devotional poetry emphasizing equality before God, yet it yielded no widespread structural reform, as untouchables remained socially excluded.[33][34] ![A school of untouchables near Bangalore by Lady Ottoline Morrell 2.jpg][float-right] In the colonial era (1757–1947), British administrators codified and rigidified caste identities through decennial censuses starting in 1871, which oversimplified fluid jatis into a four-varna hierarchy plus outcastes, thereby entrenching untouchables as a distinct, marginalized category outside the traditional framework.[35][1] This administrative approach, influenced by 19th-century reliance on Brahmanical texts like the Manusmriti, transformed contextual social identities into fixed legal and political ones, amplifying discrimination against untouchables by linking caste to governance, land rights, and emerging reservations.[35] While British policy nominally avoided interference—refusing to enforce caste rules in institutions like education and military service—Christian missionaries actively converted untouchables, offering social mobility but often reinforcing stigma through separate "depressed classes" missions.[36] Pre-colonial caste boundaries had been more permeable, with regional variations allowing some upward shifts, but colonial enumeration hardened them into enduring hierarchies.[35][1]Modern reforms and Ambedkar's influence
B.R. Ambedkar, as chairman of the drafting committee for the Constitution of India adopted on January 26, 1950, incorporated provisions to eradicate untouchability and promote Dalit upliftment, including Article 17's explicit abolition of untouchability and Articles 15, 16, and 46 mandating non-discrimination and affirmative action in public employment, education, and economic opportunities for Scheduled Castes, the constitutional category encompassing Dalits.[37] These reforms built on Ambedkar's pre-independence advocacy for political representation, such as reserved seats in legislatures, which he secured through negotiations leading to the Poona Pact of 1932, influencing the post-1947 reservation system allocating 15% quotas for Scheduled Castes in government jobs and educational institutions to address historical exclusion from land ownership and skilled labor.[38] Ambedkar's emphasis on education as a tool for emancipation prompted initiatives like post-matric scholarships for Dalit students, reflecting his view that literacy and professional training could dismantle caste-based occupational barriers entrenched since ancient times.[39] Ambedkar's influence extended to political mobilization, founding the Scheduled Castes Federation in 1942, which evolved into platforms for Dalit assertion, inspiring post-independence parties focused on caste-based equity rather than broader socialist appeals.[40] His resignation as India's first Law Minister in 1951 over stalled Hindu Code Bill reforms underscored his push for uniform civil laws to override caste customs, though partial adoption occurred later; this critique highlighted how entrenched Hindu orthodoxies resisted reforms favoring Dalit women's inheritance rights.[41] Economically, Ambedkar critiqued land reforms for neglecting landless Dalit laborers, advocating redistribution to tenants over mere abolition of zamindari systems, a stance that shaped limited successes in states like Kerala but widespread failures elsewhere in empowering Dalit agriculturalists.[42] In 1956, Ambedkar led a mass conversion to Buddhism on October 14 at Nagpur's Deekshabhoomi, where approximately 380,000 Dalits renounced Hinduism, framing Buddhism as a rational, egalitarian alternative free from caste hierarchies, which he argued originated from Brahmanical dominance over egalitarian Buddhist principles around 400 CE.[43][44] This Navayana Buddhism, reinterpreted by Ambedkar to emphasize social justice over ritualism, catalyzed a Dalit Buddhist movement, with estimates of 40-50 million conversions by the late 20th century, fostering cultural identity and resistance to Hindu reformist efforts like those of Gandhi, whom Ambedkar viewed as insufficiently radical against caste's structural violence.[45][46] The conversion's legacy persists in annual commemorations and political rhetoric, reinforcing Ambedkar's vision of annihilation of caste through collective exit from Hinduism rather than internal purification.[47]Demographics and Distribution
Population estimates and census data
The 2011 Census of India enumerated the Scheduled Castes population at 201,378,372 individuals, comprising 16.63 percent of the national total of 1,210,854,977.[48] This figure reflects a decadal increase of 20.81 percent from the 166,630,200 Scheduled Castes recorded in the 2001 census, exceeding the overall population growth rate of 17.70 percent during the same period.[48] Uttar Pradesh accounted for the largest absolute Scheduled Castes population, with over 41 million individuals, while Punjab had the highest proportional share at 31.9 percent of its state population.[49] Other states with significant numbers include Bihar, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, and Maharashtra, together representing a substantial portion of the national total.[48] No comprehensive census has been conducted since 2011 due to delays, with the next enumeration scheduled to begin in 2027 and include detailed caste data beyond Scheduled Castes.[50] Unofficial projections, based on demographic trends, suggest the Scheduled Castes population may exceed 230 million as of 2021, assuming continued growth patterns similar to the 2001-2011 decade.[51] However, such estimates lack official verification and vary by source, with fertility and migration factors influencing actual figures.[52]| Census Year | Scheduled Castes Population | Percentage of Total Population | Decadal Growth Rate |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2001 | 166,630,200 | 16.20% | - |
