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Benjamin Butler

Benjamin Franklin Butler (November 5, 1818 – January 11, 1893) was an American lawyer and Democratic politician from Massachusetts who attained the rank of major general in the Union Army during the American Civil War.^[1]^[2]
As commander at Fort Monroe, Virginia, in 1861, Butler devised the "contraband of war" policy, refusing to return escaped enslaved people to Confederate owners and thereby initiating a legal basis for their retention by Union forces, which contributed to the erosion of slavery in occupied areas.^[3] His subsequent occupation of New Orleans in 1862 provoked widespread Confederate outrage through strict enforcement measures, including General Order No. 28, which threatened women who insulted Union soldiers with treatment as prostitutes, earning him the moniker "Beast Butler" from critics.^[4] Militarily, Butler's Bermuda Hundred Campaign in 1864 failed to capitalize on opportunities against Confederate forces, leading to his removal from command by Ulysses S. Grant due to perceived incompetence.^[5]
Postwar, Butler shifted politically, serving as a Radical Republican in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1867 to 1875 and again in 1877–1879, where he acted as a manager in the impeachment proceedings against President Andrew Johnson.^[1] He advocated for labor rights, women's suffrage, and African American civil rights, though his opportunism drew accusations of inconsistency.^[6] Elected governor of Massachusetts as a Democrat in 1882, he served one term focused on reformist policies before running unsuccessfully for president on the Greenback Party ticket in 1884.^[7]

Early Life and Education

Family Background and Childhood

Benjamin Franklin Butler was born on November 5, 1818, in Deerfield, New Hampshire, to John Butler, a captain who had served under Andrew Jackson during the War of 1812, and Charlotte Ellison Butler.^[8]^[9] His father died shortly after his birth, leaving the family in reduced circumstances and prompting his mother to relocate with her children to Lowell, Massachusetts, by 1828.^[6]^[1] In Lowell, a burgeoning industrial center known for its textile mills, Charlotte supported the household by operating a boardinghouse that catered primarily to mill workers.^[4]^[10] Butler grew up as the youngest of his parents' children in this modest, working-class environment, sharing adolescence with at least one older brother, Andrew Jackson Butler (1815–1864), amid the disciplined routine of his mother's establishment.^[10] The family's reliance on Charlotte's enterprise instilled in the young Butler an awareness of economic self-reliance, though his childhood was marked by the challenges of widowhood and industrial urban life rather than privilege.^[11] Despite these constraints, Butler displayed early ambition, though his aspirations for a military education were unrealized at the time.^[4]

Legal Training and Early Career

Butler attended Phillips Exeter Academy and graduated from Waterville College (now Colby College) in Waterville, Maine, in 1838.^[1]^[7] Following graduation, he returned to Lowell, Massachusetts, where he apprenticed with a local lawyer, reading law through traditional clerkship rather than formal schooling, a common path for legal education at the time.^[6] In 1840, Butler was admitted to the Massachusetts bar and opened a law practice in Lowell, initially focusing on local cases that provided practical experience in the city's police and municipal courts.^[1]^[7] He rapidly developed a reputation for skillful advocacy, particularly in criminal defense matters, which helped establish a lucrative clientele among Lowell's working-class population and mill owners.^[3] By 1845, his growing prominence led to admission before the United States Supreme Court, enabling him to handle appellate work and broadening his professional scope.^[6] Butler's early career emphasized trial work over abstract theory, leveraging his oratorical abilities and knowledge of industrial disputes in textile-heavy Lowell to secure favorable outcomes for defendants and business interests alike.^[9] This period solidified his financial independence and local influence, setting the stage for later political involvement, though he avoided partisan entanglements until the 1850s.^[7]

Pre-War Professional and Political Activities

Business Dealings and Financial Interests

Butler began his legal career in Lowell, Massachusetts, after admission to the state bar in 1840, quickly establishing a reputation as a bold and effective trial lawyer in the industrial hub's textile sector.^[12] His practice often involved labor disputes, where he represented "factory girls" blacklisted by mill owners in the 1840s, yet he also advocated for industrial interests, reflecting pragmatic alignments with local economic powers. This duality enabled substantial earnings, which he channeled into direct business investments amid Lowell's booming mills and nascent financial institutions. By the late 1840s and early 1850s, Butler had accumulated sufficient wealth to acquire interests in manufacturing, notably purchasing shares in the Middlesex Corporation—Lowell's pioneering woolen mill—during periods of financial distress when assets were undervalued.^[10] He expanded into real estate and other commercial ventures, including service on boards of local banks, which bolstered his financial position in an era of rapid industrialization.^[12] These holdings underscored his transition from legal advocate to stakeholder in the very enterprises he sometimes litigated against, amassing a fortune that funded his prominent Lowell residence by 1850.^[13] Butler's pre-war financial strategy emphasized opportunistic investments in undervalued industrial assets, aligning with Massachusetts Democrats' pro-business leanings while navigating worker-employer tensions. No evidence indicates involvement in railroads prior to 1861, though his legal acumen positioned him to represent transportation and banking clients amid regional growth.^[10] This portfolio laid the groundwork for postwar expansions, but contemporaries noted his astute, if occasionally self-interested, approach to wealth-building in Lowell's competitive economy.^[12]

Entry into Massachusetts Politics

Butler, having built a prosperous legal career in Lowell, Massachusetts, as a trial attorney specializing in cases involving railroads and mills, entered state politics in the early 1850s as a member of the Democratic Party.^[14] His entry was facilitated by his local prominence and connections within the party's northern wing, which sought to balance industrial interests with national compromises on slavery.^[4] In November 1852, Butler won election to the Massachusetts House of Representatives, assuming office for the 1853 legislative session.^[15]^[12] During his tenure, he focused on legislation benefiting urban laborers, particularly Irish immigrants who comprised a significant portion of Lowell's textile workforce, and opposed nativist policies targeting Catholic newcomers amid the rise of the Know-Nothing movement.^[14] As a "Doughface" Democrat sympathetic to southern concerns, Butler defended the Compromise of 1850, including its Fugitive Slave Act provisions, arguing they preserved constitutional balances essential to union stability.^[3] Beyond the legislature, Butler advanced in the state militia, rising to major general by 1860, which bolstered his political profile through military patronage networks.^[14] His legislative service ended after the 1853 term, but he maintained party influence, serving as a delegate to Democratic national conventions and securing election to the Massachusetts State Senate in 1858 for the 1859 session.^[3] These roles positioned him as a pragmatic operator in a state dominated by Whigs and emerging Republicans, leveraging oratory and legal acumen to champion economic protections for northern manufacturers while avoiding overt abolitionism.^[10]

Stance on Secession and Slavery

Butler, a Democrat aligned with pro-Southern "doughface" politicians, defended the constitutional rights of slaveholders and opposed Northern abolitionist agitation against slavery's expansion.^[16]^[17] He supported enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 and rejected immediate emancipation, viewing slavery as a protected institution under the federal compact where legally established.^[16] In the 1860 presidential election, Butler defied Massachusetts Democratic instructions by endorsing John C. Breckinridge, the Southern Democratic nominee whose platform explicitly called for federal legislation safeguarding slavery in the territories, including a slave code to override territorial restrictions.^[18] This stance reflected his belief in popular sovereignty and slaveholder property rights, positioning him against Stephen A. Douglas's more moderate Northern Democratic candidacy.^[19] Regarding secession, Butler maintained that the Southern states' withdrawal violated the Constitution's guarantee of a perpetual union, rendering ordinances of secession null and void.^[10] Initially favoring conciliation to avoid coercion, he shifted after the firing on Fort Sumter in April 1861, organizing Massachusetts militia units and advocating military defense of the Union to suppress rebellion, thereby prioritizing national integrity over compromise with disunionists.^[20]^[10]

Civil War Military Service

Appointment as Major General and Initial Operations (1861)

Butler, a brigadier general in the Massachusetts state militia prior to the war, assumed command of the 8th Massachusetts Volunteer Militia Regiment following President Abraham Lincoln's April 15, 1861, call for 75,000 volunteers after the Confederate attack on Fort Sumter.^[4] The regiment, numbering approximately 900 men, departed Lowell, Massachusetts, and initially planned to travel by rail through Baltimore but rerouted by sea to Annapolis, Maryland, arriving on April 21, 1861, amid disruptions from the April 19 Baltimore riot that had attacked the 6th Massachusetts Regiment and halted rail access to Washington, D.C.^[9]^[21] On April 25, 1861, Union Army General-in-Chief Winfield Scott appointed Butler to command the newly created Department of Annapolis, tasking him with securing the port as a staging area to reinforce the national capital while avoiding hostile Baltimore.^[4]^[9] Butler rapidly organized operations from Annapolis, commandeering vessels to transport over 3,000 Union troops— including elements of the 7th New York Infantry—safely to Washington by early May, thereby restoring supply lines without further reliance on Baltimore's railroads.^[9] He also declared martial law in Baltimore to deter secessionist interference, though this exceeded his initial orders.^[4] By May 13, 1861, Butler advanced approximately 1,000 troops into Baltimore via rail, occupying Federal Hill—a strategic elevation overlooking the city—and positioning artillery to enforce Union control, an action taken without Scott's prior approval but which pacified secessionist elements and secured the rail hub.^[4]^[9]^[22] This maneuver, involving no major combat but effective show of force, prevented Maryland's potential secession and protected Washington's northern approaches.^[4] In recognition of these efforts to safeguard the capital, Lincoln commissioned Butler as a major general of volunteers on May 16, 1861, making him the first such appointee in the Union Army and elevating him to federal command authority.^[9]^[4] Shortly thereafter, on May 22, 1861, Butler transferred to command the Department of Virginia, headquartered at Fort Monroe, marking the transition from his initial Eastern Seaboard stabilization operations.^[23]

