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Septuagint

The Septuagint (LXX), also known as the Greek Old Testament, is the earliest complete translation of the Hebrew Bible into Koine Greek, produced primarily by Jewish scholars in Alexandria, Egypt, between the third and first centuries BCE to serve the needs of Hellenistic Jewish communities who spoke Greek as their primary language.^[1] According to the legendary account in the Letter of Aristeas (circa 2nd century BCE), the translation of the Pentateuch was commissioned by Ptolemy II Philadelphus (r. 285–246 BCE) for the Library of Alexandria, involving 72 Jewish elders who completed the work in 72 days, a narrative later embraced by Jewish writers like Philo of Alexandria and Josephus to underscore its divine inspiration, though modern scholarship views it as a pious fiction emphasizing the translators' piety.^[2] The full corpus expanded gradually, with books like Isaiah and the Psalms translated in the 2nd century BCE, resulting in a collection that includes the 39 protocanonical books of the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh) alongside deuterocanonical works such as Tobit, Judith, Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, Baruch, and additions to Daniel and Esther, reflecting a broader Jewish scriptural tradition in the Hellenistic world.^[1] This translation not only bridged Hebrew sacred texts with Greek linguistic and cultural contexts but also exhibited varied translation philosophies, ranging from literal renderings to more interpretive approaches influenced by Koine Greek idioms, as seen in updates like rendering "shekel" as "didrachma" in Genesis 23:15 to suit contemporary coinage.^[1] For Judaism, the Septuagint facilitated the spread of Jewish thought in the diaspora but was gradually supplanted by Hebrew texts after the 2nd century CE, leading to its eventual rejection in rabbinic tradition; in contrast, it held profound significance for early Christianity, serving as the primary Old Testament for Greek-speaking churches and directly quoted in approximately 300 instances in the New Testament, including pivotal passages like Isaiah 7:14 ("virgin" in the LXX, influencing Matthew 1:23's virgin birth prophecy).^[3]^[2] Its influence extended to liturgy, with texts like the Song of the Three Youths from Daniel used in early Christian hymns and prayers, and to doctrine, providing scriptural basis for concepts such as creation ex nihilo (2 Maccabees 7:28) and the preexistent Logos (Proverbs 8:22 LXX).^[2] Transmitted through major uncial manuscripts like Codex Vaticanus (4th century CE) and Codex Sinaiticus (4th century CE), the Septuagint remains a critical resource for textual criticism of the Hebrew Bible, offering variant readings that sometimes preserve earlier Hebrew traditions lost in the [Masoretic Text](/page/Masoretic Text), and continues to inform modern biblical scholarship and translations.^[1]

Origins

Etymology

The term "Septuagint" derives from the Latin septuaginta, meaning "seventy," a designation rooted in the ancient tradition attributing the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures to seventy (or seventy-two) Jewish scholars.^[4]^[5] This nomenclature, often abbreviated as LXX—the Roman numeral for seventy—originated from accounts like the Letter of Aristeas, which describes seventy-two translators (six from each of the twelve tribes of Israel) commissioned by Ptolemy II Philadelphus to render the Pentateuch into Greek.^[6] Alternative designations include the "Translation of the Seventy" (translatio Septuaginta Interpretum in Latin) or simply the "Greek Old Testament," reflecting its role as the primary Greek version of the Hebrew Bible.^[7]^[8] Early Christian writers, such as Augustine of Hippo in the fourth and fifth centuries CE, popularized the term, viewing the Septuagint as divinely inspired and authoritative for Greek-speaking communities, often citing it over the Hebrew text in theological disputes.^[5]^[8] By the patristic period, the usage had expanded beyond its initial focus on the Pentateuch to encompass the broader corpus of Greek translations, including prophetic and historical books. In modern scholarship, "Septuagint" typically refers to this entire Greek scriptural collection, which incorporates deuterocanonical books not found in the Hebrew canon, though distinctions persist between the original Pentateuchal translation (sometimes called the "proto-Septuagint") and later additions by anonymous translators.^[6]^[7]

Translation Legend

The Translation Legend surrounding the Septuagint originates in the Letter of Aristeas, a pseudepigraphic work attributed to an official at the court of Ptolemy II Philadelphus, king of Egypt in the early third century BCE. In the narrative, Ptolemy II commissions the translation of the Jewish Torah into Greek to enrich the Library of Alexandria, advised by his librarian Demetrius of Phalerum. The king requests that Eleazar, the high priest in Jerusalem, select six elders from each of the twelve tribes of Israel—totaling 72 scholars renowned for their wisdom, piety, and knowledge of both Hebrew law and Greek philosophy—to undertake the task.^[9]^[10] Key elements of the story emphasize the sacred and miraculous nature of the endeavor. The translators arrive in Alexandria bearing Hebrew scrolls and are quartered in isolation on the island of Pharos, divided into 36 pairs in separate cells to work independently over 72 days. Upon completion, Demetrius collects their versions and discovers that all 72 translations agree verbatim, a phenomenon attributed to divine inspiration that mirrors the sanctity of the original Torah and prohibits any future alterations. The king then hosts banquets for the scholars, engaging them in philosophical discussions that highlight Jewish wisdom's superiority, before sending them home with honors.^[11]^[9] The legend's purpose was to legitimize the Greek Torah among Hellenistic Jews, portraying it as an authoritative, divinely endorsed scripture equivalent to the Hebrew original, thereby bridging Jewish tradition with Greek culture and affirming the Torah's universal wisdom. This narrative, composed around 150 BCE, served apologetic aims by elevating the Septuagint's status in the diaspora. The name "Septuagint," meaning "seventy" in Latin, derives from the tradition of these 72 translators.^[9]^[10] Scholars regard the Letter of Aristeas as pious fiction rather than historical fact, a "charter myth" crafted in the mid-second century BCE to retroactively sanctify the existing translation, with anachronisms such as the role of Demetrius (exiled before Ptolemy II's reign) and exaggerated details undermining its veracity. It draws influences from Greek literary traditions, including historiographical styles and motifs of inspired collective authorship akin to Homeric scholarship, to lend authenticity in a Hellenistic context.^[10]^[9]

