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Consumer Reports

Consumer Reports is an American nonprofit organization founded in 1936 as Consumers Union, dedicated to conducting independent testing of consumer products and services to deliver unbiased ratings, recommendations, and advocacy aimed at fostering a fair and safe marketplace.^[1] Its core mission emphasizes empowering consumers through rigorous, empirical evaluations free from commercial influence, with testing protocols that purchase items anonymously to avoid manufacturer bias.^[2] Funded primarily by member subscriptions and operating as a 501(c)(3) entity without accepting advertising or corporate sponsorships, the organization maintains financial independence to prioritize evidence-based assessments over profit motives.^[2] The organization publishes the monthly Consumer Reports magazine, alongside digital content, covering categories from automobiles and appliances to health products and financial services, with ratings derived from laboratory simulations, durability trials, and member surveys aggregating real-world usage data.^[1] Notable achievements include influencing product safety enhancements, such as early warnings on hazardous items that spurred voluntary recalls and regulatory standards, and contributing to broader consumer protection efforts through policy advocacy.^[3] Over nearly nine decades, Consumer Reports has tested thousands of products annually, helping millions avoid substandard purchases and pressuring manufacturers to improve quality based on disclosed performance metrics rather than marketing claims.^[4] While widely regarded for its methodological rigor and ad-free model, Consumer Reports has faced criticisms regarding perceived inconsistencies in rating criteria, particularly in complex categories like vehicles where subjective elements may influence scores, and occasional accusations of aligning recommendations with environmental or regulatory preferences over pure performance data.^[5] These debates underscore the challenges of standardizing tests for diverse consumer needs, yet the organization's transparency in methodologies and reliance on replicable experiments sustain its credibility among those valuing data-driven guidance.^[6]

History

Founding and Early Years

Consumers Union, the predecessor organization to Consumer Reports, was established in February 1936 in New York City by Arthur Kallet, an engineer and consumer advocate, and Colston E. Warne, an economist, along with a group of journalists, academics, engineers, and labor leaders.^[3]^[7] The founding stemmed directly from a 1935 labor strike at Consumers' Research, an earlier nonprofit consumer testing group established in 1929, where employees demanded union recognition but faced management resistance, including physical confrontations that led to the dismissal of strikers.^[8]^[9] Unable to resolve the dispute, the ousted staffers formed an independent entity committed to objective product evaluations without corporate influence or advertising revenue.^[10] From its inception, Consumers Union emphasized rigorous, scientific testing of consumer goods to empower buyers amid the economic uncertainties of the Great Depression, when misleading marketing and substandard products proliferated.^[11] The organization's inaugural publication, Consumer Reports magazine, debuted in 1936 with assessments of everyday items such as milk, cereals, soaps, and dental floss, drawing on laboratory experiments and comparative analyses to rate quality, safety, and value.^[12] Kallet, who served as the first executive director, brought prior experience from co-authoring the 1932 exposé 100,000,000 Guinea Pigs, which highlighted health risks in unregulated foods and cosmetics, galvanizing public demand for independent scrutiny.^[13] Early membership grew rapidly through subscriptions, funding operations as a nonprofit reliant on reader dues rather than commercial ties.^[14] The nascent Consumers Union positioned itself as a counterweight to industry self-regulation, advocating for federal standards like those later embodied in the 1938 Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, though its reports occasionally provoked backlash from manufacturers over unflattering findings.^[15] By prioritizing empirical data over promotional claims, the group established credibility among working-class and middle-income consumers seeking reliable guidance, setting the stage for expanded testing in subsequent years.^[16]

