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Win Myint


Win Myint (born 8 November 1951) is a Burmese and who served as the tenth from 30 March 2018 to 1 February 2021. A longtime member of the opposition (NLD), he joined the party following the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, endured imprisonment under military rule, and later held key leadership positions including central executive committee member. Prior to the presidency, which functioned in a largely ceremonial capacity under the dominant influence of NLD leader , Win Myint served as Speaker of the , Myanmar's of parliament, from February 2016 to March 2018. His tenure as occurred amid ongoing tensions between the NLD-led and the , which retained significant constitutional powers including over key ministries. The 2020 general election saw the NLD secure another landslide victory, prompting military allegations of widespread voter fraud that the rejected, setting the stage for the on 1 February 2021 that ousted Win Myint and Suu Kyi. Following his , military-controlled courts convicted him on multiple charges including , corruption, and violations of election laws, imposing sentences that were later partially reduced but still resulted in effective as of 2023. These proceedings have been criticized internationally as lacking and serving to legitimize the junta's power consolidation. As of 2025, Win Myint remains detained without release.

Personal Background

Early Life and Education

Win Myint was born on November 8, 1951, in Nyaung Chaung Village, Danubyu Township, (then part of the Irrawaddy Delta in the Union of ). Little is documented about his background or childhood, though he originated from a in , reflecting the modest socioeconomic context typical of the region during the post-independence era under military-influenced governance. Win Myint pursued at Rangoon Arts and Science University (now University), graduating in 1974 with a degree in . In the 1980s, he shifted focus to legal studies, qualifying as a and , which laid the groundwork for his subsequent involvement in political and activities amid Myanmar's turbulent efforts.

Political Career

1988 Uprising, 1990 Election, and Imprisonments

Win Myint, a senior lawyer at the time, actively participated in the , a nationwide pro-democracy movement that erupted in June 1988 against General Ne Win's socialist regime, culminating in widespread protests in and other cities that led to the collapse of the government on September 18, 1988. For his involvement in these demonstrations, which resulted in thousands of deaths due to military crackdowns, Win Myint was arrested and briefly imprisoned by authorities. Released from detention prior to the 1990 general election, Win Myint joined the newly formed National League for Democracy (NLD) and contested the May 27, 1990, multi-party poll as its candidate for Danubyu Township in Irrawaddy Division (now Ayeyarwady Region). The NLD secured a landslide victory, winning 392 of the 492 contested seats in the Pyithu Hluttaw (lower house), reflecting broad public rejection of military rule following the 1988 events. However, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), the military junta that seized power in September 1988, refused to recognize the results, nullifying the election by blocking the convening of the elected parliament and claiming the vote was only for a constituent assembly. In response to NLD activities challenging the junta's refusal to transfer power, Win Myint faced further repression. He served as chairman of the Danubyu Township Information Committee and was among 88 NLD parliamentarians-elect who boycotted SLORC's for constitutional drafting. Following the dissolution of the for National Stability (DPNS), an NLD-aligned group, in December 1991, Win Myint was rearrested by Military Intelligence Service (MIS) personnel and sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment under Article 5(j) of the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act for alleged anti-state activities. This period of incarceration, lasting until his release in the early , exemplified the junta's systematic detention of elected NLD figures to suppress democratic transition.

Re-entry into Politics: 2012 By-Election and 2015 General Election

Following his release from prison on 25 January 2010 as part of Myanmar's political prisoner amnesty under the emerging reform process, Win Myint rejoined the (NLD) and resumed political activities, focusing on party organization in . He contested the 1 April 2012 by-elections, which filled 48 parliamentary vacancies amid partial democratic openings, and secured the (lower house) seat for Township in as an NLD candidate. The , participating for the first time since boycotting the 2010 polls, won 43 of the 45 contested seats, including high-profile victories that bolstered its parliamentary presence and signaled shifting military tolerance for opposition. Win Myint retained his parliamentary role leading into the 8 November 2015 general elections, Myanmar's first fully competitive nationwide vote in 25 years, where he successfully defended and shifted to the seat for Tamwe Township in . The achieved a , capturing approximately 80% of contested seats in both houses of parliament, driven by widespread voter support for democratic transition and rejection of the prior military-backed government. This outcome enabled the to form government in 2016, though constrained by constitutional military reservations of 25% of seats. Win Myint's consistent electoral successes—spanning 1990, 2012, and 2015—reflected his status as a trusted veteran aligned with party leader .