Fort Monroe Command and Contraband Policy

Benjamin Butler assumed command of Fort Monroe and the Department of Virginia on May 22, 1861, shortly after Virginia's secession, positioning the fort as a key Union stronghold at Hampton Roads to secure supply lines and probe Confederate defenses.^[23]^[12] On May 23, he dispatched troops to nearby Hampton to disrupt local secessionist activities, including voting on Virginia's ordinance of secession, signaling Union intent to maintain control in the region despite limited forces.^[24] These early actions set the stage for Butler's pragmatic approach to local challenges, including the arrival of enslaved individuals fleeing Confederate lines. On May 24, 1861, three enslaved men—Frank Baker, James Townsend, and Shepard Mallory—escaped from Confederate fortifications at Sewell's Point, where they had been compelled to labor on batteries opposing Fort Monroe, and sought refuge within Union lines.^[12] Butler refused their owner's demand for return under the Fugitive Slave Act, instead classifying them as "contraband of war"—property destined for enemy use that the Union could seize and deny to rebels, circumventing constitutional obligations since Virginia's secession rendered slaveholders enemies rather than citizens.^[25] In a May 27 dispatch to Lt. Gen. Winfield Scott, Butler elaborated that such runaways, valued collectively at over $60,000, represented a military necessity to weaken Confederate logistics, though he expressed uncertainty on broader treatment, proposing to employ able-bodied men while supporting dependents.^[26] The policy rapidly expanded as news spread, drawing dozens more fugitives by late May and swelling to approximately 900–1,000 by mid-summer, overwhelming Fort Monroe's capacity and prompting Butler to organize labor details for fortification work and establish camps like Camp Hamilton.^[27]^[28] The War Department endorsed the approach on May 30 but restricted it to slaves directly aiding Confederate military efforts, while President Lincoln permitted its continuation despite initial reservations over provoking border states.^[29] Following Confederate forces' burning of Hampton on August 7, 1861, to deny Union use amid advancing threats, Butler resettled contrabands in the ruins, fostering the Grand Contraband Camp—known as "Slabtown"—the first self-contained freed Black community in the South, where residents built homes from debris and contributed to Union efforts.^[12]^[30] Congress codified the policy in the First Confiscation Act of August 6, 1861, marking an early shift toward emancipation by treating slaves as forfeitable rebel assets.^[27]

Capture and Administration of New Orleans (1862)

The Union Navy, under Flag Officer David G. Farragut, captured New Orleans on April 25, 1862, after his fleet of 24 gunboats and 19 mortar vessels ran past Confederate Forts Jackson and St. Philip on the lower Mississippi River during the night of April 24–25, suffering minimal losses despite heavy bombardment.^[31]^[32] The city's defenses collapsed without significant resistance, as Confederate forces evacuated key positions, leaving New Orleans—the Confederacy's largest port and economic hub—vulnerable to Union control.^[33] Major General Benjamin F. Butler arrived by sea on May 1, 1862, with approximately 5,000 Union troops from Ship Island, Mississippi, and assumed military command of the occupied city without opposition, establishing federal authority over its 168,000 residents amid widespread Confederate sympathy.^[3]^[34] Butler's administration, lasting until December 16, 1862, imposed martial law to restore order, including bans on public assemblies and censorship of pro-Confederate newspapers, while confiscating cotton—estimated at over 300,000 bales—as a war resource to fund Union efforts and stimulate Northern mills, reversing initial trade allowances for owners who refused loyalty oaths.^[35] He organized economic revival by employing freed slaves and local laborers at Union wages for infrastructure projects, such as levee repairs and street cleaning, which generated revenue through cotton exports under federal supervision.^[36] Public health measures addressed the city's chronic sanitation issues and yellow fever risks; Butler enforced quarantines, mandated garbage collection, and drained stagnant waters, drastically reducing disease mortality from thousands annually pre-war to near zero during his tenure.^[33]^[37] Civilian policies provoked intense backlash, exemplified by General Order No. 28 issued on May 15, 1862, which decreed that women showing contempt for Union officers—such as by dumping chamber pots or spitting on troops—would be regarded as prostitutes and subject to arrest, a response to documented harassment of federal personnel that aimed to deter sabotage but fueled accusations of tyranny.^[38]^[39] Confederate President Jefferson Davis responded by declaring Butler an outlaw on May 27, exempt from prisoner-of-war protections, while locals dubbed him "Beast Butler" for perceived humiliations.^[38] Butler authorized the execution of William B. Mumford on June 7, 1862, for treason after Mumford tore down a U.S. flag from a federal mint in April, prior to occupation but viewed by Butler as defiance warranting capital punishment under martial law.^[40] On racial matters, Butler extended his earlier "contraband" policy by employing emancipated slaves in labor roles, paying them wages, and authorizing the recruitment of African American troops; on September 27, 1862, he mustered the 1st Louisiana Native Guard as the first official Union black regiment, including commissioned black officers, predating broader emancipation and challenging prevailing prejudices against arming freedmen.^[41]^[36] These actions stabilized occupation amid resource shortages but alienated white elites, contributing to Butler's relief by General Nathaniel P. Banks, whose less stringent approach allowed renewed Confederate intrigue.^[36] Despite controversies, Butler's governance secured New Orleans as a Union base, preventing its recapture and yielding logistical advantages for Mississippi River campaigns.^[42]

Public Health and Infrastructure Measures

Butler assumed command of New Orleans on May 1, 1862, inheriting a city plagued by unsanitary conditions exacerbated by Confederate evacuation and wartime neglect, which threatened outbreaks of yellow fever, cholera, and typhoid. To address these risks, he mobilized thousands of laborers—including unemployed residents and Union troops—for a comprehensive cleanup, directing the flushing of gutters, sweeping of debris, and scouring of sewers, canals, streets, and public markets that had become disease vectors.^[6] ^[43] Military inspectors enforced resident compliance by requiring households and yards to be cleared to standards aimed at mosquito control and waste removal, while a quarantine system was established to isolate potential carriers.^[44] These public health initiatives were complemented by infrastructure repairs to restore functionality and support economic recovery. Butler launched a public works program that rebuilt wharves destroyed by retreating Confederates and reinforced deteriorating levees along the Mississippi River, preventing flooding and enabling resumed commerce critical to the city's revival as a Union administrative hub.^[37] ^[45] By December 1862, when relieved of command, these measures had notably reduced disease incidence and stabilized basic services, though sustained improvements required ongoing federal investment.^[36]

Economic Management and Cotton Confiscations

Butler assumed formal command of New Orleans on May 1, 1862, inheriting a city facing acute shortages after Confederate forces evacuated key assets, including burning much of the cotton stockpile. To avert famine among the population of approximately 150,000, he promptly authorized limited trade resumption, issuing permits for Northern vessels to import foodstuffs and necessities while enforcing strict inspections to curb smuggling and disease risks. These measures, though criticized for elevated prices controlled by military oversight, successfully stabilized supply chains and prevented widespread starvation, with food imports arriving via the Mississippi River despite ongoing blockades.^[46]^[35] Butler addressed currency instability by issuing General Order No. 30 in early June 1862, which deprecated Confederate notes and mandated their exchange for U.S. greenbacks at a fixed rate, compelling local banks and merchants to accept federal currency under penalty of seizure. This policy restored confidence in transactions, enabling banks to reopen and facilitating economic activity, though it initially sparked resistance from institutions holding Confederate bonds.^[37] Central to his economic strategy were cotton confiscations, as New Orleans warehouses held substantial pre-war stockpiles amid the South's dominant export commodity. On May 4, 1862, General Order No. 22 declared all cotton and sugar in the city—estimated in tens of thousands of bales post-Confederate fires—to be Union property unless owners petitioned within ten days and swore loyalty oaths proving non-rebellious intent. Confiscated holdings from disloyal parties or abandoned Confederate assets were auctioned publicly, with proceeds remitted to the U.S. Treasury to fund occupation costs and war efforts; Butler reported turning over revenues exceeding $400,000 from such sales by mid-1862, though total exported cotton under his lax permit system reached around 300,000 bales, blending legal trade with seizures.^[47]^[48]^[35] These policies generated controversy, with Southern critics and later congressional probes alleging rigged auctions, permit favoritism toward Butler's brother Andrew, and personal enrichment via "prizes of war" declarations that bypassed Treasury claims. Butler defended the actions as lawful under military necessity and international prize law, arguing they deprived the Confederacy of resources while sustaining Union finances, though investigations found evidence of speculative abuses without direct proof of his complicity.^[49]^[37]