Growth and Role in Consumer Protection

Consumers Union experienced significant expansion in the years following World War II, as rising affluence and postwar consumer demand for reliable products boosted interest in independent testing. Circulation of Consumer Reports grew from 100,000 subscribers in 1946 to 400,000 by 1950, reflecting broader public engagement with consumer advocacy amid economic recovery and suburbanization.^[17] This period marked the organization's shift from a niche publication to a influential voice, with expanded testing protocols covering automobiles, appliances, and household goods, which necessitated investments in laboratory infrastructure, including an auto test track in East Haddam, Connecticut, to simulate real-world conditions.^[17] The growth aligned with the resurgence of the consumer movement in the 1950s and 1960s, where empirical testing challenged manufacturer claims and exposed quality shortfalls, fostering trust among readers and policymakers. By the 1960s, Consumer Reports' detailed critiques, such as those on vehicle handling and tire durability, highlighted systemic safety risks, refusing recommendations for models like the Chevrolet Corvair due to instability—findings that informed broader debates and amplified calls for regulatory oversight.^[18] This evidence-based approach not only drove membership increases but also positioned the organization as a catalyst for industry accountability, prompting voluntary reforms in product design before formal mandates. In consumer protection, Consumers Union's role extended beyond testing to active advocacy, supplying data that supported legislative efforts like the National Traffic and Motor Vehicle Safety Act of 1966, which established federal standards for vehicles and tires in response to documented crash risks.^[19] The group's reports on unsafe features, including inadequate brakes and flammable materials, contributed to recalls and standards enhancements, while its testimony influenced the creation of agencies like the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) in 1970 and the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC) in 1972.^[20] Through such interventions, CR demonstrated causal links between flawed products and harm, prioritizing empirical validation over industry narratives and effecting measurable reductions in consumer injuries without reliance on unsubstantiated claims.^[18]

Organizational Evolution and Challenges

Consumers Union, the predecessor organization to Consumer Reports, was founded in February 1936 amid a labor strike at the rival consumer testing group Consumers' Research, with initial leadership from figures like Arthur Kallet and Colston Warne aiming to provide independent product evaluations free from industry influence. The organization quickly grew its testing scope, establishing laboratories for rigorous empirical assessments of household goods, appliances, and later automobiles, while maintaining a nonprofit structure funded solely by subscriptions to avoid advertising dependencies. By 1942, the monthly bulletin was rebranded as Consumer Reports to widen its audience beyond advocacy circles, reflecting an early adaptation to broader consumer appeal amid wartime production shifts and postwar economic booms that increased demand for reliable product data.^[21]^[16] Throughout the mid-20th century, the organization expanded its infrastructure, including dedicated auto test tracks in locations like East Haddam, Connecticut, to incorporate dynamic performance evaluations, and it increasingly integrated advocacy efforts, influencing policy on safety standards such as seat belts and tobacco hazards through evidence-based reporting. The late 20th and early 21st centuries marked a pivot to digital dissemination, with a subscriber-accessible website launching to complement the print magazine, followed by multimedia expansions under leaders like Marta Tellado, who since around 2014 has overseen redesigns in 2015 and 2016 to modernize content delivery and incorporate data privacy initiatives amid rising online commerce. This evolution included partnerships for digital growth strategies, such as audience diversification efforts documented in 2021 case studies, enabling broader reach while upholding lab-based testing protocols.^[22]^[23]^[24] Early challenges included unsubstantiated accusations of communist sympathies in the late 1930s, which prompted school library bans and investigations, though the American Library Association deemed the claims baseless and lacking evidence of subversive content, highlighting tensions between the organization's labor-rooted origins and McCarthy-era scrutiny. Industry pushback manifested in legal suits from manufacturers disputing negative ratings, such as challenges to automotive safety assessments that prompted recalls but often failed to undermine CR's methodologies in court. In the digital era, adaptation has involved confronting competition from user-generated online reviews, which some observers argue erodes subscription value due to perceived gaps in handling complex technologies like electronics, alongside internal shifts like the 2018 shuttering of affiliated sites amid cost pressures. Despite these, independent analyses rate CR's output as factually robust and minimally biased, attributing criticisms to its consumer-favoring stance rather than systemic distortion.^[25]^[26]^[27]