Parliamentary Leadership as Speaker

Win Myint was elected Speaker of the , Myanmar's lower house of parliament, on 1 February 2016, immediately after the chamber's first session following the National League for Democracy's (NLD) overwhelming victory in the 8 November 2015 , in which the NLD secured 255 of the 440 seats (including 110 unelected military appointees). His election, with support from the NLD majority, replaced the previous Speaker, Shwe Mann of the , and positioned Win Myint to guide legislative proceedings under NLD influence, though the military's reserved seats limited reforms requiring a 75% under the 2008 Constitution. As Speaker, Win Myint prioritized advancing objectives, including attempts to amend the military-drafted 2008 Constitution to diminish the armed forces' institutional role in politics and expand civilian oversight. These efforts, debated extensively in 2016, sought to reduce the military's automatic 25% allocation of parliamentary seats and transfer key ministries from military control, but ultimately failed due to insufficient votes amid military opposition. On 10 June 2016, Win Myint publicly acknowledged this reality during a , stating that constitutional amendments "would not be successful" without the military's backing, highlighting the structural constraints on parliamentary power. Win Myint's leadership style was characterized by legislators as strict yet composed in managing debates, decisive in procedural matters, and influential in steering the chamber toward NLD-aligned outcomes within constitutional limits. Unlike speakers from the prior Union Solidarity and Development Party-led parliament, he functioned as a advocate for the , prioritizing legislative loyalty over impartial facilitation, which facilitated passage of NLD-backed bills on issues like media liberalization and local governance but deferred contentious military-related reforms. No major procedural controversies directly attributed to his tenure emerged, though the parliament's inability to override military vetoes underscored the hybrid regime's checks on civilian authority. Win Myint resigned as on 21 March 2018 to become the NLD's nominee for , ending his two-year term amid preparations for Htin Kyaw's presidential resignation and the subsequent leadership transition. During his speakership, the convened regular sessions to address economic development, ethnic peace processes, and administrative reforms, but progress remained incremental due to inter-branch tensions and the military's entrenched prerogatives.

Rise to Executive Power

Vice Presidency and Presidential Succession in 2018

On March 21, 2018, President Htin Kyaw resigned from office, citing the need "to take rest from his duties" amid reports of deteriorating health, including exhaustion from his ceremonial role. Htin Kyaw's resignation, after serving since March 2016 as a proxy for de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi under the constraints of Myanmar's 2008 Constitution—which bars individuals with foreign-born children from the presidency—prompted an immediate succession process. Under the constitutional framework, Myint Swe, a retired general nominated by the of the Defense Services, assumed the role of . On March 23, 2018, Win Myint, then Speaker of the (lower house of parliament) and a longtime () member, resigned his parliamentary position to stand as the Pyithu Hluttaw's nominee for , signaling his grooming for higher executive office. The (upper house) renominated incumbent Second Henry Van Thio, while the military retained Myint Swe as its nominee. The Union Electoral College, comprising members of both houses of and military representatives, convened to vote for the and vice presidents from these nominees. On , 2018, Win Myint secured 403 votes out of 636 cast, positioning him as ; Myint Swe received 221 votes to remain first , and Van Thio obtained 18 votes as second , with four invalid ballots. This brief tenure as —lasting mere days—facilitated Win Myint's elevation, reflecting the NLD's to install a trusted ally in the largely ceremonial presidency while Aung San Suu Kyi wielded effective power as State Counsellor. The process underscored the 2008 Constitution's checks, including the 's guaranteed 25% parliamentary seats and veto power over constitutional amendments, limiting civilian control.

Presidency (2018–2021)

Governance Structure and Key Policies

Under the 2008 Constitution of Myanmar, the governance structure during Win Myint's presidency from March 28, 2018, to February 1, 2021, featured a hybrid civilian-military system where the president served as and nominal , elected indirectly by the bicameral legislature comprising the (lower house) and (upper house). The military, or , held entrenched influence through automatic allocation of 25% unelected seats in both parliamentary chambers, ensuring veto power over constitutional amendments, and retained permanent control of the ministries of defense, home affairs, and border affairs. Win Myint chaired the National Defence and Security Council (NDSC), which included the military as vice-chair and exercised oversight on security matters, but executive decision-making was effectively shared, with leadership residing with State Counsellor in her extraconstitutional role coordinating policy across civilian institutions. This arrangement limited presidential autonomy, as military appointees dominated key security and administrative functions, constraining NLD-led reforms. Key policies under Win Myint's administration emphasized incremental and within constitutional bounds, though achievements were hampered by military opposition and institutional deadlock. A primary initiative involved repeated attempts to amend the 2008 Constitution to curtail military parliamentary reservations and NDSC dominance; in March 2020, the submitted 127 amendment proposals targeting these provisions, but they failed to secure the required 75% parliamentary approval due to military bloc resistance. Economically, the government advanced reforms inherited from prior administrations, including banking sector modernization to enhance via expansion and integration, alongside efforts to attract through eased investment laws and special economic zones, yielding modest GDP growth averaging 6.5% annually from 2018 to 2019 before disruptions. Social policies prioritized , with increased budget allocations for (rising to 12% of the national budget by 2020) and rural infrastructure development under the National Community Driven Development Project, aiming to benefit 1.5 million households in ethnic border regions. The administration also pursued the peace process, hosting rounds of the Panglong Union Peace Conference in 2018 and 2020 to negotiate with ethnic armed organizations, though progress stalled amid ongoing skirmishes and failure to achieve a comprehensive truce covering all groups. Anti-corruption measures were enacted via the 2019 Anti-Corruption Commission Law strengthening investigative powers, leading to probes against over 50 officials, but enforcement remained uneven due to overlapping military oversight in state enterprises. Overall, these policies reflected ambitions for civilian-led governance but underscored the structural impediments posed by the military's constitutional safeguards, resulting in partial implementation rather than transformative change.