Civilian Policies and Controversies

Butler imposed martial law upon capturing New Orleans on May 1, 1862, declaring that all inhabitants would be held accountable for aiding the Confederacy and prohibiting public assemblies without permission to maintain order among Union troops facing civilian hostility.^[50] This policy extended to suppressing overt acts of defiance, such as the removal of Union flags, which Butler viewed as treasonous under President Lincoln's May 1861 proclamation authorizing execution for such offenses committed after that date.^[51] A central controversy arose from General Order No. 28, issued on May 15, 1862, in response to repeated insults directed at Union soldiers by local women, including dumping chamber pots from balconies and verbal abuse.^[52] The order stipulated: "As the officers and soldiers of the United States have been subject to repeated insults from the women (calling themselves ladies) of New Orleans... when any female shall, by word, gesture, or movement, insult or show contempt for any officer or soldier of the United States, she shall be regarded and held liable to be treated as a woman of the town plying her avocation."^[53] Butler intended this to deter harassment by invoking social stigma—treating offenders as prostitutes subject to arrest and confinement by military police—rather than authorizing physical assault, leveraging Southern norms of female honor to enforce compliance without widespread violence.^[52] The decree provoked intense backlash, with Confederate sympathizers decrying it as an assault on Southern womanhood; it drew diplomatic protests from Britain and France, who viewed it as condoning indecency, and contributed to Butler's eventual removal by President Lincoln on December 16, 1862.^[39] Despite claims of license for rape, historical accounts indicate no documented instances of such enforcement under the order, and it reportedly reduced overt civilian antagonism in the city.^[52] Another flashpoint was the execution of William B. Mumford on June 7, 1862, the only civilian hanged for treason by the U.S. government during the Civil War. Mumford, a local gambler, had torn down and trampled a U.S. flag displayed at the U.S. Mint on April 24, 1862, prior to the formal occupation but after Lincoln's proclamation.^[40] Butler ordered a military commission trial, convicted Mumford of inciting rebellion, and hanged him publicly at the Mint site, stating it served as a deterrent and warning to secessionists.^[51] Confederate propaganda elevated Mumford to martyr status, amplifying perceptions of Butler's rule as despotic, though Union defenders argued the act upheld federal authority in a captured city rife with sabotage risks.^[51] Butler's policies also included exiling prominent secessionists, such as Eugenia Phillips, a socialite arrested in June 1862 for mocking Union officers and ridiculing a report of Confederate deaths; she was banished to Ship Island under guard. These measures, while effective in quelling organized resistance—evidenced by stabilized municipal functions and reduced guerrilla activity—fueled enduring resentment among New Orleanians, who nicknamed Butler "Beast" for prioritizing military discipline over conciliatory governance.^[54] Critics, including Confederate officials, charged him with arbitrary seizures and humiliations, though primary records show such actions targeted active disloyalty rather than indiscriminate punishment.^[50]

Army of the James and Bermuda Hundred Campaign (1864)

In May 1864, as part of Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant's coordinated offensive against Confederate forces in Virginia, Major General Benjamin F. Butler received command of the Army of the James, comprising the X Corps under Major General Quincy A. Gillmore and the XVIII Corps under Major General William F. Smith, with a total strength of approximately 33,000 men.^[55] Butler's orders directed him to transport the army up the James River, land at Bermuda Hundred—a peninsula formed by the James and Appomattox rivers—and advance westward to sever the Richmond and Petersburg Railroad, thereby isolating Richmond from the south and threatening the Confederate capital directly.^[55] ^[56] The operation aimed to divert Confederate attention and resources from Grant's Army of the Potomac, which was engaging General Robert E. Lee in the Overland Campaign.^[57] On May 5, 1864, Butler's troops disembarked unopposed at Bermuda Hundred and began probing advances toward key objectives, including the rail lines at Petersburg, about 15 miles southwest.^[55] Initial movements included skirmishes at Port Walthall Junction on May 6–7, where Union forces under Gillmore repelled Confederate counterattacks but failed to destroy the railroad due to inadequate artillery support and coordination.^[58] Butler then shifted focus northward toward Drewry's Bluff, Confederate fortifications guarding the James River approaches to Richmond, but his advance stalled amid swampy terrain, supply issues, and internal command frictions—Smith and Gillmore, both West Point graduates, resented serving under the politically appointed Butler.^[56] By May 12, General P.G.T. Beauregard, commanding fewer than 20,000 Confederate troops scraped together from regional garrisons, had concentrated forces to block Butler's path, exploiting the Union's hesitation to entrench along the Bermuda Hundred neck.^[57] The campaign's decisive actions unfolded between May 16 and 20, 1864, during the Battles of Drewry's Bluff and Ware Bottom Church. On May 16, Butler launched an assault on Beauregard's lines at Drewry's Bluff (also known as Proctor's Creek), but heavy rains, fortified positions, and Confederate reinforcements under Major General George Pickett halted the Union attack, inflicting about 2,900 casualties on Butler's forces compared to 2,500 for the Confederates.^[58] Four days later, on May 20, Beauregard counterattacked at Ware Bottom Church with eight brigades, aiming to dislodge Butler from his entrenchments; the assault failed against prepared Union defenses, resulting in roughly 1,100 Confederate losses to 700 Union, but it solidified the containment of Butler's army within the Bermuda Hundred bottleneck.^[57] These engagements, marked by Butler's reluctance to press aggressive maneuvers despite numerical superiority, allowed Beauregard to "bottle up" the Army of the James, preventing it from achieving Grant's strategic objectives or linking with the Army of the Potomac.^[56] By late May 1864, Butler's command had dug in defensively, conducting only limited raids and demonstrations while immobilized by the narrow peninsula's geography and ongoing Confederate pressure; this inaction tied down Union troops without disrupting Lee's supply lines, contributing to Grant's decision in June to redirect Butler's forces southward for the Petersburg Campaign.^[55] The Bermuda Hundred Campaign thus exemplified Butler's operational shortcomings—cautious tactics, poor inter-corps coordination, and failure to exploit early landings—despite the army's potential to alter the Overland Campaign's dynamics, as later military analyses have noted based on terrain feasibility and troop dispositions.^[58] Overall, the operation inflicted minimal lasting damage on Confederate logistics, with Union casualties exceeding 4,000 across the month's actions, while failing to capture Petersburg or Richmond.^[56] Later that year, in November 1864, Butler arrived in New York City with approximately 4,000 troops from the Army of the James on orders from Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton to maintain order during the presidential election on November 8, amid concerns of potential violence similar to the 1863 Draft Riots. The presence of these forces helped ensure the election proceeded without major disturbances.^[59]^[60]

Fort Fisher Expedition and Relief from Command (1865)

In December 1864, Union Major General Benjamin F. Butler assumed personal command of a joint Army-Navy expedition targeting Fort Fisher, the earthwork stronghold guarding the Confederate port of Wilmington, North Carolina, with the objective of eliminating the last major blockade-running hub supplying the Confederacy.^[61] The force comprised approximately 6,500 Army troops transported by Rear Admiral David D. Porter's North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, which included over 60 vessels.^[62] Butler's plan incorporated an experimental tactic: detonating a "powder ship," the USS Louisiana—loaded with 215 tons of gunpowder—as a massive explosive to breach the fort's defenses, executed on December 24, 1864; the blast produced a visible column of water and debris but inflicted no measurable structural damage or casualties on the Confederate garrison of about 1,400–1,700 men under Colonel William Lamb.^[63] ^[64] Porter's fleet followed with an intense bombardment starting December 24 and continuing into December 25, firing 20,271 projectiles—the war's heaviest naval concentration—which damaged only four Confederate guns and killed or wounded 23 defenders, leaving the fort's palisades, traverses, and primary batteries largely intact as shells largely overshot the targets, as evidenced by the more effective bombardment in the subsequent attack under similar fort conditions.^[62] ^[63] ^[65] On December 25, Butler's troops under Brigadier General Godfrey Weitzel landed unopposed north of the fort amid rough surf that sank several vessels, advancing to within 700 yards of the works; a small reconnaissance party advanced to within 50 yards of the land face, encountering little return fire as Confederate defenders remained suppressed in bombproofs by the ongoing naval bombardment, prompting Weitzel—based primarily on visual assessment of the fort's intact and formidable defenses—to report the position as untenable without massive reinforcements.^[61] ^[66]^[67] Faced with reports of potential Confederate reinforcements from Wilmington—later assessed as minimal—and deteriorating weather, Butler ordered re-embarkation on December 27 without a full infantry assault, declaring Fort Fisher "one of the strongest fortifications on this continent" and beyond capture by available forces.^[61] ^[66] The expedition returned to Hampton Roads, Virginia, having suffered minimal casualties from weather, re-embarkation challenges, and minor skirmishes, while achieving no strategic gains. The aborted operation drew sharp rebuke from Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant, who viewed Butler's withdrawal as premature and reflective of prior hesitancy in campaigns like Bermuda Hundred, telegraphing on January 6, 1865, that the effort represented a "gross failure" unfit for further command responsibility.^[66] On January 8, 1865, Grant formally relieved Butler of all field and departmental commands, citing the Fort Fisher fiasco alongside earlier shortcomings, and reassigned him to administrative duties at Lowell, Massachusetts; Butler protested the decision as politically motivated but offered no resignation, ending his active combat role.^[66] ^[61] A subsequent expedition under Major General Alfred H. Terry captured Fort Fisher on January 15, 1865, validating Grant's assessment that the fort was assailable with determined land assault coordinated with naval fire.^[66]