Historical Context

The Hellenistic Jewish diaspora in Alexandria, which grew significantly following Alexander the Great's conquests in the late 4th century BCE, created a pressing need for a Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures. As Koine Greek became the lingua franca of the eastern Mediterranean under Ptolemaic rule, many Jews in Egypt—estimated at over a million by Philo of Alexandria in the 1st century CE, though modern scholarship considers this figure exaggerated and suggests a population of several hundred thousand—spoke Greek as their primary language and required access to sacred texts in that tongue to maintain religious practice and education.^[12]^[13]^[8] The translation process began with the Torah (Pentateuch) around the 3rd to 2nd century BCE, likely in Alexandria, to serve this diaspora community. Subsequent books, including the prophetic writings and other texts, were added during the 2nd to 1st century BCE, reflecting a gradual expansion as the need for a complete Greek Bible grew.^[14]^[15] While the Letter of Aristeas legend attributes the initial translation to a commission by Ptolemy II Philadelphus (r. 285–246 BCE) for the Library of Alexandria, modern scholarship lacks definitive evidence for royal patronage and views the Septuagint as a community-driven effort by Hellenistic Jews to meet their liturgical and educational needs, facilitating cultural synthesis while preserving Jewish identity amid Greek dominance.^[16]^[12]^[8] By the 1st century CE, the Septuagint's widespread use among Greek-speaking Jews is evidenced by references in Philo of Alexandria, who frequently quotes it in his philosophical works and describes its revered status, and in Josephus, who recounts its origins and affirms its authority in Jewish communities across the diaspora.^[17]^[18]

Composition and Content

Linguistic Characteristics

The Septuagint is composed primarily in Koine Greek, the vernacular dialect of the Hellenistic era that served as the lingua franca across the eastern Mediterranean from the fourth century BCE onward. This everyday form of Greek, emerging from the Attic-Ionic base but simplified and democratized through Alexander the Great's conquests, starkly contrasts with the polished, literary Attic Greek of classical authors like Plato and Thucydides, featuring reduced complexity in syntax, vocabulary drawn from common speech, and avoidance of Attic's intricate particles and moods.^[19]^[20] Scholars recognize the Septuagint as one of the most extensive corpora exemplifying Koine, providing invaluable insights into its phonological, morphological, and lexical features during the Ptolemaic period in Egypt.^[21] Translation techniques in the Septuagint vary across its books, reflecting the diverse hands involved over centuries, with a general shift from literal fidelity in the Torah to more interpretive freedom in the prophetic writings. The Pentateuch employs a predominantly word-for-word approach, preserving Hebrew structure even at the expense of natural Greek idiom, as seen in renderings like Genesis 1:1's en archē epoiēsen ho theos ton ouranon kai tēn gēn, which mirrors the Hebrew's verb-subject order atypically for Greek.^[22] In contrast, books such as Isaiah and Jeremiah often adopt freer methods, paraphrasing for clarity or theological emphasis, such as expanding Hebrew metaphors to align with Hellenistic rhetorical styles while conveying intended meaning over strict equivalence.^[23] This spectrum, analyzed by scholars like Emanuel Tov, underscores the translators' balance between reverence for the source and accessibility to Greek-speaking audiences.^[24] Hebraisms abound in the Septuagint, manifesting as Greek expressions calqued directly from Hebrew syntax, idioms, and semantics, which impart a distinctive "Semitic" flavor to the text despite its Greek medium. Syntactic examples include the Hebrew construct chain rendered literally as genitive chains in Greek, such as eirēnēn tou polemou ("peace of the war") in 2 Kingdoms 11:7, evoking the Hebrew shalom ha-milchamah to convey ironic well-being amid conflict.^[21] Lexical Hebraisms involve Greek words adopting expanded Hebrew senses, like eirēnē extending beyond "peace" to include prosperity or welfare, influencing later Christian usage.^[25] These features, termed "Septuagintalisms" when they permeate Koine religious discourse, arise from the translators' immersion in both languages, as detailed in studies by James Barr and Henry St. John Thackeray.^[25] Dialectal variations in the Septuagint reveal influences from the Egyptian Koine spoken in Alexandria and the Nile Delta, blending standard Hellenistic Greek with local phonetic, lexical, and orthographic traits attested in contemporary papyri. Egyptian loanwords appear in context-specific passages, such as kondy for a silver cup in Genesis 44:2 or bais for palm branches in 1 Maccabees 13:37, evoking the Egyptian setting of biblical narratives.^[26] Orthographic shifts, like kolphos instead of kolpos for "bay" or zytos for beer in Isaiah 19:10, mirror Fayumic dialectal interchanges of lambda and rho, while administrative terms like epistratēgos reflect Ptolemaic bureaucratic Greek.^[26] Over time, later books show evolving influences, with prophetic texts incorporating more standardized Koine as the translation project expanded beyond initial Egyptian circles.^[21]