Handling of Ethnic Conflicts and Security Issues

During Win Myint's presidency from March 2018 to February 2021, Myanmar's ethnic conflicts persisted amid ongoing insurgencies by various ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in border regions, including Kachin, Shan, and Rakhine states, where the military maintained primary operational control under the constitution. The government pursued dialogue through the Union Peace Conference – 21st Century Panglong, with Win Myint presiding over the fourth session on August 19, 2020, which involved signatory EAOs and aimed to advance political agreements on and resource sharing. However, the process yielded minimal breakthroughs, as non-signatories to the 2015 (NCA)—such as the and —rejected participation, and fighting continued, exacerbating displacement of over 100,000 civilians in Kachin and Shan by 2020. In , security forces escalated operations against the starting in late 2018, resulting in over 160 clashes by mid-2019 and the declaration of in seven townships on May 20, 2019, to curb insurgency following attacks on police posts. Win Myint's administration supported military efforts while calling for restraint and negotiations, but offensives displaced tens of thousands and caused civilian deaths, with the government attributing violence to EAO provocations rather than systemic policy failures. Similarly, in northern Shan and Kachin, airstrikes and ground operations against EAOs displaced an additional 90,000 people between 2016 and 2020, with no new ceasefires achieved under leadership due to military insistence on centralized control. Regarding the Rohingya in Rakhine—following the 2017 clearance operations that displaced 740,000 after attacks killing 12 security personnel—the government under Win Myint endorsed the January 2020 report of the Aung San Suu Kyi-appointed Independent Commission of Enquiry, which documented war crimes and violations by security forces but found no evidence of genocidal intent or systematic . In May 2020, submitted its initial ICJ report defending the operations as proportionate counter-terrorism measures against "extremist " insurgents, while proposing contingent on security screenings and denial of Rohingya citizenship claims under the 1982 law. pilots with failed in August 2019 due to refugee refusals over verification fears, leaving over 900,000 in camps by 2021, with the administration prioritizing border security over international accusations of . Overall, Win Myint's handling reflected constitutional limits on civilian oversight of the military, resulting in dialogue rhetoric alongside sustained force, which critics from groups argued perpetuated impunity but which the government framed as necessary for national unity against separatism.

Economic and Social Initiatives

During Win Myint's presidency from March 2018 to February 2021, the (NLD) administration prioritized measures as a core economic initiative, implementing a strategic plan for 2018-2021 that included annual work plans to enhance and in operations. Win Myint personally intensified efforts against graft, directing investigations into high-level officials and emphasizing judicial strengthening to support . These actions aimed to build investor confidence amid Myanmar's transition to an open market economy, though implementation faced challenges from entrenched interests and limited institutional capacity. The government advanced broader economic reforms inherited from prior NLD policies, including banking sector modernization, expansion of , and promotion of to foster , particularly in rural areas. The Myanmar Sustainable Development Plan (2018-2030) served as a framework for these efforts, targeting through infrastructure development and , with reported progress in extending and roads to underserved regions by 2020. However, economic growth slowed due to ethnic conflicts, the starting in early 2020, and international sanctions related to issues, limiting the plan's impact. On the social front, Win Myint highlighted reforms to the social system as a national priority, collaborating with social partners to discuss expansions in coverage and benefits to address vulnerabilities in labor and sectors. The administration increased access to healthcare and , with initiatives to upgrade facilities and extend services to rural populations, contributing to modest improvements in human development indicators by 2019. Win Myint pledged enhanced protections and drug prevention programs, though critics noted persistent gaps in implementation, particularly regarding ethnic minorities. These social efforts were framed as essential for national reconciliation and alleviation but were overshadowed by ongoing challenges and the 2021 military coup.