Military Record: Strategic Decisions, Failures, and Defenses

Butler’s early strategic initiative at Big Bethel in June 1861 aimed to dislodge Confederate forces threatening Union positions on the Virginia Peninsula by coordinating advances from Hampton and Newport News against Little and Big Bethel Churches. On June 10, approximately 3,500 Union troops under subordinates Pierce and Duryée advanced but suffered confusion from similar uniforms, resulting in friendly fire that killed several soldiers, including Major Theodore Winthrop, and prompted a disorganized retreat after light skirmishing, with 79 Union casualties to 18 Confederate. The plan's complexity overwhelmed inexperienced volunteers, and Butler's absence from the field exacerbated coordination failures, earning criticism for overambition without adequate preparation.^[68] In his memoirs, Butler defended the operation as essential to preempt Confederate raids and secure supply lines, arguing that success would have neutralized Magruder's outpost and that subordinate errors, not strategic flaws, caused the setback.^[69] The Bermuda Hundred Campaign of May 1864 represented Butler's most significant independent command, with his 30,000-man Army of the James landing unopposed on May 6 to threaten Richmond from the south and divert Beauregard's 18,000 Confederates from Grant's Overland Campaign. Despite initial gains, Butler hesitated to exploit momentum, failing to cut key railroads or advance beyond Swift Creek by May 16, allowing Beauregard to entrench at Drewry's Bluff and trap Butler's forces in a 6-by-10-mile pocket, rendering them ineffective for three weeks.^[70] This inaction, dubbed the "Bermuda Hundred Folly," drew sharp rebuke from Grant for timidity amid favorable odds, as Butler prioritized entrenching over aggressive maneuvers despite numerical superiority.^[71] Butler countered in Butler's Book that dense swamps, rapid Confederate reinforcements, and unreliable subordinates like Baldy Smith necessitated caution to avoid encirclement, claiming his position still tied down Beauregard and prevented reinforcements to Lee, though military historians largely view this as self-justification amid evident hesitation.^[36] Butler's final major operation, the December 1864 expedition against Fort Fisher, incorporated his proposal for a 400-ton powder ship detonation on December 24 to shatter the Confederate stronghold guarding Wilmington, but the explosion caused negligible damage, followed by a landing of 6,500 troops that reconnaissance deemed the fort too formidable for assault without excessive risk.^[64] Withdrawing on December 25 after minimal probing, the failure prompted Grant to relieve Butler, citing incompetence in forgoing a concerted attack despite naval superiority from Admiral Porter.^[72] A Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War partially vindicated Butler, concluding the fort's revetted walls and garrison of 1,400 rendered an infantry assault untenable based on observed conditions. In Butler's Book, Butler elaborated that incomplete naval bombardment and the powder ship's inadequacy—due to insufficient explosive yield—precluded success, emphasizing his prudent avoidance of futile casualties over rash aggression.^[73]^[69] Across these engagements, Butler's record reflects politically motivated appointments yielding strategic intent—such as pinning Confederate forces or capturing key ports—but undermined by tactical deficiencies, including overreliance on untested innovations and aversion to decisive combat against entrenched foes. While contemporaries like Grant dismissed him as unfit, Butler's defenses, rooted in post-hoc rationales of terrain, intelligence, and logistics, highlight causal factors like his civilian background and command of raw recruits, though empirical outcomes affirm persistent underperformance in battlefield execution.^[74]

Reconstruction and Post-War Political Involvement

Advocacy for Harsher Southern Policies

Butler entered the U.S. House of Representatives in December 1866 as a Radical Republican, immediately aligning against President Andrew Johnson's lenient Reconstruction approach, which had facilitated the rapid reorganization of Southern state governments with minimal safeguards for freedmen and former Confederate elites retaining power.^[75]^[18] He viewed Johnson's pardons and restoration policies as failing to exact sufficient accountability from secessionists, arguing that the South's provisional governments perpetuated rebellion through black codes and exclusion of African Americans from political participation.^[76] In alignment with Radical leaders like Thaddeus Stevens, Butler advocated delaying the readmission of Southern states until they met stringent congressional conditions, including ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment and adoption of constitutions guaranteeing black male suffrage.^[18] He endorsed the Reconstruction Acts of March 1867, which imposed military governance over the former Confederacy by dividing it into five districts commanded by Union generals, overriding Johnson's state restorations and enforcing federal oversight to suppress insurgent elements and secure civil rights.^[77] This framework reflected Butler's insistence on punitive restructuring to dismantle oligarchic rebel influence, prioritizing loyalty oaths, disenfranchisement of high-ranking Confederates under the Fourteenth Amendment's third section, and protection against violence targeting Unionists and freedmen.^[76] Butler's congressional rhetoric emphasized retribution against "rebel" leadership to prevent resurgence of disloyalty, supporting measures like expanded Freedmen's Bureau authority and the Civil Rights Act of 1866 to nullify discriminatory Southern laws, even as he acknowledged practical limits on land confiscation for redistribution.^[5] These positions stemmed from his wartime experiences with Southern resistance, where he had witnessed evasion of Union authority, leading him to favor sustained federal intervention over amnesty as the causal mechanism for lasting pacification and republican governance.^[18]

Role in Impeachment of Andrew Johnson

Benjamin Butler was appointed as one of seven managers by the U.S. House of Representatives on March 2, 1868, to prosecute the impeachment of President Andrew Johnson following the House's approval of eleven articles of impeachment on February 24, 1868.^[78] The managers included Thaddeus Stevens, John A. Bingham, George S. Boutwell, James F. Wilson, Thomas Williams, and John A. Logan, with Stevens serving as chairman despite his failing health.^[79] Butler, a Radical Republican aligned with efforts to enforce strict Reconstruction policies, had earlier proposed an impeachment article on February 22, 1868, accusing Johnson of committing a high misdemeanor through "intemperate, inflammatory, and scandalous harangues" in public speeches that allegedly incited disloyalty and obstructed congressional reconstruction acts.^[79] Although this specific article influenced debate, the adopted articles primarily focused on Johnson's removal of Secretary of War Edwin Stanton in violation of the Tenure of Office Act of 1867.^[78] On March 5, 1868, Butler delivered the opening argument for the prosecution before the Senate sitting as a high court of impeachment, framing Johnson's actions as a deliberate usurpation of legislative authority and a breach of his constitutional oath.^[80] In his address, Butler contended that Johnson's defiance of Congress demonstrated "purposeful violation" of law, likening it to monarchical overreach and arguing that the president's speeches and appointments revealed intent to undermine Reconstruction.^[81] With Stevens too ill to lead effectively, Butler assumed a prominent prosecutorial role, coordinating arguments among managers and responding to defense challenges, including rebuttals to claims that the Tenure of Office Act was unconstitutional.^[76] His presentation, while rhetorically forceful, drew criticism from Johnson's counsel, such as Benjamin Curtis, who targeted perceived weaknesses in the legal framing of high crimes and misdemeanors.^[82] Throughout the trial, which spanned from March 5 to May 26, 1868, Butler participated in examining witnesses and presenting evidence on Johnson's alleged obstructions, though the prosecution struggled with partisan divisions in the Senate.^[83] The effort culminated in acquittals on the key articles by single-vote margins—35-19 on May 16 for Article XI (though not Butler's proposed speech article directly) and 35-19 on May 26 for Article III—falling short of the required two-thirds majority.^[78] Butler's involvement underscored Radical Republican determination to remove Johnson for his lenient Southern policies, but the failure highlighted limits of impeachment as a partisan tool absent broader consensus.^[79]

Support for Civil Rights Legislation

During his tenure in the U.S. House of Representatives as a Radical Republican, Benjamin F. Butler championed federal legislation to secure civil rights for newly freed African Americans amid widespread Southern resistance. As chairman of the House Committee on Reconstruction from 1869, he drafted the Enforcement Act of 1871, commonly known as the Ku Klux Klan Act, which authorized the president to suspend habeas corpus, deploy federal troops, and prosecute conspiracies depriving citizens of constitutional rights, targeting vigilante violence against Black voters and citizens.^[5] The act passed on April 20, 1871, and enabled hundreds of prosecutions, though enforcement waned after the 1876 election.^[5] Butler actively supported the Fourteenth Amendment, ratified in 1868, which guaranteed equal protection under the law, and the Fifteenth Amendment, ratified in 1870, which prohibited racial discrimination in voting; he viewed these as essential to counter state-level disenfranchisement and pressed for their vigorous implementation during Reconstruction debates.^[84] His advocacy extended to earlier Enforcement Acts of 1870 and 1871, which he helped shape to protect Black suffrage through federal oversight of elections and penalties for intimidation.^[85] In the 42nd Congress, Butler co-authored the Civil Rights Act of 1875 with Senator Charles Sumner, prohibiting exclusion from public accommodations, transportation, schools, and juries based on race or prior servitude; the bill passed the House on May 21, 1874, and Senate on February 27, 1875, before being signed into law on March 1, 1875.^[5] During floor debates, Butler argued that national authority was required for "practical freedom," citing his own shift from pre-war states'-rights views to endorsing federal intervention after witnessing slavery's effects, though the Supreme Court struck down key provisions in 1883's Civil Rights Cases as exceeding congressional power under the Fourteenth Amendment.^[86]^[6] These efforts reflected Butler's commitment to overriding local prejudices through statutes, even as they drew opposition from conservatives decrying federal overreach.^[87]

Congressional Career

Elections and Terms in the House (1867–1875, 1877–1879)

Butler secured election to the United States House of Representatives in November 1866 as a Republican representing Massachusetts's 5th congressional district, capitalizing on his military reputation and advocacy for civil rights measures amid opposition to President Andrew Johnson's policies.^[1]^[75] He assumed office on March 4, 1867, for the 40th Congress (1867–1869), succeeding John B. Alley.^[1] Butler won re-election in 1868 and 1870, continuing to represent the 5th district through the 41st Congress (1869–1871) and 42nd Congress (1871–1873).^[1] Following redistricting after the 1870 census, he successfully ran in 1872 for the newly configured 6th district, serving in the 43rd Congress (1873–1875).^[1] His consistent victories reflected strong support in industrial areas like Lowell and Essex County, where his Radical Republican stance on Reconstruction resonated with voters.^[75] In the 1874 election, Butler lost his bid for another term in the 6th district amid a broader national Republican backlash triggered by economic downturns and scandals associated with the Grant administration.^[75]^[1] This defeat interrupted his congressional service, as Democrats gained seats across Massachusetts and the country in that year's off-year elections. Butler reclaimed a House seat in November 1876, winning election to represent the 7th district in the 45th Congress (1877–1879), further demonstrating his enduring regional appeal despite intraparty tensions within the Republican ranks.^[1]^[75] His platform emphasized continued commitment to Republican principles, though his independent streak soon led to conflicts with party leadership under President Rutherford B. Hayes.^[75] He did not seek re-election in 1878, concluding this phase of his legislative career.^[1]