Canonical Variations

The Septuagint exhibits a broader canon than the Hebrew Bible as represented by the Masoretic Text (MT), incorporating several books and additions not present in the proto-Masoretic tradition. These include the deuterocanonical books such as Tobit, Judith, Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach (Ecclesiasticus), Baruch, 1 and 2 Maccabees, along with expansions to existing books like the additions to Daniel (including the Prayer of Azariah, Song of the Three Young Men, Susanna, and Bel and the Dragon) and to Esther. However, the exact inclusion of these deuterocanonical books varied across Septuagint manuscripts, with some codices incorporating additional texts like 3 Maccabees, 4 Maccabees, or the Prayer of Manasseh.^[27]^[28]^[29] These texts, composed primarily in Hebrew or Aramaic between the third and first centuries BCE, were translated into Greek and integrated into the Septuagint collection, reflecting a wider corpus of Jewish literature circulating in the Hellenistic diaspora.^[30] In terms of book order, the Septuagint diverges significantly from the tripartite structure of the MT (Torah, Nevi'im, Ketuvim). It organizes the books into a fourfold division: Law (Genesis to Deuteronomy), Historical Books (Joshua to Esther), Poetical Books (Job to Song of Solomon), and Prophetical Books (the Major and Minor Prophets, including Hosea to Malachi). Notably, the prophetic books are placed after the writings in the Septuagint, unlike the MT where prophets precede the Ketuvim, and books like Daniel are classified among the prophets rather than the writings.^[27]^[28] This arrangement influenced later Christian Old Testament orders, such as in the Vulgate.^[30] The deuterocanonical books, often termed Apocrypha in Protestant traditions, were regarded as scriptural by some Jewish communities in the Second Temple period and by all early Christian writers, who frequently quoted them alongside protocanonical texts. For instance, Philo of Alexandria and Josephus referenced similar literature, though later rabbinic Judaism, as codified in the Talmud around the second century CE, excluded them from the canon, favoring Hebrew originals. Early Church Fathers like Augustine affirmed their inspirational status, while others like Jerome distinguished them as edifying but not fully canonical.^[27]^[28]^[30] Certain books in the Septuagint display variations in content length compared to the MT, suggesting different textual traditions or translational choices. The Greek version of Jeremiah is approximately one-eighth shorter than the MT, omitting or rearranging sections such as parts of chapters 10, 33, and 39–44, and integrating Baruch and Lamentations differently. Similarly, the Septuagint's Job is about one-sixth shorter, roughly 400 lines less, primarily due to abridgments in the poetic discourses to adapt the Hebrew's stylistic complexity for Greek readers.^[27]^[31]^[32]

Structure and Final Form

The Septuagint organizes its contents into a fourfold structure that differs from the tripartite Hebrew canon of Torah (Law), Nevi'im (Prophets), and Ketuvim (Writings), instead dividing the books into the Pentateuch, historical books (from Joshua to Esther), poetic and wisdom literature (such as Psalms, Proverbs, and Job), and prophetic books (with the Twelve Minor Prophets followed by the Major Prophets Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel).^[33] This arrangement reflects a progression through salvation history, from origins in the Pentateuch to eschatological fulfillment in the Prophets, and incorporates additional Greek sections with deuterocanonical books like Tobit, Judith, and 1 and 2 Maccabees, which expand the historical and wisdom categories.^[33] For instance, in major codices, the poetic books often follow the historical narratives, creating a thematic bridge to the prophetic corpus.^[33] The compilation of the Septuagint unfolded gradually across centuries, starting with the Pentateuch's translation in Alexandria during the early 3rd century BCE under Ptolemaic patronage, and extending to the prophetic books by the 1st century CE, with some translations possibly occurring in Palestine.^[34] Evidence from papyri and quotations, such as the translator of Sirach referencing prior Greek versions around 132 BCE, confirms this piecemeal assembly, where stylistic variations reflect diverse translators and regional influences.^[34] After the Roman destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE, Jewish emphasis shifted toward Hebrew texts under emerging Rabbinic authority, leaving the Septuagint's ongoing copying and transmission predominantly to Christian communities by the 4th century CE.^[35] A pivotal step in standardizing the Septuagint came in the 3rd century CE through Origen of Alexandria's Hexapla, a monumental six-column edition juxtaposing the Hebrew text, its Greek-letter transliteration, and four Greek versions—including Aquila, Symmachus, the Septuagint, and Theodotion—to facilitate comparison and correction.^[36] Origen revised the Septuagint column by inserting asterisks to denote additions from other Greek texts (often Theodotion) and obeli to mark suspected omissions relative to the Hebrew, aiming to produce a more accurate alignment without altering the core translation.^[36] This work, compiled over 28 years in Caesarea, influenced later editions like the Tetrapla (a four-column subset) and laid groundwork for the Septuagint's stabilization.^[36] By the 4th century CE, major uncial codices such as Vaticanus and Sinaiticus preserve complete or near-complete versions of the Greek Old Testament in the fourfold structure with integrated deuterocanonical books.^[35] These codices, copied amid Christian scribal traditions, reflect Origen's revisions through marginal notations and consistent book sequencing, serving as the textual basis for subsequent Byzantine recensions.^[35]