Organizational Structure and Operations

Governance and Leadership

Consumer Reports operates as a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization governed by a volunteer Board of Directors, which holds full authority to manage its activities, property, and affairs in alignment with its mission of consumer protection.^[28] The board consists of 12 to 21 directors, excluding the ex officio President and CEO as a non-voting member, with directors elected annually by the membership through a nomination and ballot process.^[28] Terms are staggered over three years per class, limited to a maximum of four consecutive terms (12 years total), though extensions may occur under exceptional circumstances; removal requires a two-thirds vote for cause.^[28] The board meets three times annually for two-day sessions, supplemented by committee work, and delegates powers to standing committees for oversight of areas such as finance, audit, and governance.^[29]^[28] As of October 2025, Sonal Shah, CEO of The Texas Tribune, serves as Board Chair following her re-election to a three-year term.^[30] Recent board additions include Janice Menke Abraham, former President and CEO of United Educators, and Jorge Luis Fontanez, former CEO of B Lab U.S. and Canada, both elected at the annual meeting on October 22, 2025.^[30] Other re-elected members include Millie Chu Baird, Vice President at Environmental Defense Fund, and Katherine Maher, President and CEO of National Public Radio, reflecting expertise in policy, media, and nonprofit management.^[30] Executive leadership is headed by the President and Chief Executive Officer, who reports to the board and oversees daily operations, including research, testing, advocacy, and publications. Phil Radford assumed this role on February 3, 2025, succeeding Marta L. Tellado, who had served since 2015.^[31]^[32] Radford, with prior experience leading environmental and consumer advocacy groups such as Greenpeace USA and Public Interest Research Group, emphasizes transformational campaigns and consumer empowerment in his tenure.^[33] The bylaws ensure board independence from commercial influences, prohibiting directors from holding conflicting financial interests in tested industries, to maintain organizational objectivity.^[28]

Funding and Financial Model

Consumer Reports, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization, derives the majority of its funding from paid memberships and subscriptions, deliberately avoiding advertising, corporate sponsorships, or free product samples to safeguard its independence from commercial influences.^[2]^[1] This ad-free policy, in place since 1936, ensures that testing and ratings remain uncompromised by manufacturer pressures, with all evaluated products purchased at retail.^[2]^[34] In the fiscal year ended May 31, 2024, total revenue and support reached $246.5 million, predominantly from subscriptions, newsstand sales, and other consumer-paid sources totaling $209.9 million—accounting for about 85% of the total.^[35] Contributions from individuals and foundations added $29.0 million, or roughly 12%, while net assets released from restrictions contributed $7.6 million.^[35] These figures reflect a member-supported model serving over 6 million subscribers, though print magazine circulation has declined from historical peaks of around 3.8 million amid a pivot to digital access.^[1] Operating expenses for the same period amounted to $264.1 million, including $206.0 million for publications, promotion, and marketing; $16.3 million for advocacy and education; and $31.1 million for general administration, underscoring heavy investments in product testing and content production despite revenue constraints.^[35] The organization's financial stability is bolstered by net assets of $297.1 million at year-end, enabling sustained operations without reliance on external commercial funding.^[35] This structure has drawn scrutiny for subscription price increases amid declining print revenues, yet it prioritizes long-term objectivity over short-term profitability.^[36]