Key Legislative Actions and Conflicts

During his tenure in the U.S. House of Representatives, Benjamin F. Butler focused on legislation enforcing Reconstruction policies, particularly measures to safeguard the rights of freedmen against violence and discrimination in the South. As chairman of the House Committee on Reconstruction, he championed federal intervention to counter resistance from former Confederates, authoring bills that expanded the scope of national authority over civil rights protections.^[5] In February 1871, Butler introduced an initial bill targeting the Ku Klux Klan and similar paramilitary groups terrorizing Black voters and Republicans, which authorized the suspension of habeas corpus and deployment of federal forces to suppress conspiracies depriving citizens of constitutional rights.^[5] Although his version faced initial defeat amid debates over federal overreach, a revised form sponsored by Representative Samuel Shellabarger passed as the Enforcement Act of 1871 (Ku Klux Klan Act) on April 20, 1871, empowering the president to use military power against such organizations and leading to hundreds of arrests in the following years.^[88] Butler defended the measure vigorously in floor debates, arguing it was essential to prevent anarchy in Southern states where local authorities colluded with terrorists.^[5] Butler also served as the chief House sponsor for the Civil Rights Act of 1875, co-authored with Senator Charles Sumner, which prohibited racial discrimination in public accommodations, transportation, schools, and jury selection, aiming to guarantee equal civil rights under the 14th Amendment.^[5] ^[85] The bill passed the House on February 4, 1875, and the full act on March 1, 1875, despite fierce opposition from Democrats decrying it as an infringement on states' rights and private property.^[89] These efforts drew Butler into protracted conflicts with Southern representatives and conservative Republicans, who accused him of exacerbating sectional tensions; his combative rhetoric, including references to ongoing lynchings and election fraud, intensified partisan clashes but underscored his commitment to "practical freedom" for African Americans.^[85] The act's provisions were largely invalidated by the Supreme Court in the Civil Rights Cases of 1883, highlighting the limits of Butler's legislative push amid waning national support for Reconstruction.^[5]

Relationship with Ulysses S. Grant and Republican Factions

Butler commanded the Army of the James under Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant's overall direction starting in May 1864, when Grant reorganized Union forces for the Overland Campaign and assigned Butler to operate against Richmond from the east via the James River.^[90] Grant retained Butler in this role despite his earlier failure at the Battle of Big Bethel in June 1861, viewing him as politically useful amid Radical Republican influence in Washington, though Grant privately doubted Butler's tactical competence and relied more on subordinates like Quincy Gillmore and Godfrey Weitzel.^[91] Tensions escalated after Butler's failed joint expedition against Fort Fisher on December 24–25, 1864; Grant, frustrated by the aborted assault and Admiral David D. Porter's criticism, relieved Butler of command on January 8, 1865, via a terse order stating the operation's failure rendered repairs impossible and that Butler's successor was already appointed, effectively ending Butler's field command without court-martial.^[92] The relief order humiliated Butler, who argued it ignored hydrographic challenges and Porter's premature report of clear channels, fostering personal animosity that Butler later described as Grant's "unjust" dismissal motivated by professional jealousy rather than strategic necessity.^[6] Despite this rift, Butler, as a Radical Republican, aligned politically with Grant during the 1868 presidential campaign, exerting influence as a House spokesman for the administration on Reconstruction enforcement and viewing Grant's military record as a bulwark against Democratic resurgence, though he campaigned for his own congressional re-election that year without fully endorsing Grant amid lingering resentment.^[93] Within Republican factions, Butler embodied Radical hardliners pushing aggressive Southern policies, contrasting with Grant's more pragmatic enforcement of congressional Reconstruction acts, yet he collaborated with the administration against President Andrew Johnson's moderates and the emerging Liberal Republican splinter in 1872, which criticized Grant's perceived corruption and Reconstruction overreach.^[75] Butler's independent maneuvers, such as advocating labor-friendly tariffs and clashing with Massachusetts party regulars over patronage, strained ties with Stalwart machine politicians loyal to Grant, positioning him as a factional bridge between Radicals and reformers until economic pressures like the Panic of 1873 amplified his critiques of Grant's fiscal inaction.^[93] By Grant's second term, Butler's influence waned as scandals tarnished the administration, though no direct evidence links him to graft beyond unproven suspicions in cases like the Sanborn incident.^[10]

Gubernatorial Term and Presidential Ambitions

Massachusetts Governorship (1883–1884)

Benjamin Franklin Butler was elected governor of Massachusetts on November 7, 1882, running as the nominee of both the Democratic Party and the National Greenback Labor Party, defeating Republican Robert R. Bishop in a contest marked by Butler's appeal to working-class voters disillusioned with Republican dominance.^[7] He assumed office on January 4, 1883, for a one-year term under the state's annual election system at the time.^[7] Butler's victory represented a rare break from Republican control of the governorship, which had persisted since the Civil War, and reflected his shift toward advocating for paper money expansion and labor protections as antidotes to perceived economic inequities favoring industrial elites.^[94] Throughout his tenure, Butler prioritized investigations into state institutions, most notably exposing severe abuses at the Tewksbury State Almshouse and Hospital, where inmates suffered from neglect, malnutrition, and inadequate care under prior administrations. On July 15, 1883, Butler delivered a detailed argument before the Tewksbury Investigation Committee, citing firsthand evidence of mismanagement and calling for reforms to prevent such systemic failures in public welfare facilities.^[95] He also scrutinized other charitable organizations for potential misuse of funds, though these probes yielded no major prosecutions or structural changes. Pro-labor in orientation, Butler supported measures aligned with Greenback principles, such as opposing vetoes on worker-friendly legislation to maintain support from his base, while clashing with the Republican-controlled legislature over fiscal policies.^[96] His administration emphasized administrative oversight and populist economic views, but critics decried his methods as sensationalist and disruptive to established governance norms.^[94] Butler's term ended amid escalating controversies, including accusations of demagoguery and failure to deliver promised reforms, culminating in his unexpected defeat for reelection on November 6, 1883, to Republican George D. Robinson, who capitalized on voter fatigue with Butler's combative style.^[7] ^[94] The loss highlighted the limits of Butler's radical coalition in a state wary of his audacious tactics, despite his successes in spotlighting institutional corruption, and paved the way for his subsequent national ambitions with the Greenback Party.^[94]

Policy Initiatives and Challenges

During his single term as governor, Butler prioritized labor protections, advocating for legislation to enforce a ten-hour workday for industrial workers amid growing public pressure against exploitative fourteen-hour shifts in Massachusetts mills.^[10] Although a formal ten-hour bill failed in legislative committee, Butler's campaign amplified labor agitation, prompting some corporations to voluntarily reduce hours to avert unrest, marking an indirect policy success aligned with his long-standing support for workers' rights.^[10] Butler aggressively targeted institutional corruption, most notably by vetoing an appropriation bill for the Tewksbury State Almshouse on grounds of documented mismanagement, extravagance, and abuse under prior Republican administrations, which compelled the Republican-dominated legislature to launch a formal investigation revealing theft, inmate mistreatment, and unauthorized body sales for medical dissection.^[97]^[98] The probe, initiated in 1883, exposed conflicts of interest among trustees and systemic neglect, leading to reforms in oversight but highlighting Butler's reliance on confrontational tactics against entrenched state boards.^[97] In a nod to inclusive governance, Butler appointed George Lewis Ruffin as the first African American to a judgeship on the Boston Municipal Court and Edward J. Donovan as the first Irish American to the state's Board of Health, Lunacy, and Charity, actions that advanced representation for marginalized groups but drew ire from nativist and elite factions wary of his populist alliances.^[99] These initiatives faced substantial hurdles from a hostile Republican legislature, which controlled both chambers and frequently blocked or diluted Butler's proposals, including selective vetoes of labor bills he deemed insufficiently protective, as he balanced worker demands against fiscal prudence.^[96] His abrasive style exacerbated feuds with conservative business interests and the Yankee establishment, contributing to legislative gridlock and his decisive defeat in the 1883 reelection bid against Republican George D. Robinson, who capitalized on perceptions of Butler's radicalism.^[7]^[10] The one-year term limited sustained implementation, underscoring the challenges of governing as an independent Democrat backed by labor and Greenback elements in a polarized political landscape.^[7]