Religious Usage

Adoption in Judaism

The Septuagint achieved early prominence within Hellenistic Jewish communities, particularly in the diaspora where Greek was the dominant language, serving as the standard text for liturgical readings and scholarly study in synagogues. This widespread adoption is evidenced by its use among Alexandrian Jews from the third century BCE onward, facilitating both religious practice and engagement with broader Greco-Roman culture. Philo of Alexandria, a first-century BCE philosopher, frequently quoted and interpreted the Septuagint in his works, treating it as authoritative scripture that bridged Jewish tradition and Hellenistic philosophy. Similarly, the historian Flavius Josephus referenced the Septuagint extensively in his Antiquities of the Jews, drawing on it to narrate biblical history for a Greek-speaking audience and affirming its role in Jewish education and identity.^[18]^[37] The destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE marked a pivotal shift in Jewish textual preferences, with the emerging Rabbinic Judaism emphasizing the Hebrew original—later standardized as the Masoretic Text—as the sacred and authoritative version over the Greek Septuagint. This transition was driven by efforts to consolidate Jewish identity amid Roman persecution and the Bar Kokhba revolt (132–135 CE), prioritizing Hebrew to preserve linguistic and cultural purity in the face of diaspora challenges. As rabbinic authorities sought to standardize scripture for synagogue and study, the Septuagint's divergences from the Hebrew, including interpretive freedoms in translation, contributed to its declining status within mainstream Jewish practice.^[38] Discussions at the rabbinic academy in Yavneh (Jamnia) around 90 CE, while not a formal council, were part of broader rabbinic efforts to define a unified Hebrew canon, contributing to the marginalization of the Septuagint in normative Judaism over time. This process was influenced by canonical variations in the Septuagint, such as the inclusion of deuterocanonical books absent from the Hebrew, and led to the promotion of new, more literal Greek translations like Aquila's (early 2nd century CE) to supplant the Septuagint in remaining Hellenistic Jewish contexts.^[39]^[40] Despite its broader decline, the Septuagint maintained lingering use among certain Eastern Jewish groups, particularly Byzantine communities, where Greek-speaking Jews continued employing it or related versions for religious and cultural purposes into the medieval period. Manuscript evidence from the sixth century onward, including palimpsests and fragments, attests to its transmission in these contexts, challenging assumptions of complete abandonment and highlighting its role in sustaining Jewish scriptural tradition amid ongoing Hellenization.^[41]^[18]

Role in Christianity

The Septuagint served as the primary Old Testament text for the authors of the New Testament, with approximately two-thirds of the over 300 direct quotations from the Old Testament aligning closely with its Greek wording rather than the Hebrew Masoretic Text.^[42] This reliance is evident in passages such as Matthew 1:23, which quotes Isaiah 7:14 using the Septuagint's phrasing to affirm the virgin birth of Jesus.^[43] Early Christian writers, including the apostles, drew from the Septuagint's Hellenistic Jewish context, which was accessible to Greek-speaking audiences throughout the Roman Empire, thereby embedding its linguistic and interpretive traditions into nascent Christian scripture.^[44] Early Church Fathers demonstrated a strong preference for the Septuagint as the authoritative version of the Old Testament, viewing it as divinely inspired and superior to the Hebrew text in transmission and clarity for Gentile converts. Justin Martyr, in his Dialogue with Trypho (circa 155–160 CE), frequently cited the Septuagint to defend Christian interpretations against Jewish objections, emphasizing its role in revealing messianic prophecies.^[2] Similarly, Irenaeus of Lyons, in Against Heresies (circa 180 CE), relied on Septuagint readings, including from deuterocanonical books like 2 Maccabees, to support doctrines such as the resurrection and creation ex nihilo, integrating it into apologetics against Gnostic heresies.^[2] This patristic endorsement solidified the Septuagint's status as the scriptural foundation for early Christian theology. The Septuagint exerted profound liturgical and doctrinal influence on Christianity, particularly in shaping Christological understandings through its interpretive choices. A pivotal example is Isaiah 7:14, where the Septuagint renders the Hebrew ‘almah (young woman) as parthenos (virgin), providing a textual basis for the doctrine of the virgin birth that diverges from the Masoretic Text's more neutral term.^[45] This translation, adopted in Matthew 1:23, facilitated early Christian exegesis linking the prophecy to Mary's conception of Jesus, influencing creedal formulations and Marian devotion in both Eastern and Western traditions.^[45] The Septuagint maintained dominance in Eastern Orthodox liturgy and theology, serving as the official Old Testament version and informing translations into Slavonic, Arabic, and other languages used in divine services.^[44] In the early Western Church, it was equally central until the late fourth century, when Jerome's Vulgate—a Latin translation drawing partly from Hebrew—gained prominence, gradually supplanting the Greek text in Latin rites while the East preserved its primacy.^[44] This enduring role underscores the Septuagint's foundational contribution to Christian identity, bridging Jewish heritage with Greco-Roman dissemination.