Publications and Dissemination

Core Publications

Consumer Reports magazine serves as the organization's flagship publication, offering independent evaluations of products, services, and consumer issues since its inception in 1936.^[37] Originally launched as Consumers Union Reports, it transitioned to its current title and format, delivering monthly or bimonthly issues that include comparative test results, reliability ratings, safety analyses, and investigative reports on topics such as health, technology, automobiles, and household goods.^[38] Each issue features detailed reviews based on laboratory testing and member surveys, emphasizing empirical performance data over manufacturer claims.^[39] The magazine has received over 100 awards for its journalism, including coverage of critical safety matters like vehicle recalls and product hazards.^[38] Complementing the magazine, Consumer Reports produces the annual Buying Guide, a condensed reference compiling ratings for more than 2,000 products across categories including electronics, appliances, tires, and vehicles.^[40] First published as a standalone resource for members, the guide aggregates data from ongoing tests and surveys to aid purchasing decisions, often highlighting top performers and reliability forecasts.^[40] Available in digital format with membership, it provides quick-reference tables and advice, updated yearly to reflect new models and market changes; the 2025 edition, for instance, incorporates recent evaluations of energy-efficient appliances and electric vehicles.^[40] Print versions have historically been mailed to subscribers, though digital access has expanded its reach.^[41] These core publications form the backbone of Consumer Reports' dissemination strategy, prioritizing ad-free, subscriber-funded content to maintain editorial independence.^[41] While the magazine offers narrative depth and context, the Buying Guide functions as a portable, data-dense tool, both drawing from the same rigorous testing protocols to ensure consistency in recommendations.^[40]

Digital and Multimedia Expansion

Consumer Reports began expanding its digital presence in the early 2000s, with online subscriptions growing from 557,000 in 2001 to 3.3 million by 2011, reflecting a shift from print-only access to web-based delivery of ratings and reviews.^[42] This growth enabled broader dissemination of testing data without relying solely on the monthly magazine, as digital formats allowed for real-time updates and searchable archives.^[42] In 2008, Consumers Union, the parent organization, acquired Consumerist.com, a consumer advocacy blog, to bolster its online editorial reach and integrate user-generated complaints with lab-tested insights.^[43] The acquisition expanded multimedia capabilities, incorporating blog-style articles alongside traditional reports, though the site was later shuttered in 2017 to refocus resources.^[44] By the 2010s, Consumer Reports launched a mobile app providing access to over 10,000 product reviews, buying guides, and features like "AskCR," an AI-powered tool for personalized recommendations based on tested data.^[45] The app, available on iOS and Android, includes interactive elements such as videos demonstrating product tests and performance comparisons.^[46]^[47] Multimedia expansion includes an in-house video production unit creating podcasts, 360-degree videos, and short-form content for platforms like YouTube and social media, alongside website-hosted clips on topics from appliance testing to digital security.^[38] This content complements core publications by offering visual explanations of methodologies, such as lab simulations of product durability.^[38] In 2019, Consumer Reports established the Digital Lab to address emerging issues in privacy, data security, and online marketplaces, producing reports and tools like data deletion guides that extend testing into software and digital services.^[48] A 2024 partnership with Craig Newmark Philanthropies further scaled these efforts, funding initiatives to enhance cybersecurity ratings and digital product accountability.^[49] These developments maintain the organization's focus on empirical evaluation while adapting to consumer interactions increasingly mediated by apps and online platforms.^[49]

Testing Methodology and Standards

Product Testing Processes

Consumer Reports conducts product testing in 63 specialized laboratories at its headquarters in Yonkers, New York, where thousands of products are evaluated annually using objective scientific measurements and protocols designed to simulate real-world usage.^[50] Products are purchased anonymously at retail outlets to ensure independence from manufacturers, preventing any influence on selection or results. Testing prioritizes widely available models based on market popularity, member inquiries, and potential impact on consumer decisions.^[51] Laboratory processes involve a combination of standardized industry or government benchmarks and custom-developed tests for emerging technologies or gaps in existing standards.^[52] For electronics and appliances, items undergo multi-week evaluations including performance metrics like efficiency, durability, and ease of use, often in controlled environments such as light-isolated rooms for televisions or anechoic chambers for audio devices to minimize external interference.^[52] Automotive testing occurs at a dedicated 327-acre facility in Connecticut, featuring instrumented tracks for acceleration, braking, handling, and specialized surfaces like ice for winter performance assessments.^[53] Specific protocols vary by category: refrigerators are assessed for temperature consistency and energy consumption over simulated cycles, while washing machines are evaluated for cleaning effectiveness, water retention, noise levels during operation, and fabric gentleness through standardized loads of soiled fabrics.^[54] Vacuum cleaners face bare-floor pickup tests for debris scattering and carpet deep-cleaning simulations using embedded sand or flour to measure extraction efficiency.^[55] These empirical tests generate quantitative data on attributes like safety, reliability, and owner satisfaction precursors, integrated with member surveys for comprehensive ratings, though lab processes focus on verifiable performance under repeatable conditions.^[56]