Controversies and Public Reception

Butler encountered significant opposition during his single term as governor from Republican-dominated institutions and elites, who viewed his reforms as partisan assaults on established practices. In his January 8, 1883, inaugural address, he publicly charged the Tewksbury Almshouse with gross mismanagement, financial malfeasance, and abuses including the unauthorized sale of deceased paupers' bodies for medical dissection under prior Republican administrations; he followed this by vetoing an appropriation bill for the facility, escalating the scandal into a major political controversy that highlighted systemic neglect of the poor and indigent but was criticized as opportunistic electioneering ahead of his presidential ambitions.^[100]^[101] Similarly, Butler sought to eliminate the Sherborn women's reformatory in a veto message, citing inefficiencies, though the legislature overrode this; he later reformed it by appointing Clara Barton as superintendent on March 27, 1883, marking the first such female-led institution in the U.S. and aiming to improve conditions for female inmates, yet drawing ire from conservatives wary of his interventionist style.^[96]^[102] Legislative clashes further fueled disputes, as Butler vetoed measures like a request to adjourn the legislature to August 1883, insisting on ongoing oversight, which prolonged sessions and heightened tensions with Republican majorities who accused him of authoritarianism.^[103] His pro-labor stance, including advocacy for working-class interests aligned with Greenback principles, alienated business leaders, while his dramatic public persona—described contemporaneously as marked by "ridiculous love of display and sensation"—amplified perceptions of him as audacious and unfit for sober governance.^[96] Public reception polarized along class and partisan lines: Butler retained strong support from Irish immigrants, laborers, and reformers who praised his exposures of institutional corruption and defense of the vulnerable, positioning him as a champion against elite complacency.^[10] However, establishment Republicans and the press lambasted him as a demagogue, with accusations peaking during the 1883 gubernatorial campaign where he alleged Republican importation of out-of-state "repeaters" to sway votes, prompting him to deploy the 9th Regiment to monitor polls—a move decried as militarizing elections.^[10] This divisiveness culminated in his narrow defeat for reelection on November 6, 1883, to Republican George D. Robinson by about 10,000 votes out of over 200,000 cast, reflecting a backlash from business interests and moderates weary of his confrontational tactics despite his initial 1882 victory as an independent Democrat.^[7]

1884 Greenback Presidential Campaign

Benjamin Franklin Butler secured the presidential nomination of the Greenback Labor Party at its national convention held in Indianapolis, Indiana, on May 29–30, 1884, where delegates from 28 states endorsed him over other contenders amid internal debates on fusion with major parties.^[104] The party's platform emphasized the expansion of legal tender paper currency as a vindication against recent Supreme Court rulings limiting greenbacks, repeal of the Specie Resumption Act of 1875 to prevent deflationary pressures on debtors, protection of labor through shorter workdays and anti-monopoly measures targeting railroads and banks, and safeguards for civil liberties including opposition to Chinese immigration.^[94] These positions reflected the Greenbackers' core advocacy for fiat money to aid farmers and workers burdened by post-Civil War debt and industrial consolidation, though the platform's length and specificity drew criticism for diluting focus.^[94] Butler, recently defeated for reelection as Massachusetts governor, launched an active campaign on September 1, 1884, conducting extensive stump speeches in the Midwest, New York, and New Jersey through Election Day on November 4, emphasizing economic reform over personal ambition.^[94] He personally financed much of the effort, expending an estimated $200,000, supplemented by Republican donations reportedly totaling $5,000 weekly to position him as a spoiler against Democrat Grover Cleveland in key states like New York.^[94] Democrats, in turn, proposed cabinet posts such as Attorney General to induce his withdrawal, which Butler rejected, citing irreconcilable differences with Cleveland's gold-standard sympathies; he pursued fusion arrangements with local parties for ballot access but secured none yielding electoral votes.^[94] The campaign suffered from the Greenback organization's disarray, including impractical demands from allies and limited grassroots mobilization beyond urban labor centers.^[94] In the election, Butler and running mate Absalom Y. Gilleland garnered 134,982 popular votes, or 1.33% of the total, with strongest showings in industrial states like New Jersey (4.5%) and Pennsylvania (2.5%), but zero electoral votes as Cleveland defeated Republican James G. Blaine 219–182.^[105] New York yielded only 17,004 votes for Butler, insufficient to tip the state's slim margin to Blaine despite Republican hopes.^[94] The meager outcome stemmed from the party's fractured infrastructure, voter fatigue with third-party bids amid the Blaine-Cleveland scandal-driven contest, and Butler's polarizing reputation as a former Radical Republican, which alienated potential agrarian allies while failing to consolidate urban support.^[94]^[105] The Greenback vote declined sharply from James B. Weaver's 3.4% in 1880, signaling the movement's wane as populism shifted toward the nascent People's Party.^[106]

Later Years, Ideology, and Death

Shift to Greenback Labor Party and Economic Views

By the late 1870s, Butler had broken with the Republican Party, primarily over opposition to currency contraction under President Rutherford B. Hayes, favoring instead the continued issuance of greenbacks—fiat paper money introduced during the Civil War—to inflate the money supply, ease debt burdens on farmers and workers, and stimulate economic activity.^[75] This stance reflected his broader critique of hard-money policies, which he argued disproportionately benefited creditors and speculators at the expense of producers and laborers.^[94] In the 1878 Massachusetts gubernatorial election, Butler campaigned explicitly on a Greenback platform advocating "honest money" via expanded fiat currency to counteract deflationary pressures, running as an independent but receiving Democratic endorsement that propelled him to victory with 50.8% of the vote.^[107] His economic positions evolved into a populist framework prioritizing government-issued money over specie resumption, as evidenced in congressional addresses where he defended greenbacks as a proven instrument for funding Union victory and postwar recovery, rejecting convertible currency as restrictive to industrial growth.^[108] Butler consistently supported labor-oriented reforms, including the eight-hour workday for federal employees and restrictions on excessive work hours in manufacturing, drawing from his early Lowell experiences representing mill workers.^[1] He expressed hostility toward national banks, aligning with Greenback-Labor calls to abolish them in favor of direct Treasury-issued greenbacks, viewing private banking as a mechanism for elite control that undermined public sovereignty over credit and commerce.^[109] This ideological alignment deepened through the early 1880s, leading to his 1882 reelection as governor via a Greenback-Democratic fusion ticket emphasizing anti-monopoly measures and worker protections.^[94] The shift peaked with his nomination as the Greenback-Labor Party's presidential candidate at the Indianapolis convention on May 28–29, 1884, paired with Absolom M. West; his platform targeted trusts, demanded national regulation of interstate commerce, and reiterated fiat money expansion, yet yielded only about 133,000 popular votes (roughly 1.3% of the total) with no electoral votes.^[94]

Personal Finances, Charity, and Allegations of Corruption

Butler accumulated substantial wealth through his pre-war legal practice in Lowell, Massachusetts, where he built a successful firm handling criminal and civil cases, and from ownership of textile mills that generated significant profits during the industrial boom.^[10] By the time of his death in 1893, his estate was valued at approximately $7 million, equivalent to over $200 million in contemporary terms, derived primarily from these business interests rather than wartime activities, though the exact origins drew scrutiny due to opaque dealings in occupied territories.^[110] Allegations of corruption shadowed Butler's military administration, particularly during his 1862 occupation of New Orleans, where he confiscated gold and silver specie from banks and foreign consulates—estimated at $800,000—to prevent its use by Confederate sympathizers, but critics claimed these funds were diverted for personal gain or illicit trade with blockade runners.^[37] Similar charges arose in his Norfolk, Virginia, command, involving financial improprieties and cross-enemy-line commerce, yet investigations, including congressional inquiries, found no direct evidence of personal enrichment, attributing issues to subordinates' graft and wartime exigencies.^[36] During his 1882–1883 Massachusetts governorship, opponents alleged favoritism in state contracts and railroad dealings, but these too lacked substantiation in formal probes, reflecting partisan attacks on his reformist policies rather than proven malfeasance.^[94] In parallel, Butler directed portions of seized assets toward charitable ends, allocating New Orleans confiscations to feed the destitute, support orphanages, and fund hospitals amid wartime shortages, which sustained vulnerable populations including freed slaves and Union loyalists.^[36] Post-war, he acquired confiscated Virginia farms near Norfolk and transferred them to former enslaved people for self-sustaining colonies, embodying his advocacy for labor and emancipation without expectation of repayment.^[111] His pro-working-class ideology manifested in donations to Lowell mills' relief funds and support for veterans' pensions, though these were often framed by contemporaries as politically motivated populism rather than disinterested philanthropy.^[112]

Death and Immediate Assessments

Benjamin Franklin Butler died on January 11, 1893, at his residence in Washington, D.C., from heart failure precipitated by pneumonia, which developed from a cold contracted the previous Monday; he had argued a case before the U.S. Supreme Court just days earlier.^[113] His remains were transported by train to Lowell, Massachusetts, where a funeral procession drew thousands, including Union veterans and local dignitaries, before interment at Hildreth Cemetery.^[7]^[114] Contemporary assessments reflected Butler's polarizing reputation, with supporters lauding his advocacy for labor rights and Radical Reconstruction policies, while critics decried him as a demagogue and opportunist. The New York Times obituary dismissed his career as morally deficient, suggesting it offered "little to commend" beyond spectacle for the unscrupulous.^[115] In contrast, Irish-American and labor circles in Boston passed resolutions praising his defense of the working class and Union cause, with orator Jeremiah Carroll delivering an "eloquent eulogy" on his contributions.^[116] Southern sentiments remained bitterly hostile, rooted in his wartime administration of New Orleans, where some unreconstructed voices expressed unrepentant glee at his demise, viewing it as divine retribution.^[117] These divided reactions underscored Butler's enduring image as a figure of fierce partisanship rather than consensus.