Textual Tradition

Key Manuscripts

The key manuscripts of the Septuagint provide essential evidence for its textual transmission, with the most significant being a small number of ancient uncial codices and fragmentary papyri that have survived from antiquity.^[46] These artifacts, primarily originating from the 4th to 5th centuries CE for the uncials and even earlier for some papyri, offer insights into the Greek translation's early forms and regional variations.^[47] Among the major uncial manuscripts, Codex Vaticanus (B), dated to the 4th century CE, is considered the most important witness to the Septuagint, containing a nearly complete Old Testament in Greek along with the New Testament, though its Septuagint portion lacks parts of Genesis, Psalms, and other books due to damage.^[48] Housed in the Vatican Library since at least the 15th century, it exemplifies high-quality Egyptian production in uncial script, with minimal corrections indicating careful scribal work.^[47] Codex Sinaiticus (ℵ), also from the 4th century CE, includes the complete Septuagint Old Testament and New Testament, discovered in fragments at Saint Catherine's Monastery on Mount Sinai between 1844 and 1859 by Constantin von Tischendorf.^[49] This manuscript, likely produced in a Caesarean or Egyptian scriptorium, features uncial writing on vellum and shows some unique additions and omissions that reflect its textual tradition.^[50] Codex Alexandrinus (A), from the 5th century CE, preserves the majority of the Septuagint, including apocryphal books, alongside the New Testament, and was presented to the British Library in 1627 after originating in Alexandria, Egypt.^[51] Written in a somewhat later uncial style with occasional spaces between words, it demonstrates the ongoing evolution of Greek biblical codices in the Eastern Mediterranean.^[46] Early papyri fragments offer the oldest direct evidence of the Septuagint, predating the uncials by centuries. One prominent example is Rahlfs 801 (also known as 4QLXXLev^a), a 2nd-century BCE fragment of Leviticus from Qumran Cave 4, containing verses 26:2–16 and attesting to the translation's circulation in Palestinian Jewish communities.^[52] Other notable 2nd-century BCE papyri include Rahlfs 819 and 957, fragments of Deuteronomy discovered among the Dead Sea Scrolls and highlighting the Septuagint's use alongside Hebrew texts in the Judean Desert.^[53] These fragments, written in a pre-uncial Greek script on papyrus, provide glimpses of the translation's initial stages but are limited in extent due to the perishable nature of the material.^[54] The characteristics of these manuscripts reveal much about their production and transmission. All major uncials employ the uncial script—a majuscule style with large, rounded capital letters without word division or lowercase forms—facilitating their use in codex format on durable vellum, which allowed for multi-book compilations unlike earlier scrolls.^[46] They exhibit regional origins, with Vaticanus and Sinaiticus likely from Egyptian centers like Alexandria, showing a more literal translation style, while Alexandrinus also bears Alexandrian traits but with some later influences.^[50] Omissions and additions appear sporadically, often due to scribal errors or intentional harmonizations, as seen in Sinaiticus's inclusion of extra phrases in certain prophetic books.^[49] In contrast, the papyri fragments display simpler, more archaic scripts and suggest diverse textual streams, including Palestinian variants.^[52] Preservation of Septuagint manuscripts has been challenging, with the majority lost to environmental decay, wars, and religious iconoclasm over two millennia, leaving approximately 2,000 Greek Old Testament codices and fragments extant today.^[55] Key discoveries in the 19th and 20th centuries revitalized the field: Tischendorf's recovery of Sinaiticus portions between 1844 and 1859, the full publication of Alexandrinus in the early 1700s based on its 1627 arrival in England, and the unearthing of Qumran papyri starting in 1947, which included Rahlfs 801 and revealed pre-Christian Septuagint evidence.^[49] These finds, preserved in monastic libraries and arid desert sites, underscore the manuscripts' role in stabilizing the Septuagint's final form through their enduring survival.^[56]