Rating Systems and Criteria

Consumer Reports assigns ratings through a combination of laboratory testing, expert evaluations, and member surveys, with criteria varying by product category but consistently prioritizing measurable performance, safety, reliability, and value. Overall scores for many products are calculated as weighted averages on a 1-100 scale, where higher numbers indicate better performance relative to competitors; for instance, automotive overall scores integrate road-test results (typically weighted at 30-40%), predicted reliability from surveys, owner satisfaction, and safety assessments.^[57]^[56] Subcategory ratings often employ Harvey balls, a visual system of graduated circles to denote qualitative judgments: a solid black circle (●) signifies excellent, a three-quarter black (◐) very good, half black (◑) good, quarter black (◒) fair, and empty (○) poor, with variations like a slashed circle for unsatisfactory or not tested. These ideograms, adapted for concise comparison tables, evaluate attributes such as usability, noise, or durability across tested models.^[58] Testing criteria emphasize empirical data over manufacturer claims; products are purchased anonymously to avoid bias, subjected to standardized protocols—for electronics, metrics include battery life and signal strength; for appliances, efficiency and cleaning efficacy; for vehicles, braking distances, crashworthiness via independent tests supplementing government data, and real-world fuel economy. Reliability predictions derive from annual surveys of over 300,000 vehicles, weighting recent models and adjusting for mileage to forecast issues like engine failures or electronic glitches.^[56]^[59] Recommendations such as "CR Recommended" or "Best Buy" are conferred based on scores exceeding category benchmarks, factoring in price for value assessments, while deductions apply for safety recalls or unmitigated flaws; electric vehicle ratings additionally scrutinize charging speed, range accuracy, and interface intuitiveness.^[60]^[61] Methodologies evolve with technology, as seen in updated active driving assistance protocols incorporating scenario-based simulations for features like automatic emergency braking.^[62]

Editorial Independence and Objectivity

Mechanisms for Independence

Consumer Reports operates as a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization, chartered in New York in February 1936 as Consumers Union, which structures its operations to prioritize consumer interests over commercial influences.^[2] This status exempts it from certain tax obligations while mandating adherence to nonprofit accounting and financial reporting standards, enabling focus on research and testing without profit-driven pressures.^[2] A core mechanism is its rejection of advertising revenue and corporate funding since inception, relying instead on membership subscriptions, magazine sales, digital access fees, and philanthropic donations for financial sustainability.^[2] ^[34] In 2023, for instance, over 90% of revenue derived from consumer-paid sources, insulating editorial decisions from advertiser or manufacturer sway.^[63] This model, explicitly designed to uphold integrity, prohibits any commercial use of its content or ratings without permission, preventing endorsements or biased promotions.^[64] To further safeguard testing objectivity, Consumer Reports purchases all evaluated products anonymously at full retail prices from stores, mirroring consumer experiences and avoiding manufacturer-provided samples that could introduce conflicts.^[50] This practice, employed across categories like appliances, vehicles, and electronics, ensures tests reflect real-world availability and performance without pre-selection bias.^[65] Governance reinforces these protections through a volunteer Board of Directors, comprising independent experts elected by members from a slate nominated by the board itself, serving three-year terms to maintain continuity and oversight.^[66] Bylaws, last amended in February 2025, emphasize preservation of impartiality and expertise, with policies limiting external influences on decision-making.^[28] The board's structure, free from industry representatives in key roles, supports editorial autonomy by reviewing operations and strategic directions aligned with consumer advocacy.^[2]