Controversies During NLD Administration

Allegations of Electoral Irregularities and Power Overreach

The Myanmar military, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, alleged widespread electoral irregularities in the November 8, 2020, general election, claiming these justified its February 1, 2021, coup d'état that ousted President Win Myint and the National League for Democracy (NLD) government. Specific accusations included discrepancies in voter lists, duplicate registrations, and undue voting, purportedly affecting millions of ballots and favoring the NLD, which secured approximately 83% of contested parliamentary seats. The military's Union Election Commission (UEC), reconstituted post-coup, later documented nearly 10.5 million instances of irregularities, such as entries where individuals purportedly voted multiple times or under false identities. However, pre-coup international and domestic observers, including the Asian Network for Free Elections, reported no evidence of fraud on a scale sufficient to alter the election's outcome, attributing military complaints to procedural disputes and the NLD's strong performance amid opposition boycotts and voter turnout issues in military strongholds. Win Myint, as president and affiliate, faced direct charges from the for complicity in these alleged irregularities. In November , Myanmar's military authorities indicted him alongside and 14 others under the Election Law for offenses including and unlawful in electoral processes. A -appointed court convicted him during closed-door trials, sentencing him to three years of in September 2022, though the proceedings were widely criticized as lacking and serving political retribution rather than establishing verifiable misconduct. Independent analyses, including from , highlighted systemic flaws in the election—such as exclusion of Rohingya voters due to citizenship laws and the military's guaranteed 25% parliamentary reservation—but found no substantiation for NLD-orchestrated , contrasting with the military's unsubstantiated pre-coup assertions. Allegations of power overreach centered on the NLD administration's perceived consolidation of authority under Win Myint's presidency, which critics, primarily military-aligned voices, framed as undermining the 2008 Constitution's power-sharing framework. The , holding a post-2015 and reinforced in 2020, pursued constitutional amendments to reduce the military's unelected seats and power over reforms, efforts that failed in March 2020 due to insufficient support but were portrayed by opponents as an existential threat to structures. Win Myint's administration also convened parliamentary sessions to address election complaints via a joint committee, which the military dismissed as inadequate and biased, escalating tensions. No independent evidence emerged of extraconstitutional actions by Win Myint, such as emergency declarations bypassing military oversight; instead, his tenure operated within civilian-led governance limits, with influence residing with State Counsellor Suu Kyi. Military narratives post-coup retroactively depicted these moves as overreach enabling electoral manipulation, though such claims aligned more with strategic rationales for than empirical breaches.

Response to International Criticism on Human Rights

During his presidency, Win Myint asserted that Myanmar's situation had improved, particularly citing progress in political freedoms and following the National League for Democracy's (NLD) electoral victories. On December 10, 2018, in a statement marking International , he highlighted advancements in democratic governance and efforts to address past violations, though domestic and international critics, including organizations, contended that systemic issues persisted, especially regarding ethnic minorities. In response to international scrutiny over the Rohingya crisis, Win Myint's administration rejected allegations of widespread atrocities, framing military operations in as necessary counter-terrorism measures against the (ARSA). A , 2018, statement from his office dismissed a preliminary ruling by the (ICC) asserting jurisdiction over deportation-related crimes against the Rohingya as stemming from "faulty procedure" and lacking legal basis, emphasizing Myanmar's sovereignty and non-ratification of the . Similarly, on December 15, 2018, Win Myint issued a statement praising — the epicenter of the 2017 violence that displaced over 700,000 Rohingya—as having experienced an "auspicious" year, focusing on cultural harmony among ethnic groups without acknowledging refugee reports of mass killings, rapes, and village burnings documented by UN investigators. The government under Win Myint continued to challenge international legal actions, including the January 2020 (ICJ) provisional measures ordering to prevent genocidal acts against the Rohingya. Official responses denied intent for , arguing the measures were premature and politically motivated, while submitting a May 2020 compliance report to the ICJ claiming internal investigations and repatriation efforts as sufficient safeguards, despite evidence from UN fact-finding missions of reasonable grounds for by state forces. This stance aligned with broader policy prioritizing national unity with the military, which retained control over security, over concessions that could undermine constitutional arrangements; critics, including reports from and , viewed such defenses as enabling impunity amid verified patterns of and denial of citizenship to Rohingya as "Bengali interlopers." Win Myint's responses emphasized domestic reforms, such as establishing the Independent Commission of Enquiry for Rakhine in 2018 to probe clearance operations, but the commission's scope excluded Rohingya testimony and yielded no prosecutions by , reinforcing perceptions of inadequate accountability. bodies like the UN Human Rights Council, often reliant on refugee accounts and for evidence, faced accusations from the government of bias toward Western narratives, yet empirical data from sources including documented over 6,700 Rohingya fatalities in 2017 alone from violence. The administration's approach sought to balance diplomatic engagement—such as bilateral talks with neighbors on —against rejecting sanctions and referrals, maintaining that internal mechanisms sufficed for resolution.