Recensions and Editions

The textual tradition of the Septuagint encompasses several major recensions, which represent deliberate revisions aimed at standardizing or aligning the Greek text with evolving standards. Origen's Hexapla, compiled in the third century CE in Alexandria, was a pioneering effort that arranged the Septuagint alongside the Hebrew text and other Greek versions (Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion) in six parallel columns to facilitate comparison and correction of the Greek toward the Hebrew.^[57] Aquila's version was a second-century CE Jewish translation from the Hebrew, offering a highly literal rendering that prioritized fidelity to the Hebrew consonants, often at the expense of Greek idiom, and was later endorsed by Emperor Justinian as an authorized alternative to the Septuagint proper.^[58] This work, though the original is lost, influenced subsequent transmissions through excerpts and marked the Septuagint with symbols like asterisks and obeli to indicate additions or omissions relative to the Hebrew.^[59] In the fourth century CE, Lucian's recension emerged in Antioch, producing the Antiochene text type characterized by smoother syntax, expansions for clarity (such as explicit proper nouns and subjects), and a more Atticizing style that built upon Origen's framework while adapting it for liturgical and exegetical use in the Eastern churches.^[57] Key manuscripts, including Codex Alexandrinus and fragments like 4QSam^a from the Dead Sea Scrolls, preserve traces of this recension, particularly in books like Samuel-Kings and the Prophets.^[60] Concurrently, the Hesychian recension, associated with Egypt and possibly linked to Bishop Hesychius of the early fourth century, focused on the Octateuch and historical books but remains the least attested, with its existence inferred mainly from patristic references rather than direct evidence.^[57] The first printed editions of the Septuagint appeared in the early sixteenth century amid Renaissance humanism's revival of classical and biblical languages. The Complutensian Polyglot, sponsored by Cardinal Francisco Ximénez de Cisneros and printed between 1514 and 1517 at Alcalá de Henares, Spain, included the editio princeps of the complete Septuagint in its third column alongside Hebrew and Latin Vulgate texts, drawing from manuscripts sourced from Venice and the Vatican.^[61] Although completed by 1517, papal approval delayed its release until 1521–1522, limiting its immediate influence.^[61] The Aldine edition, published in 1518 at Venice by Aldus Manutius, followed as the first standalone printed Septuagint in a single folio volume, based primarily on Byzantine manuscripts and appended with the Prayer of Manasseh.^[62] Modern critical editions seek to reconstruct the earliest attainable Septuagint text through rigorous collation. Alfred Rahlfs's hand edition, published in 1935 by the Württemberg Bible Society, provides a semi-critical base text derived from major uncials like Vaticanus and Sinaiticus, with ongoing revisions including Robert Hanhart's 2006 update incorporating additional papyri and emendations.^[63] The Göttingen Septuagint, initiated in 1931 under the Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, advances a comprehensive editio maior on a book-by-book basis, employing extensive apparatuses to document Old Greek variants and Hexaplaric influences, with volumes like Genesis (1974) and ongoing work on Psalms as exemplars of this methodical approach.^[63] Underlying these editions is the methodology of stemmatics, which applies genealogical analysis to trace manuscript filiation and reconstruct hypothetical archetypes by identifying shared errors and innovations among witnesses, thereby distinguishing recensions like the Lucianic from proto-Septuagint forms.^[64] This Lachmannian technique, adapted from classical philology, prioritizes internal evidence to posit the most parsimonious textual stemma, though its application to the Septuagint accounts for the version's decentralized transmission across regions.^[65]

Comparisons with Other Versions

The Septuagint (LXX) exhibits notable textual variants when compared to the Masoretic Text (MT), the standardized Hebrew Bible tradition from the medieval period. One prominent difference is in the Book of Jeremiah, where the LXX version is approximately one-eighth to one-fifth shorter than the MT, omitting certain passages such as oracles against nations and featuring a rearranged chapter order after Jeremiah 25.^[66]^[67] This shorter form reflects an earlier Hebrew textual tradition, as evidenced by fragments from Qumran that align more closely with the LXX than the expanded MT.^[68] In the Psalms, the LXX displays variations in verse order and numbering compared to the MT. For instance, Psalms 9 and 10 in the MT are combined into a single Psalm 9 in the LXX, resulting in a consistent offset of one in numbering from Psalm 10 (MT) equating to Psalm 9 (LXX) through Psalm 147 (MT) as Psalm 146 (LXX), after which the sequences align again.^[69] These discrepancies arise from the LXX translators' editorial decisions, such as treating certain acrostic elements or thematic units differently, which affects liturgical and interpretive use.^[70] A theological nuance appears in Genesis 4:8, where the LXX includes Cain's spoken words to Abel—"Let us go out to the field"—before the murder, providing explicit dialogue absent in the MT, which simply notes that Cain spoke without recording the content.^[71] This addition in the LXX emphasizes Cain's premeditation and aligns with interpretive traditions in other ancient versions like the Samaritan Pentateuch.^[27] The Vulgate, Jerome's late-4th-century Latin translation, primarily follows the Hebrew (proto-MT) for the Old Testament but incorporates LXX readings in several instances, particularly where the Greek offered clarity or aligned with New Testament quotations.^[72] Jerome explicitly preferred the Hebrew original over the LXX, criticizing the Greek version's deviations, yet he retained LXX-influenced renderings in books like Psalms (using the Gallican Psalter based on the LXX) and in prophetic passages to harmonize with Christian usage.^[73] This hybrid approach reflects Jerome's scholarly method of consulting multiple sources while prioritizing the Hebrew, though his work preserved LXX elements that shaped Western biblical tradition.^[74] These variants carry implications for textual criticism, as the LXX occasionally preserves readings closer to presumed pre-Masoretic Hebrew originals, offering insights into the Bible's fluid transmission before standardization around the 1st century CE.^[75] For example, the shorter Jeremiah and the Genesis 4:8 addition suggest the LXX drew from diverse Hebrew exemplars that diverged from the later MT expansions.^[68] Onomastic differences in the LXX arise from transliteration practices, adapting Hebrew proper names to Greek phonetics and morphology. Common examples include "Yehudah" (Judah) rendered as "Ioudas," "Mosheh" (Moses) as "Mousēs," and "Yisra'el" (Israel) as "Israel," often with added Greek endings for grammatical fit, such as "-os" for masculine nouns.^[76] These variations, while minor, influenced subsequent translations like the Vulgate and highlight the LXX's role in standardizing Greek forms of biblical nomenclature across Hellenistic Jewish and early Christian communities.^[77]