| 2011 | 201,378,372 | 16.63% | 20.81% |
Geographic and urban-rural divides
Dalits, officially designated as Scheduled Castes in India, exhibit significant geographic concentration primarily in the northern and central regions of the country. According to the 2011 Census of India, Uttar Pradesh hosts the largest absolute Scheduled Caste population at 41,357,608 individuals, constituting 20.7% of the state's total population, followed by West Bengal with 21,463,270 (23.5%), Bihar with 16,567,325 (15.9%), and Tamil Nadu with 14,438,445 (20.0%).[48] In terms of proportional representation, Punjab records the highest share at 31.9% of its population (8,860,179 individuals), followed by Himachal Pradesh at 25.2% and Uttar Pradesh at 20.7%, reflecting historical agrarian ties in the Indo-Gangetic plains and Punjab's fertile regions where Dalit communities have long been integrated as landless laborers or marginal farmers.[48] Northeastern states, such as Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland, show negligible presence, with Scheduled Caste percentages below 1%, underscoring a north-south and east-west divide influenced by migration patterns and historical social structures.[49] The urban-rural divide among Dalits remains pronounced, with approximately 80% residing in rural areas as of recent estimates, compared to about 68% for the general population, indicating slower urbanization rates driven by limited access to education and skilled employment.[6] The 2011 Census data reveals that of the total Scheduled Caste population of 201,378,086, roughly 82.7% (166.6 million) live in rural settings, while urban dwellers number about 17.3% (34.8 million), often concentrated in slums or informal settlements in cities like Mumbai, Delhi, and Chennai due to economic migration for low-wage labor. This disparity has narrowed slightly since 2001, with urban Dalit populations growing by 40% amid broader rural-to-urban shifts, yet rural Dalits continue to dominate numerically, perpetuating divides in infrastructure access and occupational opportunities.[55] States like Punjab and Uttar Pradesh amplify this pattern, where rural Dalit majorities (over 85% in some districts) contrast with emerging urban pockets influenced by industrial growth.Socioeconomic Conditions
Poverty rates and occupational patterns
Dalits, classified as Scheduled Castes, face elevated poverty rates relative to other social groups in India. The National Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) 2023, prepared by NITI Aayog using National Family Health Survey-5 (NFHS-5) data from 2019-21, reports a multidimensional poverty headcount ratio of 27.9% for Scheduled Castes, compared to 14.96% for the general population.[56] This marks a reduction from 38.1% in NFHS-4 (2015-16), though the intensity of poverty among poor Scheduled Caste households remains high at 44.7%.[56] Earlier consumption-based estimates, such as those from the 68th National Sample Survey (2011-12), indicated poverty rates around 33% for Scheduled Castes, underscoring persistent disparities driven by limited asset ownership and wage gaps.[57] Occupational patterns among Dalits reflect historical constraints, with overrepresentation in low-wage, manual roles despite affirmative action. Analyses of 2011 Census data show Scheduled Castes comprising a disproportionate share of agricultural laborers, particularly in rural areas where such work accounts for a significant portion of their employment—often exceeding 40% of main workers in agrarian states.[58] Traditional occupations like leather tanning, sanitation, and manual scavenging persist, though officially banned, contributing to occupational segregation; for instance, Scheduled Castes dominate sanitation roles due to entrenched social norms.[59] Recent studies indicate slow structural shifts, with transitions to non-agricultural jobs occurring at lower rates for Scheduled Caste sub-groups compared to others, limiting intergenerational mobility.[60] Urban Dalits fare slightly better but remain concentrated in casual labor and informal sectors, with limited entry into skilled professions.[61]Education attainment and barriers