Allegations of Bias and Influences

Critics have alleged that Consumer Reports' funding from progressive foundations, such as the Ford Foundation, William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, and Energy Foundation, introduces influences that align its advocacy with left-leaning priorities, potentially compromising editorial independence despite its nonprofit status and subscription-based model.^[10] In 2016, contributions accounted for about 12% of revenue ($31.5 million out of $255 million), with these grants supporting initiatives on environmentalism and consumer policy that mirror donors' agendas.^[10] Leadership ties have fueled claims of ideological bias, as president and CEO Marta Tellado previously served as vice president at the Ford Foundation and collaborated with consumer advocate Ralph Nader, while advocacy director David Friedman held roles at the Union of Concerned Scientists and in the Obama administration.^[10] Board members including former Rockefeller Foundation CFO Ellen Taus and U.S. PIRG executive director Edmund Mierwinski further connect CR to networks advocating progressive causes like stricter regulations on emissions and data privacy.^[10] These affiliations, according to InfluenceWatch, contribute to a left-leaning orientation that may subtly shape product evaluations, particularly in areas overlapping with policy advocacy such as automotive safety and sustainability.^[10] Through its Consumers Union Action Fund, CR engages in lobbying—spending $1.2 million in recent years on issues including greenhouse gas standards and electric vehicle subsidies—which critics argue blurs the line between objective testing and partisan positioning.^[10] Positions on gun safety restrictions, algorithmic fairness, and climate policy have been cited as evidence of a progressive tilt that prioritizes advocacy over neutral analysis.^[10] In automotive testing, allegations of bias surfaced prominently with Tesla, where CR ranked the brand among the least reliable in its 2022 survey, citing owner-reported issues with electronics and build quality, prompting accusations from Tesla supporters of unfairly harsh scrutiny compared to legacy automakers.^[67] Earlier, in October 2015, CR withdrew its recommendation for the Tesla Model S due to complaints about door handles, motors, and squeaks, a decision Tesla contested as overlooking software fixes.^[68] CR responded to 2017 Tesla complaints by defending its survey methodology, which relies on member data rather than manufacturer inputs, but skeptics, including analyses from trading commentators, have labeled the approach hypocritical given CR's emphasis on independence elsewhere.^[69]^[70] On climate change, a May 2024 analysis accused CR of abandoning its rigorous in-house testing for commissioned reports from consultants like ICF, using alarmist "high emissions" scenarios projecting $500,000 per-person costs by 2100 without substantiating claims of worsening extreme weather through empirical data.^[71] Authors lacking expertise in climate science reportedly inflated sector-specific estimates (e.g., $125,000 for housing), prioritizing narrative over verifiable metrics akin to CR's product standards.^[71]