Scholarly Study

Analysis of Variants

Modern textual criticism of the Septuagint employs eclectic methods that integrate internal evidence—such as stylistic preferences, translational tendencies, and contextual coherence—with external evidence, including manuscript age, geographical distribution, and quality of transmission, to evaluate variants and reconstruct the most likely original readings. This approach, advocated by scholars like Emanuel Tov, avoids rigid adherence to a single textual family and instead selects readings case-by-case, acknowledging the Septuagint's complex transmission history marked by multiple scribal interventions.^[78] Computer-assisted collation has revolutionized this process by enabling systematic alignment and comparison of variants across manuscripts; for instance, tools facilitate the identification of differences in word order, omissions, or additions by processing large datasets of Greek texts against Hebrew counterparts.^[79] A central debate in Septuagint studies concerns the original unity of the translation versus the hypothesis of multiple independent translations produced over centuries by diverse translators, with evidence suggesting the Pentateuch may stem from a more unified third-century BCE effort in Alexandria, while prophetic and poetic books reflect later, varied hands exhibiting distinct linguistic styles and interpretive freedoms. Another key contention involves theological motivations behind variants, where translators occasionally altered Hebrew source texts to mitigate anthropomorphic depictions of God—such as rendering divine "regret" as "consider" in Genesis 6:6—or to harmonize inconsistencies, reflecting Jewish interpretive traditions that prioritized doctrinal clarity over literal fidelity.^[80] These changes, while enriching theological nuance, complicate efforts to discern intentional exegesis from unintentional errors in transmission. Digital tools have enhanced variant analysis, including longstanding resources like the Computer Assisted Tools for Septuagint Studies (CATSS) project (initiated in the 1990s), which provides a parallel-aligned database of the Septuagint (Rahlfs edition) and Masoretic Text, incorporating morphological tagging and variant modules to query phenomena like doublets, inversions, and translational deviations across books.^[81] CATSS enables researchers to perform concordances and pattern searches that reveal scribal habits or translational techniques, supporting eclectic reconstruction by quantifying differences in a way manual collation cannot.^[79] Genomic-style alignments, drawing from bioinformatics, apply sequence-matching algorithms to treat textual traditions as evolutionary lineages, allowing phylogenetic modeling of manuscript relationships and variant diffusion, though such methods remain more established in New Testament studies and are emerging for the Septuagint.^[82] Post-2020 research has introduced AI-driven approaches to variant detection in ancient manuscripts, such as machine learning models for identifying scribal hands in texts like the Dead Sea Scrolls; these methods aid in distinguishing intentional changes from copying errors and are being explored for biblical studies, though validation against traditional philological methods is essential to avoid over-reliance on algorithmic assumptions.^[83] The ongoing Göttingen Septuagint series exemplifies the challenges of variant analysis, with 26 of 36 planned volumes published as of 2025, leaving key books like Judges and Ezekiel incomplete due to the need for exhaustive collation of uncial and minuscule witnesses, which underscores persistent gaps in comprehensive critical editions.^[84] This incompleteness highlights the implications of unresolved variants for scholarly interpretations, as seen in brief references to discrepancies in major manuscripts like Codex Vaticanus.^[85]