![A school of untouchables near Bangalore by Lady Ottoline Morrell][float-right] Educational attainment among Scheduled Castes (SCs), commonly referred to as Dalits, lags behind the national average and other social groups in India. According to the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5, 2019-21), literacy rates for SC adults aged 15-49 stand at approximately 66-69% for women and 81% for men, compared to 78% and 88% respectively for non-SC groups.[62] In terms of schooling completed, SC women aged 15-49 are more likely to have no education (up to 27%) than others (12-17%), with only 14-25% achieving higher secondary or above, versus 18-30% for others.[62] For children aged 6-17, school attendance rates for SCs reach 94%, slightly below the 96% for others, though net attendance ratios in secondary education remain lower due to higher dropouts.[62] In higher education, the Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) for SCs in the 18-23 age group was 25.9% in 2021-22, trailing the national GER of about 28%, despite reservations allocating 15% of seats to SCs.[63]| Education Indicator | SC (%) | National/Other (%) | Source |
|---|---|---|---|
| Literacy (Women 15-49) | 66-69 | 78 | NFHS-5[62] |
| Literacy (Men 15-49) | 81 | 88 | NFHS-5[62] |
| No Education (Women 15-49) | Up to 27 | 12-17 | NFHS-5[62] |
| Higher Secondary+ (Women 15-49) | 14-25 | 18-30 | NFHS-5[62] |
| GER Higher Ed (18-23) | 25.9 | ~28 | AISHE 2021-22[63] |
Health, nutrition, and access to services
Dalits, classified as Scheduled Castes, face elevated risks of adverse health outcomes relative to other social groups in India, driven by socioeconomic disadvantages including poverty and limited access to quality care. Life expectancy at birth for Dalits is estimated to be about three years lower than for upper-caste Hindus, based on analysis of mortality data from 2011-2015, reflecting persistent gaps in overall survival rates.[71] [72] Infant mortality rates among Scheduled Caste children stand at 59.7 per 1,000 live births, exceeding the national average, with neonatal vulnerabilities persisting even after controlling for socioeconomic factors.[73] Nutritional deficiencies are prevalent, contributing to higher rates of child undernutrition. Among Dalit boys, 32.6% are underweight, compared to lower figures in non-Dalit groups, per data from the Comprehensive National Nutrition Survey (2016-2018).[74] Stunting affects a significant proportion of Dalit children, with caste-based disparities linked to intergenerational poverty and inadequate dietary intake rather than solely genetic factors, as evidenced by comparative studies across social strata.[75] Anemia and low body mass index are more severe among Scheduled Caste women, correlating with broader patterns of chronic undernutrition observed in National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5) indicators for marginalized groups.[76] Access to essential services remains constrained, exacerbating health vulnerabilities. Only 76.9% of Scheduled Caste households possess improved sanitation facilities, compared to 87.3% among other castes, limiting hygiene and increasing disease exposure in rural settings.[77] Healthcare utilization is lowest for Dalits due to financial, cultural, and geographic barriers, with Scheduled Castes reporting reduced institutional deliveries and preventive care compared to general categories, as documented in national health surveys.[78] These disparities persist despite government programs, underscoring enforcement gaps in equitable service delivery.[79]Crime victimization and atrocity statistics
In 2023, India's National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) recorded 57,789 cases of crimes against Scheduled Castes (SCs), representing a 0.4% increase from 57,582 cases in 2022.[80] [81] This equates to a crime rate of 28.7 incidents per 100,000 SC individuals, with Uttar Pradesh registering the highest absolute number of cases, followed by Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh.[80] [82] State-level rates varied significantly, with Madhya Pradesh reporting 72.6 cases per 100,000 SC population, Rajasthan at 69.1, and Bihar at 42.6, reflecting concentrations in northern and central India where SC populations are substantial but enforcement mechanisms face resource constraints.[80] These figures encompass offenses under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 (PoA Act), as well as cognizable crimes like murder, rape, assault, and arson targeting SC victims on caste grounds.[83] In 2021, NCRB data showed 50,900 such cases, indicating a rising trend over the early 2020s amid improved reporting mechanisms, though underreporting persists due to victim intimidation, police bias, and social stigma, as noted in government and independent analyses.[84] [85] Dalit women face compounded vulnerability, comprising a disproportionate share of sexual violence cases under the PoA Act, often linked to inter-caste marriages or perceived caste transgressions.| Year | Reported Cases Against SCs | Crime Rate (per 100,000 SC Population) | Key States with High Incidence |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2021 | 50,900 | Not specified in aggregate | Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan |
| 2022 | 57,582 | Not specified in aggregate | Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh |
| 2023 | 57,789 | 28.7 | Madhya Pradesh (72.6), Rajasthan (69.1) |