2021 Coup d'État and Immediate Aftermath

Prelude: 2020 Election Disputes and Military Claims of Fraud

The occurred on November 8, 2020, amid the , which restricted international observer access and led to advance voting in some areas. The ruling (NLD) achieved a in contested seats across both parliamentary chambers, with the party securing approximately 83% of the elected positions in the () and similar dominance in the () and state assemblies. The (UEC), appointed under the NLD administration, certified the preliminary results on November 12, 2020, and finalized them by November 13, declaring the NLD the outright winner capable of forming the next government independently of military-backed parties. Post-election, the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) and its affiliated (USDP), which suffered heavy losses with under 4% of seats, immediately contested the outcome, filing complaints with the UEC over alleged irregularities in over 1,000 townships. Commander-in-Chief Senior General publicly stated on November 15, 2020, that the military would "not accept" results marred by , citing issues such as inflated voter lists with duplicate or deceased names, non-resident voting, and procedural lapses at polling stations. The military's Scrutiny Committee, formed in late November, claimed to have identified "major errors" including over-voting and manipulation, though it released few verifiable details publicly before escalating tensions. The UEC rejected most USDP and military complaints by early December 2020, attributing isolated discrepancies to pandemic-related administrative challenges like incomplete voter rolls rather than systemic intent, and upheld the results after recounts in disputed areas. International monitoring groups, including the Carter Center and Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL), observed limited operations due to travel restrictions but concluded in preliminary reports that the voting process was largely credible, with no substantiation for claims of widespread sufficient to alter outcomes; they noted higher-than-expected turnout (around 70%) but deemed it plausible given mobilization. These assessments contrasted with assertions, which gained traction among military supporters but lacked independent corroboration, amid rising rhetoric from about constitutional threats from the 's dominance potentially enabling amendments to the military's 25% reserved parliamentary seats. By January 2021, the intensified scrutiny, conducting its own probes and issuing warnings of national instability if disputes remained unresolved, while refusing to convene the new scheduled for February 1. This of unresolved allegations, unaddressed by NLD-led institutions to the 's satisfaction, directly precipitated the Tatmadaw's , framed as a safeguard against electoral illegitimacy under the 2008 Constitution's provisions.

Coup Execution, Arrest, and Power Transfer

In the early hours of February 1, 2021, the Myanmar Armed Forces, known as the , executed a by deploying troops to strategic locations in the capital, , including government buildings, the airport, and residences of senior officials. Military forces blocked major roads, suspended television and radio broadcasts, and restricted nationwide to prevent communication and assembly. This coordinated action followed months of military assertions of in the November 2020 , though the detentions occurred just before the new was scheduled to convene. President Win Myint was arrested at his official residence in shortly after 4:00 a.m. local time, alongside other () leaders including State Counsellor . The arrest was carried out without reported resistance, with Win Myint and approximately 400 elected parliamentarians subsequently confined to a government housing complex or placed under . announced the detentions as necessary to address alleged voting irregularities, but independent observers noted the action preempted any legislative response to fraud claims. With Win Myint incapacitated, Myint Swe—appointed from the military's reserved parliamentary quota—assumed the role of under constitutional provisions allowing succession in cases of presidential inability. promptly invoked Article 417 of the 2008 Constitution, proclaiming a one-year and transferring executive, legislative, and judicial powers to Senior General and the National Defence and Security Council (NDSC), dominated by military members. , as head of the NDSC, assumed control, later forming the to govern, marking the formal shift of authority from the civilian administration to the military hierarchy.