Legacy and Historiographical Debates

Military Reputation: Incompetence Claims vs. Administrative Effectiveness

Benjamin Butler's military reputation during the American Civil War remains deeply divided, with contemporaries and historians contrasting persistent accusations of tactical incompetence against acknowledgments of his administrative prowess in occupation duties. Critics, including Confederate leaders and some Union observers, lambasted Butler for battlefield failures that highlighted deficiencies in strategic planning and execution, while supporters credited him with innovative policies that advanced Union war aims beyond direct combat. This duality stems from Butler's prewar background as a lawyer and Democrat-turned-Republican, which fueled perceptions of him as a political general thrust into command despite limited military experience.^[4]^[118] Claims of incompetence peaked around key engagements where Butler's forces suffered setbacks attributable to poor coordination and hesitation. At the Battle of Big Bethel on June 10, 1861, Butler's division of approximately 3,500 Union troops into uncoordinated columns led to friendly fire incidents and a rout by fewer than 1,500 Confederates under John B. Magruder, resulting in 79 Union casualties including deaths from self-inflicted wounds and 16 Confederate losses; this debacle prompted his temporary relief from field command. Similarly, during the Bermuda Hundred Campaign in May 1864, Butler's Army of the James, numbering over 30,000 men, failed to capitalize on its position to threaten Richmond, instead entrenching passively and allowing Confederate forces under P.G.T. Beauregard to contain him with inferior numbers, a performance derided as evidence of paralysis in aggressive operations. The December 1864 assault on Fort Fisher further tarnished his record, as Butler's premature withdrawal after a token probe—despite landing 6,500 troops—allowed the Confederates to reinforce, necessitating a subsequent successful operation under Alfred Terry; Ulysses S. Grant cited this as grounds for Butler's removal, reinforcing views of him as tactically inept. These episodes, documented in postwar accounts and military analyses, contributed to Butler's nickname "Beast Butler" among Southerners, though Union critics like historian Bruce Catton echoed charges of incompetence hampering the war effort.^[4]^[6]^[118] In contrast, Butler demonstrated administrative effectiveness in non-combat roles, particularly in managing occupied territories and pioneering policies on enslaved labor. At Fort Monroe from May 1861, he issued the "contraband of war" declaration on May 27, classifying escaped slaves as property confiscated from disloyal owners rather than fugitives, which sheltered over 500 fugitives by July and laid groundwork for federal emancipation by circumventing the Fugitive Slave Act without direct confrontation over abolition. This policy facilitated labor for Union fortifications and presaged broader recruitment of Black troops, with Butler organizing early United States Colored Troops units. In New Orleans, assuming command on May 1, 1862, after David Farragut's capture, Butler administered a city of 140,000 amid resistance, enforcing order through General Order No. 28 (May 15, 1862)—infamously declaring women insulting Union officers would be treated as prostitutes—which quelled sabotage, restored sanitation by cleaning streets and reducing yellow fever risks, revived trade generating $500,000 monthly in customs by October, and confiscated rebel property worth millions to fund Union efforts. Though these measures provoked outrage—prompting Jefferson Davis to declare Butler an outlaw on December 24, 1862—historians note their success in stabilizing the occupation and extracting resources, with Butler's recruitment of the Louisiana Native Guard as the first official Black regiment underscoring his pragmatic adaptation to manpower needs.^[27]^[4]^[6] Historiographical assessments reflect this tension, with traditional narratives emphasizing Butler's field failures and political opportunism—exacerbated by his Democratic ties and Radical Republican shifts—while modern reevaluations highlight his administrative innovations as vital to Union logistics and emancipation. Southern sources amplified incompetence tropes amid resentment over occupation rigor, yet even Union records, including Grant's memoirs, concede Butler's value in departmental commands over frontline roles. Recent scholarship, such as Elizabeth D. Leonard's biography, argues Butler's "noisy, fearless" approach yielded tangible gains in policy and resources, challenging outright dismissal as merely inept and positioning him as a flawed but effective administrator whose contributions outweighed tactical shortcomings in the war's broader causal dynamics.^[4]^[19]^[119]

Contributions to Emancipation and Civil Rights

In May 1861, while commanding Union forces at Fort Monroe, Virginia, Butler encountered three escaped enslaved men—Shepard Mallory, Frank Baker, and James Townsend—who had been forced to build fortifications for Confederate forces. Rather than returning them to their owners under the Fugitive Slave Law, Butler declared them "contrabands of war," arguing that since Virginia had seceded, enslaved people were property of the enemy and subject to confiscation like other rebel assets.^[12]^[5] This decision, formalized in correspondence with Union authorities on May 27, 1861, circumvented federal policy against emancipation by treating fugitives as military resources, allowing them to be sheltered, employed by the Union Army for wages, food, and protection, and thereby weakening the Confederate economy.^[120]^[121] Fort Monroe subsequently became known as "Freedom's Fortress," with thousands of self-emancipating people seeking refuge there by war's end, establishing a precedent that influenced the First Confiscation Act of August 1861 and President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation.^[12]^[5] During his occupation of New Orleans in 1862, Butler further advanced emancipation efforts by authorizing the organization of the first regiments of Black soldiers in the Union Army, including the 1st Louisiana Native Guard composed of free men of color.^[122] These units, initially numbering around 1,000 men, provided labor and later combat support, demonstrating Black military capability despite initial skepticism from regular army officers.^[87] In 1863–1864, commanding the Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Butler oversaw recruitment into United States Colored Troops regiments, and following their valor at the Battle of New Market Heights on September 29, 1864—where 14 Black soldiers earned the Medal of Honor—he publicly affirmed their fighting prowess in a speech to Congress, countering doubts about their reliability and bolstering federal policy for arming Black troops.^[86]^[123] As a Radical Republican congressman from Massachusetts (1867–1875, 1877–1879), Butler championed post-war civil rights measures, serving as a House manager in the 1868 impeachment trial of President Andrew Johnson, whose policies obstructed Reconstruction and Black enfranchisement.^[124] He supported the Enforcement Acts of 1870–1871, which used federal authority to suppress Ku Klux Klan violence and protect Black voting rights under the 15th Amendment.^[85] Alongside Senator Charles Sumner, Butler co-sponsored the Civil Rights Act of 1875, which prohibited racial discrimination in public accommodations, transportation, and jury service—though later struck down by the Supreme Court in 1883 as exceeding congressional power.^[124] These efforts reflected Butler's shift toward advocating equal legal protections, grounded in his wartime experiences rather than prior abolitionist ideology.^[125]

Criticisms of Opportunism and Political Radicalism

Critics frequently accused Benjamin Butler of political opportunism, portraying him as a "political chameleon" who shifted affiliations to pursue personal power rather than principle. Initially a Democrat who opposed coercion of the South in 1861, Butler accepted a Union commission from Abraham Lincoln and aligned with Radical Republicans during Reconstruction to secure influence in Congress from 1867 to 1875.^[126] Later, facing electoral defeats, he ran as the Greenback Party's presidential nominee in 1884, advocating inflationary fiat currency, before winning the Massachusetts governorship in 1882 on the Democratic ticket by courting labor and Irish voters disillusioned with party orthodoxy.^[127] Contemporaries, including opponents in Massachusetts politics, dismissed these maneuvers as self-serving, arguing that Butler exploited sectional tensions and economic grievances without consistent ideology, as evidenced by his sponsorship of the controversial Salary Grab Act of 1873, which retroactively raised congressional pay amid public outrage over perceived corruption.^[127] Butler faced sharp rebukes for political radicalism, particularly from moderate Republicans and conservatives who viewed his advocacy for punitive Reconstruction measures and economic populism as demagogic excess. As a leading House manager in Andrew Johnson's 1868 impeachment trial, Butler pushed aggressive articles alleging usurpation of congressional authority, which critics like Senator Edmund Ross decried as partisan overreach that prioritized Radical vengeance over constitutional stability.^[128] His post-war support for black suffrage, women's rights, and harsh penalties on ex-Confederates—coupled with wartime edicts like General Order No. 28 in New Orleans, treating women disrespecting Union soldiers as prostitutes—earned him the moniker "Beast Butler" from Southerners and fueled Northern accusations of authoritarianism.^[4] Journalist George Alfred Townsend labeled Butler a demagogue whose "skillful, unscrupulous" rhetoric inflamed class and racial divides for electoral gain, a charge echoed in Massachusetts where elites branded his Greenback-era labor appeals as incendiary threats to property rights.^[129] These criticisms persisted in assessments of Butler's legacy, with historians noting that while his radicalism advanced causes like equal pay for black troops (via the 1864 policy treating them as property contraband), it often alienated allies and invited charges of inconsistency, as his earlier Doughface sympathies clashed with later abolitionist fervor.^[130] Opponents argued this evolution reflected calculated adaptation rather than genuine conviction, undermining his credibility amid scandals like alleged profiteering from confiscated cotton during the New Orleans occupation, where he amassed over $1 million in family wealth.^[131] Such views, prominent in 19th-century periodicals and political cartoons, framed Butler as a disruptive force whose opportunism amplified radical impulses, prioritizing spectacle over governance.^[132]