Advocacy and Policy Influence

Major Campaigns and Positions

Consumer Reports has advocated for enhanced consumer protections through policy influence, leveraging its research to push for regulatory changes in areas such as product safety, food additives, and repair rights. Its advocacy division focuses on exposing health and safety risks while promoting fairness in marketplaces, often testifying before Congress and partnering with coalitions.^[72]^[73] In product safety, Consumer Reports campaigns for robust funding and independence of the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), emphasizing its role in addressing hazards like furniture tip-overs and unsafe infant sleep products. The organization has urged lawmakers to maintain the CPSC as a bipartisan watchdog to enforce recalls and standards for dangerous goods, citing over 400 annual deaths from tip-over incidents as of 2025 data. It also critiques online marketplaces for evading liability under outdated laws, advocating updates to hold platforms accountable for unsafe third-party products.^[74]^[75]^[76] On food safety, a prominent effort is the Toxic-Free Kids' Food Campaign, launched to eliminate harmful synthetic dyes, heavy metals, and chemicals from children's products, including cereals and snacks. Consumer Reports has pressed the FDA to ban eight artificial dyes linked to behavioral issues in children, based on studies showing hyperactivity risks, and supported state-level prohibitions on additives like potassium bromate. In October 2025, it opposed industry efforts to block state bans on chemicals such as Red Dye No. 3, arguing for evidence-based federal limits on contaminants like lead in protein powders, where two-thirds of tested samples exceeded safe thresholds.^[77]^[78]^[79] Consumer Reports supports right-to-repair legislation, providing model bills in August 2025 to enable consumers to fix electronics, appliances, and vehicles without manufacturer restrictions, countering practices that limit access to parts and diagnostics. It endorses federal efficiency standards for appliances to reduce energy costs and emissions, while advocating for stronger data privacy laws to close loopholes in state statutes like Connecticut's, and updated accountability for digital platforms. In March 2024, it released AI policy recommendations urging transparency in algorithmic decision-making and protections against biases in consumer-facing systems.^[80]^[81]^[82]^[83]

Critiques of Advocacy Overreach

Critics contend that Consumer Reports exceeds its mandate as a product testing organization by advocating for sweeping policy interventions that favor government regulation over individual consumer choice and market dynamics. A 1974 critique in Reason magazine highlighted CR's foray into political advocacy without requisite expertise, portraying it as an elitist push for statist solutions presented under a veneer of objectivity.^[84] The analysis noted CR's unsigned editorials that assertively demand regulations, such as compulsory no-fault auto insurance, while omitting opposing viewpoints or rigorous debate on trade-offs like increased costs to consumers.^[84] Specific examples include CR's historical endorsement of Ralph Nader's auto safety campaigns, which influenced federal regulations despite identified flaws in Nader's research methodologies, and its promotion of Nader-affiliated publications in violation of CR's own no-advertising policy.^[84] More recently, CR's advocacy arm has lobbied for policies including subsidies for electric vehicles, stringent greenhouse gas emissions standards for automobiles, and opposition to rollbacks of appliance efficiency rules, arguing that such measures prevent billions in utility costs but drawing fire for presuming regulatory superiority without fully accounting for innovation stifling or economic burdens on manufacturers and buyers.^[10]^[85] Libertarian-leaning observers, including those at InfluenceWatch, describe CR's positions as aligning with left-of-center priorities funded by progressive foundations like the Ford and Hewlett Foundations, potentially compromising the impartiality of its testing by embedding ideological preferences into policy recommendations.^[10] This overreach is said to erode trust in CR's core mission, as advocacy for expansive rules—such as enhanced data privacy mandates or product safety commissions with broadened powers—may prioritize collective mandates over empirical evidence of net consumer benefit, echoing broader concerns about nonprofit influence on legislation without electoral accountability.^[84]^[10]