Military's Constitutional and Security Rationales

The Myanmar military, or , cited Article 417 of the 2008 Constitution as the primary constitutional basis for the February 1, 2021, , which authorizes the declaration of a if there are "acts committed in a State or Region or in the Union, the intention of which is to take the sovereignty of the Union away, to disintegrate the Union or to incite or cause to disintegrate the Union or to fall into a state of disorder." The announced the emergency via state media shortly after detaining President Win Myint, asserting that executive, legislative, and judicial powers would transfer to Senior General for one year to enable an investigation into alleged from the November 1, 2020, general elections. Military spokesperson Zaw Min Tun stated that the (UEC) had ignored "votes numbering more than double digits" and other irregularities, necessitating the emergency to "carry out the scrutiny of the voters' lists" and prevent the convening of the disputed . In terms of security rationales, the framed the alleged fraud—estimated by them to affect up to 8.6 million votes through issues like duplicate registrations and ineligible participants—as a profound to national stability and unity, potentially leading to widespread disorder if the (NLD) government assumed power without verification. They argued that the NLD administration's refusal to delay or investigate claims, despite military demands submitted on January 26, 2021, violated constitutional safeguards and risked exacerbating existing insurgencies in ethnic border regions, where armed groups control significant territory. The contended that unchecked electoral flaws eroded institutional legitimacy, inviting exploitation by internal dissenters and external actors, thus justifying temporary military stewardship to restore order under Article 418, which allows the to exercise presidential powers during such emergencies. These rationales were presented as adherence to the military-drafted 2008 Constitution's emergency provisions, which reserve 25% of parliamentary seats for appointees and grant the armed forces oversight of defense and security matters. However, the 's unilateral declaration bypassed the required presidential coordination with the National Defence and Security Council (NDSC), comprising both civilian and military members, raising questions about procedural compliance even within their invoked framework.

Post-Coup Detention and Legal Proceedings

Charges, Trials, and Sentences

Following his arrest on February 1, 2021, Win Myint faced multiple charges filed by , primarily alleging violations related to the 2020 general election, public order, and official misconduct. These included accusations of under the , under Section 505 of the Penal Code, breaches of the Natural Disaster Management Law (related to restrictions), and involving for personal gain. Trials were conducted in closed sessions by special courts in and , with restricted access for defense lawyers and no independent observers permitted, leading international groups to describe the proceedings as lacking . Win Myint consistently denied the allegations, asserting they were politically motivated to legitimize the coup. The first verdicts were delivered on December 6, 2021, when a court sentenced Win Myint to four years' imprisonment—two years each for incitement and violation of restrictions—marking the initial convictions in a series of cases against (NLD) leaders. On September 2, 2022, he received an additional three-year sentence with hard labor for , stemming from claims of irregularities in voter list management during the 2020 election, a charge the used to justify nullifying NLD victories. Further corruption charges, filed in November 2021 and involving alleged misuse of authority for bribes totaling hundreds of thousands of dollars, resulted in a seven-year sentence handed down on December 30, 2022, bringing the cumulative term across at least eight offenses to over 20 years. Win Myint and his legal team appealed several convictions, with Myanmar's agreeing in April 2023 to hear cases on the and COVID-related sentences, though outcomes remained pending amid ongoing control of the . In August 2023, as part of an amnesty announced by leader , two of Win Myint's sentences—for and COVID breaches—were reduced or partially pardoned, though he remained detained on the remaining terms. These legal actions occurred parallel to similar proceedings against , with the framing them as accountability for governance failures rather than retribution.

Conditions of Detention and Family Access

Following his on February 1, 2021, Win Myint was initially held under in Naypyitaw, where access to family members and legal counsel was severely restricted by the , consistent with policies applied to other high-profile detainees. Reports indicated that family members, including his wife Cho Cho, elder sister Ma Ma Lay, and daughter Phyu Phyu Thin, had limited or no contact, with their post-arrest whereabouts remaining unknown to the public and no formal charges filed against them. In January 2023, Win Myint was transferred from to Prison in , approximately 60 miles south of Naypyitaw, following convictions totaling 12 years on multiple charges including . Conditions in Prison, like those in other junta-controlled facilities, have been described in broader reports as involving systematic restrictions on visitors, inadequate medical care, and isolation for political prisoners, though specific details for Win Myint were not independently verified beyond general patterns. His wife Cho Cho was permitted a single visit in the week prior to a Myanmar Now report, during which he was reported to be in good health despite being in his 70s; however, junta policies explicitly barred visitors for Win Myint and similarly situated detainees like , suggesting such access was exceptional and not routine. By April 2024, Win Myint was relocated from Prison to , reportedly for health reasons, alongside , amid ongoing concerns over deteriorating conditions in Myanmar's detention system. No further public updates on family access or his health status emerged as of late 2024, with restrictions persisting under the junta's framework for high-level political detainees.