Evidence from Ancient Sources

The discovery of Greek fragments among the Dead Sea Scrolls provides direct evidence of early Septuagint-like translations circulating in Jewish communities before the Christian era. Notable examples include 4QLXXLeva (4Q119), a fragment of Leviticus from the late second or early first century BCE, and 8HevXII gr, the Greek Minor Prophets scroll from Nahal Hever dated to the first century BCE to first century CE, both preserving textual forms closely aligned with the Septuagint tradition.^[86]^[87] These fragments, found in Qumran and nearby sites, confirm the existence of Greek biblical translations as early as the third century BCE, predating widespread Christian use.^[88] Ancient Jewish authors frequently quoted from the Septuagint, attesting to its authoritative status in Hellenistic Judaism. Philo of Alexandria (c. 20 BCE–50 CE) extensively cited the Greek translation in his philosophical works, such as On the Life of Moses, treating it as the scriptural text for his exegesis.^[89] Similarly, Flavius Josephus (c. 37–100 CE) relied on the Septuagint for his retelling of biblical history in Jewish Antiquities, adapting its phrasing while occasionally consulting Hebrew sources.^[37] In the New Testament, over 300 quotations and allusions to the Old Testament draw directly from the Septuagint, as seen in the Synoptic Gospels and Pauline epistles, indicating its prevalence among Greek-speaking Jewish and early Christian audiences.^[90] Rabbinic literature and Targums also reference Greek versions of scripture, reflecting awareness and occasional engagement with translations like the Septuagint. Midrashic texts, such as Genesis Rabbah (c. fourth–fifth century CE), mention Greek philosophical interpretations of biblical passages, implying familiarity with Hellenistic Jewish translations.^[91] The Targums, Aramaic paraphrases, incorporate Greek loanwords traceable to the Septuagint, suggesting indirect influence in post-exilic Jewish interpretive traditions.^[92] These references underscore the Septuagint's role in multicultural Jewish scholarship, though rabbinic authorities later emphasized Hebrew primacy.^[93] Early Christian writers further corroborate the Septuagint's wide circulation in the first and second centuries CE. Papias of Hierapolis (c. 60–130 CE), in his Expositions of the Sayings of the Lord, indirectly attests to scriptural traditions including Greek versions through his discussions of apostolic writings.^[94] Broader patristic evidence, such as Justin Martyr's Dialogue with Trypho (c. 155 CE), quotes the Septuagint extensively in debates with Jews, confirming its established use in church contexts.^[95] Lists compiled by later fathers like Origen in his Hexapla (third century CE) document the Septuagint's variants and prominence among circulating biblical texts. These ancient sources collectively demonstrate that the Septuagint predates the Christian era and was actively used in Jewish settings, with the Dead Sea Scrolls revealing instances where its Greek renderings align more closely with pre-Masoretic Hebrew fragments than the later standardized Masoretic Text.^[96]^[97] For example, in passages like Psalm 22:16, Qumran Hebrew variants support the Septuagint's reading over the Masoretic, highlighting textual diversity in the Second Temple period.^[96] This evidence validates the Septuagint as a faithful witness to an ancient Hebrew textual tradition.^[88]

Modern Translations and Resources

One of the earliest and most influential English translations of the Septuagint is Sir Lancelot Charles Lee Brenton's The Septuagint Version of the Old Testament, published in 1851, which primarily follows the Codex Vaticanus and remains widely available in public domain editions for study and comparison.^[98] A scholarly alternative is the New English Translation of the Septuagint (NETS), released in 2007 by Oxford University Press under the editorship of Albert Pietersma and Benjamin G. Wright, designed to convey the semantic and syntactic nuances of the Greek while respecting its Jewish interpretive traditions.^[99] The Orthodox Study Bible, published in 2008 by Thomas Nelson, integrates a Septuagint-derived Old Testament translation with the New King James Version for the New Testament, supplemented by patristic commentary to aid Eastern Orthodox readers.^[100] In other languages, French speakers have access to La Bible d'Alexandrie, a multi-volume project initiated in the 1980s by the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), providing philologically precise renderings of the Greek text book by book, with nineteen volumes covering the full Septuagint by the early 2000s.^[101] For German, Septuaginta Deutsch (LXX.D), launched in 1999 and completed in 2009 under the editorship of Siegfried Kreuzer and others, offers the first full modern translation directly from the Old Greek, emphasizing readability and scholarly annotations for both academic and ecclesiastical use.^[102] Digital resources have greatly enhanced accessibility to the Septuagint. The Thesaurus Linguae Graecae (TLG), a comprehensive digital library hosted by the University of California, Irvine, since 1972, includes the full Septuagint text alongside other ancient Greek literature, enabling advanced searches by lemma, morphology, and context for researchers.^[103] Online databases such as Septuagint.Bible, a collaborative platform by the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America and the Hellenic Bible Society launched in the 2010s, provide the Rahlfs-Hanhart Greek text with interlinear tools and export options.^[104] Mobile apps and software like Accordance Bible Software and Logos Bible Software facilitate parallel viewing of Septuagint Greek with modern translations, including morphological tagging and cross-references to printed critical editions such as Rahlfs-Hanhart.^[105] Despite these advances, gaps persist in comprehensive coverage, particularly for fully digitized critical apparatuses. In the 2020s, projects like the ongoing Göttingen Septuagint edition continue to produce book-specific critical texts, while open-access initiatives such as the Scaife Viewer offer interactive editions of the Greek Old Testament based on Swete's 1887-1894 text, promoting broader scholarly collaboration.^[84]^[106] Efforts toward an Editio Critica Maior for the Greek Psalter, initiated by the Göttingen Academy of Sciences, address textual variants in key books to support future translations and analyses.^[107]

References

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The Septuagint is a Greek version of the Hebrew scriptures produced by Hellenistic Jews, including canonical books and other works of Jewish origin.
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Septuagint: Key Insights on the Greek Bible (or LXX) - Bart Ehrman
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### Summary of Scholarly Views on the Letter of Aristeas
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Letter of Aristeas: Translation (1) - ATTALUS
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2 - Varieties of Greek in the Septuagint and the New Testament
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[PDF] Surviving by the Book: the Greek Bible and Jewish Identity in the ...
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Key Differences Between the Septuagint and the Hebrew Bible
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### Summary of Septuagint Structure in Codex Sinaiticus
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Comparison on the Numbering of the Psalms
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None
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