Modern Reassessments and Balanced Perspectives

In recent decades, historians have increasingly reassessed Benjamin Butler's legacy, moving beyond 19th-century caricatures of him as "Beast" Butler to recognize his substantive contributions to Union war efforts and postwar reforms, particularly in civil rights and labor advocacy. Elizabeth D. Leonard's 2022 biography portrays Butler as a progressive figure who championed racial equality by declaring escaped slaves as "contraband of war" in May 1861, a policy that effectively undermined slavery and paved the way for emancipation, while also organizing the first Black regiments in New Orleans in 1862, influencing national policy under Lincoln.^[119]^[131] This view counters earlier dismissals of his military role, emphasizing how his administrative control of New Orleans from May 1862 to December 1862 secured the city's economy for the Union, generated revenue through trade regulations, and protected vulnerable populations amid occupation challenges.^[133] Balanced perspectives acknowledge Butler's military shortcomings, such as the Union defeat at Big Bethel on June 10, 1861, and the stalled Bermuda Hundred Campaign in 1864 due to logistical and tactical errors, which fueled contemporary criticisms of incompetence.^[4] Yet, reassessments highlight causal factors like inadequate resources and political interference, arguing his overall strategic value—securing Maryland's loyalty in 1861 and capturing New Orleans with minimal losses—outweighed battlefield failures, as evidenced by his promotion to major general and Lincoln's repeated assignments despite elite opposition.^[134] Postwar, Butler's advocacy for the 14th and 15th Amendments, women's suffrage, and labor rights, including fair wages during his governorship of Massachusetts from 1883 to 1884, reflects a consistent radicalism rooted in anti-elite populism rather than mere opportunism, though allegations of personal corruption persisted without conclusive evidence of systemic graft.^[84] Historiographical debates underscore source biases in traditional narratives, often amplified by Confederate sympathizers and Northern conservatives who resented Butler's class warfare rhetoric and enforcement of Union policies, such as General Order No. 28 in New Orleans on May 15, 1862, which deterred civilian sabotage but drew exaggerated outrage.^[17] Modern scholars, drawing on primary documents like Butler's correspondence and congressional records, advocate a nuanced appraisal: while not a tactical genius, his pragmatic realism advanced emancipation and Reconstruction ideals, influencing long-term causal shifts toward federal authority and equality, even as his flamboyant style alienated contemporaries.^[119] This reevaluation positions Butler as a flawed but pivotal actor whose actions, empirically tied to Union victories and social progress, merit consideration beyond partisan vitriol.^[133]

References

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Mar 14, 2016 · With his quarantine system in place, Butler began a massive cleanup campaign in New Orleans. Two thousand men worked for 30 days to clean waste ...
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Gen. Benjamin Butler's Army of the James, 33,000 strong, disembarked from transports at Bermuda Hundred on May 5, threatening the Richmond-Petersburg Railroad.
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When Stevens finished, Benjamin Butler submitted a lengthy impeachment article—inspired by Stevens—which pointed to no violation of the law but charged the ...
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In Pursuit of “Practical Freedom” | US House of Representatives
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Speech of Hon. Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, in the House ...
You of the South had none. From the rarity, they were offensive to us. But we are getting used to the negro, and are getting free from our former mode of ...Missing: harsher treatment
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Apr 7, 2015 · The committee investigating the Tewksbury almshouse held sessions four times this week, the last, which was the 13th of the series, being had on Thursday.
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The almshouse was less than charitable | Tewksbury Town Crier
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BOSTON, July 2.--Gov. Butler has sent a long message to the Legislature refusing to adjourn that body to August, as requested by a committee.
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GEN. BUTLER NOMINATED; THE GREENBACKERS NAME HIM ...
LONG PLATFORM OF PRINCIPLES ADOPTED AND DISSATISFACTION EXPRESSED AT BUTLER'S NOMINATION. Share full article. May 30, 1884. GEN. BUTLER NOMINATED; THE ...
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Jan 21, 2021 · In 1878, Massachusetts would be confronted by this debate when ardent Greenbacker Benjamin Butler's was pitted against businessman Thomas Talbot ...
[106]
Benjamin F. Butler's speech concerning the national currency
Butler's speech concerns his effort to permanently establish a monetary system similar to the Greenback which helped the Union defeat the Confederacy. HOUSE OF ...
[107]
4. Greenback-Labor's Struggle for a Just Monetary System
Like Labor-Greenbackers, they would tax bonds, abolish national banks, and substitute Greenbacks for bank notes. Labor, on the other hand, opposed the Democrats ...
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The Reckless, Impetuous, Headstrong Benjamin Butler
He would become a criminal lawyer, businessman, Army general and Massachusetts governor. When he died, he was worth $7 million. His detractors accused him of ...
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Duty and The Beast - New Orleans Magazine
Feb 28, 2014 · It was an ever-increasing spate of accusations that Butler and his staff were corrupt. A believer in living well regardless of the situation ...
[110]
[PDF] “He helped the poor and snubbed the rich” - LHS SOC
The Whig newspaper in Lowell despised Benjamin Butler, and while a personal feud between Butler and the editor no doubt exacerbated the hostilities, policy.
[111]
GEN. B.F. BUTLER DEAD.; HE DIED AT HIS WASHINGTON ...
GEN. B.F. BUTLER DEAD.; HE DIED AT HIS WASHINGTON RESIDENCE THIS MORNING. https://www.nytimes.com/ ...
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[PDF] LOWELL HISTORICAL SOCIETY NEWSLETTER
General Benjamin Butler's funeral procession in Lowell. January 16, 1893. Photo credit: Ames Family Papers, Sophia Smith Collection,. Smith College Special ...
[113]
BENJAMIN F. BUTLER. - The New York Times
The moralist can find little to commend in the career of Gen. BUTLER, but to the unscrupulous seeker after entertainment his death would be a considerable ...
[114]
RESOLUTIONS ON GENERAL BUTLER'S DEATH. [ARTICLE]
Jeremiah Carroll delivered an eloquent eulogy of the late General Benjamin F. Butler, and offered the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted : — ...
[115]
An Unreconstructed Eulogy for Benjamin Butler
Jul 25, 2017 · "Old Ben Butler is dead! Early yesterday morning the angel of death, acting under the devil's orders, took him from earth and landed him in hell ...Missing: immediate obituaries
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The Most Hated Union General - Warfare History Network
Confederate President Jefferson Davis immediately declared Butler “an outlaw and common enemy of mankind,” to be hanged outright if captured. The fact that ...
[117]
Reexamining Benjamin Butler - Colby News
Jun 29, 2022 · Commanding U.S. forces at Fort Monroe in Virginia in May 1861, Butler was the first Union general to refuse to return runaways to their masters, ...Missing: achievements | Show results with:achievements
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General Benjamin F. Butler Reacts to Self-Emancipating People, 1861
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[119]
Benjamin F. Butler and Military Emancipation - Civil War Monitor
Dec 28, 2021 · ... slavery's demise: Major General Benjamin F. Butler's decision to ... In May 1861, Butler commanded Union forces at Fort Monroe in Virginia.
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Let's Stop Calling Him 'Beast' - UNC Press Blog
May 24, 2022 · Benjamin Franklin Butler was one of the most important and controversial military and political leaders of the Civil War and Reconstruction eras.
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The Generals and Admirals: Benjamin Butler (1818-1893)
As one of the army's most prominent political generals, Butler had the potential to cause political trouble for President Lincoln, especially given his strong ...Missing: achievements | Show results with:achievements
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Representative Benjamin Butler of Massachusetts
On this date, a special dispatch to the New York Times reported that Representative Benjamin Butler of Massachusetts would retire from the House.Missing: policies labor
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Benjamin Franklin Butler — Keith Harris History
Aug 5, 2022 · But my students tend to respond most to the infamous New Orleans 1862 “Woman Order” aka General Order #28, where Butler decreed that any woman ...Missing: sources | Show results with:sources
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Made at the Library: Benjamin Franklin Butler, Reevaluating the Man ...
Nov 22, 2022 · ... political opportunist who changed parties as often as the wind changed direction in order to advance his own ambitions. But how much does ...
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[PDF] Who Should Govern Congress? The Salary Grab of 1873 and the ...
Dec 20, 2004 · For example, Butler, the ultimate opportunist who sponsored the Salary Grab, was from New England, college educated, and one of the wealthiest.
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<i>"Beast" Butler: the Incredible Career of Major General Benjamin ...
Butler, Civil War political general from Massachusetts and Reconstruction Radical. "It seems . . . little better than murder," asserted General-in-Chief Henry ...Missing: criticisms | Show results with:criticisms
[127]
“A new orbit”: The unique political compass of Benjamin F. Butler | A ...
” While Butler's support of paper money and hostility to banks reflected the views of a diverse group of Republicans, the position was anathema to party ...
[128]
Benjamin Butler, President? - alternatehistory.com
Oct 19, 2012 · Butler's "good" record on civil rights was almost certainly pure opportunism. Until 1861, Butler was a pure "Doughface" - a northern ...Missing: switches | Show results with:switches
[129]
Book Review: Benjamin Butler's Noisy, Fearless Life
Aug 4, 2022 · The Bermuda Hundred campaign was a turning point for Butler. Before that he was admired in the North for his hard war policies. That ...
[130]
January | 2021 | Beehive - Massachusetts Historical Society
Jan 29, 2021 · In 1878, Massachusetts would be confronted by this debate when ardent Greenbacker Benjamin Butler's was pitted against businessman Thomas Talbot ...
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Ben Butler: Time for a Reassessment - RichardHowe.com
Nov 20, 2018 · History has imposed a mixed legacy on Butler, mainly for his generalship in combat and for his administration as military governor of New ...
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This Civil War General Was Known as 'The Beast.' But ... - HistoryNet
and a civil rights leader, says the author of a new biography.<|separator|>
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Benjamin Butler - Spartacus Educational
Biographical entry detailing Butler's military career, including the 1864 New York deployment.
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Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 8
Mentions Butler's dispatch of troops to New York for election security.
[135]
Goliath Falls: Attacks Waged Against Fort Fisher
Article detailing the naval bombardments during the attacks on Fort Fisher, noting that many shells overshot the fort in the first bombardment.
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1st Fort Fisher - December 23-27, 1864
Detailed account of the first expedition against Fort Fisher, including Weitzel's skirmish line advancing within fifty yards of the fort under naval bombardment.