Role in Resistance and Exile Governance

Designation as NUG President

On April 16, 2021, the (CRPH), comprising lawmakers from the ousted (NLD)-led parliament, announced the formation of the (NUG) as a parallel administration to challenge the military junta's authority following the February 1, 2021, . In this structure, Win Myint, who had been detained since the coup, was designated as the NUG's , retaining the titular role he held prior to the overthrow of the civilian government. This appointment was made in absentia, with , a Kachin leader, named as vice president and acting to handle operational duties amid Myint's imprisonment. The designation aimed to assert continuity of the legitimately elected government's mandate, positioning the NUG as the rightful authority representing Myanmar's diverse ethnic and pro-democracy forces. CRPH members, drawing from the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw's composition, voted to establish the NUG's executive lineup, including Myint alongside figures like as state counsellor, to symbolize resistance against the (SAC) led by . Proponents viewed this as a legal extension of the 2008 constitution's framework, insofar as the CRPH claimed representational legitimacy from the November elections, which the military had invalidated on fraud allegations. However, the dismissed the NUG as illegitimate, issuing arrest warrants for its leaders, including Myint, and labeling it a terrorist in May 2021. Myint's role remained largely ceremonial and symbolic due to his ongoing detention in Naypyidaw's , where he faced multiple charges related to the coup. The NUG's official communications continued to list him as , using his name to rally international support and coordinate with resistance groups like the People's Defence Force (PDF), though effective leadership devolved to the and prime minister . This arrangement underscored the NUG's strategy of maintaining institutional facades from the pre-coup era to contest the SAC's control amid escalating civil conflict.

Symbolic and Operational Influence Amid Civil War

Following the February 2021 military coup, the —comprising lawmakers from the ousted civilian government—designated Win Myint as president of the (NUG) on April 16, 2021, positioning the entity as a parallel administration to challenge the junta's authority. This designation retained his pre-coup status as head of state, with named state counsellor and as interim prime minister, aiming to consolidate anti-junta forces including ethnic armed organizations and participants. Win Myint's symbolic influence has centered on embodying continuity of the democratically elected government from the November 2020 elections, which the disputed but which independent observers deemed largely and fair despite irregularities. Detained in under restrictive conditions limiting communication, his nominal presidency has served as a rallying point for unity, reinforcing the NUG's legitimacy claims in appeals to international bodies; for instance, the has recognized the NUG as representative of Myanmar's people. This role underscores causal continuity from the civilian mandate, framing the —escalated by widespread defections and uprisings—as a defense of constitutional order against the State Administration Council's (SAC) self-proclaimed rule, extended repeatedly since 2021 without verifiable election progress. Operationally, Win Myint's influence remains constrained by his incarceration, with no public records of direct directives or communications from detention influencing battlefield decisions as of October 2025. The NUG, operating under his titular leadership, has pursued military coordination through the People's Defense Force (PDF), which by late 2024 claimed over 100,000 fighters including military defectors, alongside alliances with ethnic armed groups controlling border regions and conducting offensives that captured key territories like parts of and Magway divisions in 2023-2024. Diplomatic efforts, such as fundraising exceeding $100 million via global networks and petitions for sanctions, have been executed by acting president and ministers, leveraging Win Myint's status to argue for non-recognition of the junta; however, major powers like the and have engaged the NUG selectively without full diplomatic acknowledgment, reflecting geopolitical caution amid ongoing territorial control over urban centers. These activities, while advancing resistance gains—such as the 2024 fall of junta outposts—have not translated to verifiable strategic input from Win Myint himself, highlighting the NUG's decentralized structure amid the protracted conflict that has displaced over 3 million by mid-2025.

Assessments and Legacy

Achievements from Supporters' Perspective

Supporters of Win Myint, primarily members of the (NLD) and the (NUG), credit him with a lifelong dedication to Myanmar's , beginning with his participation in the pro-democracy protests that challenged military rule, for which he faced brief imprisonment. They highlight his repeated electoral successes as evidence of sustained public backing for reformist politics, including victories in the 1990 general election for Danubyu Township (despite annulment by the junta), the 2012 by-election for Pathein Township, and the 2015 general election for Tamwe Township, where he secured seats in the . As Speaker of the from 2016 to 2018, Win Myint is praised by affiliates for fostering a more assertive legislative environment, advancing bills on governance and while navigating military constraints under the 2008 constitution. Upon assuming the presidency on March 30, 2018, supporters emphasize his inaugural pledge to prioritize constitutional amendments aimed at curtailing the military's disproportionate influence—such as reducing reserved parliamentary seats from 25% to align with democratic norms—and promoting alongside national efforts involving ethnic groups. This continuity in leadership, viewed as stable and aligned with goals, contributed to the party's in the November 2020 elections, capturing 396 of 498 contested seats, which backers attribute to effective governance under his symbolic stewardship despite the largely ceremonial nature of the office. Post-2021 coup, NUG supporters laud Win Myint's designation as NUG on , 2021, as a pivotal act of defiance, enabling coordination with ethnic armed organizations, , and international allies to pursue a democratic union and dismantle control through unified resistance strategies. His multiple prior detentions under military regimes—totaling years in the and 1990s—are cited as proof of personal sacrifice, reinforcing his credibility in sustaining non-violent pro-democracy momentum amid ongoing .

Criticisms and Failures from Military and Opponents' Views

The Myanmar military, through its (), has accused Win Myint and the () government of overseeing widespread in the November 2020 general elections, claiming irregularities such as manipulated voter lists, duplicate registrations, and disenfranchisement of up to 10 million voters in areas where the military-aligned () performed poorly. These allegations formed the basis for the military's declaration of a on February 1, 2021, with SAC statements asserting that the NLD's actions under Win Myint's presidency violated electoral laws and undermined democratic processes guaranteed by the 2008 Constitution. Opponents including the USDP lodged formal complaints with the (UEC) prior to the coup, documenting alleged anomalies in nearly 200 constituencies dominated by victories, including voter intimidation and ballot irregularities, and urged President Win Myint to initiate recounts or investigations, which the administration dismissed as unsubstantiated. The USDP portrayed the 's win—securing 396 of 476 contested seats in the —as a product of rather than genuine support, criticizing Win Myint's government for failing to enforce impartial oversight and instead prioritizing consolidation of power. In post-coup trials, courts aligned with the SAC convicted Win Myint on September 2, 2022, of election fraud under the Election Law, sentencing him to three years for offenses including improper handling of voter data and campaign violations, reflecting the military's narrative of deliberate malfeasance during his tenure. Additional convictions included four years on December 6, 2021, for sedition under Section 124(a) of the Penal Code and breaching COVID-19 restrictions under the Disaster Management Law during 2020 campaigning, which the junta cited as evidence of reckless governance that endangered public health and incited unrest against state institutions. These proceedings, conducted without independent observers, underscore the military's portrayal of Win Myint's leadership as corrupt and destabilizing, prioritizing NLD dominance over constitutional safeguards for military representation. From the military's perspective, Win Myint's administration exacerbated ethnic insurgencies and economic vulnerabilities by sidelining the Tatmadaw's advisory role, failing to allocate sufficient resources to border security amid rising clashes with groups like the , which intensified in 2019-2020, and neglecting infrastructure in military-stronghold regions. SAC communiqués have attributed pre-coup instability, including a 2020 GDP contraction projected at -6.4% due to mismanagement, to NLD policies that allegedly favored urban Bamar-majority areas over peripheral states, eroding national cohesion. Opponents argue this centralist approach alienated federalist ethnic parties, contributing to fragmented and justifying military to restore order.

Broader Impact on Myanmar's Political Stability

Win Myint's designation as president by the (NUG) on April 16, 2021, by the , asserted continuity with the pre-coup elected parliament, directly challenging the military 's claim to sovereignty and deepening Myanmar's institutional schism. This move framed the as illegitimate, mobilizing domestic resistance through People's Defense Forces (PDFs) and alliances with ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), which have captured significant territory and prevented the regime from consolidating control. The resultant has fragmented governance, with the military controlling roughly 21% of Myanmar's territory as of October 2025, resistance entities holding 42%, and the remainder contested or ungoverned, fostering localized power vacuums prone to , economic disruption, and service failures. Over 6,000 civilians have been killed, more than 20,000 detained, and millions displaced since the coup, amplifying humanitarian crises that erode any prospect of unified stability. The NUG's structure, under Win Myint's nominal leadership, has garnered wide support among urban and Burman populations—evidenced by surveys showing majority backing—but its ties to the ousted (NLD) have hindered broader ethnic inclusion, exacerbating alliance fractures and risking post-conflict . From the junta's perspective, Win Myint's symbolic role legitimizes "terrorist" insurgencies that reject electoral paths, prolonging chaos they attribute to NLD-era electoral irregularities rather than their own failures. However, empirical outcomes indicate the pre-coup period under Win Myint maintained fragile through NLD-military power-sharing, with GDP averaging 6-7% annually from 2018-2020 despite ethnic tensions; the coup's disruption, amplified by invoking his , has instead driven economic contraction exceeding 20% in and sustained conflict dynamics. Internationally, partial NUG recognition—via UN credential disputes and Western sanctions—has isolated the diplomatically but failed to coerce , allowing regional neighbors like and states to prioritize border stability over democratic restoration, thus embedding in indefinite low-intensity warfare.

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