Impact on Markets and Products

Instances of Positive Product Changes

Consumer Reports' advocacy and testing have influenced the automotive industry's adoption of electronic stability control (ESC) systems, which help prevent skids and rollovers by automatically applying brakes to individual wheels. CR began evaluating ESC in the early 2000s, demonstrating its potential to reduce single-vehicle crashes by 35 percent and fatal crashes by up to 56 percent, which contributed to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration's 2007 rulemaking process culminating in a 2012 mandate requiring ESC on all new passenger vehicles.^[86]^[87] By 2019, ESC-equipped vehicles showed a 56 percent lower fatal crash rate compared to non-equipped models, reflecting manufacturers' widespread implementation of the technology across vehicle lines.^[88] CR's crash testing of child car seats, conducted beyond federal minimums, has identified structural weaknesses, prompting design enhancements such as load legs on infant seats that anchor the seat to the vehicle floor and reduce head injury criterion scores by distributing forces more evenly during frontal impacts. Manufacturers like Clek and Nuna incorporated load legs following CR's demonstrations of their efficacy, with tests showing up to a 40 percent reduction in head injury risk compared to seats without this feature.^[89] These changes align with CR's push for updated federal regulations in 2025, which emphasize side-impact protection and ease-of-use improvements, leading to iterative product refinements across brands.^[90] In appliances, CR's longstanding support for federal efficiency standards has driven manufacturers to integrate advanced technologies, resulting in washing machines that use 25 percent less energy and 70 to 75 percent less water than agitator models from 20 years ago, without compromising cleaning performance.^[91] This evolution stems from standards CR helped shape since the 1980s, saving U.S. households over $100 billion annually in energy costs by 2024 while maintaining product reliability.^[92] CR's product investigations have also spurred safety recalls and redesigns, such as the 2023 recall of 4.8 million BlendJet 2 blenders after CR's tests revealed blade failures posing laceration and fire risks, prompting the manufacturer to address durability issues in subsequent models and enhancing consumer awareness of portable appliance vulnerabilities.^[4] Similarly, CR's contaminant testing in foods, including phthalates in fast-food packaging, has pressured companies like General Mills to reduce certain chemicals, with detectable declines in some product lines following public reporting in 2024.^[93]^[94]

Unintended Market Consequences

Consumer Reports' product ratings, while intended to guide consumer decisions toward safer and higher-performing options, have in some instances precipitated unintended market contractions by triggering abrupt declines in sales and subsequent product line terminations. A prominent example occurred in the automotive sector with the Suzuki Samurai, a compact sport-utility vehicle introduced to the U.S. market in 1986. In June 1988, Consumer Reports published a review deeming the Samurai "not acceptable" based on laboratory swerve tests indicating a high propensity for rollover, a first such rating in the magazine's history.^[95] Following the article's release, Samurai sales plunged 70% in June 1988 compared to the prior year, with annual unit sales falling from approximately 77,000 in 1988 to 1,500 in 1989.^[96]^[97] This cascade effect led Suzuki to discontinue the model by 1995 and ultimately withdraw from the U.S. automobile market altogether, shifting focus to motorcycles and all-terrain vehicles, thereby diminishing competition in the affordable off-road SUV segment and limiting options for budget-conscious buyers seeking lightweight, maneuverable vehicles.^[98]^[99] The Samurai case illustrates a broader potential for ratings-driven market feedback loops, where manufacturers face existential pressures from consumer aversion to low scores, even if tests capture specific failure modes not representative of real-world usage distributions. Suzuki contended that the swerve maneuver exaggerated the vehicle's trippiness due to its high center of gravity and short wheelbase—traits shared with contemporaries like the Jeep CJ—but common in the nascent SUV category at the time. Courts ultimately rejected Suzuki's product disparagement lawsuit against Consumer Reports in 2004, affirming the organization's First Amendment protections for opinion-based testing, yet the economic fallout persisted, contributing to dealer network contractions and lost jobs in import-dependent supply chains.^[98]^[95] In appliances, Consumer Reports' emphasis on energy efficiency and performance metrics has coincided with industry shifts toward high-efficiency models, such as front-loading and impeller-based top-loading washing machines, which often feature extended cycle times—sometimes 20-30 minutes longer than traditional agitator designs—to meet water and energy criteria. While these adaptations align with environmental goals, they have elicited consumer complaints about suboptimal cleaning efficacy for heavily soiled loads and increased time burdens, prompting secondary markets for pre-regulation machines or imports evading standards, potentially undermining overall adoption of efficient technologies if perceived usability trade-offs deter mainstream uptake.^[100]^[101] Recent adjustments, including Consumer Reports' 2024 revocation of recommendations for eight vehicle models citing reliability data, underscore ongoing risks of ratings-induced sales volatility, which could further concentrate production among established brands less vulnerable to such scrutiny.^[102]

Controversies and Methodological Errors

Key Testing Disputes

In 1988, Consumer Reports conducted dynamic stability tests on the Suzuki Samurai SUV, employing a high-speed lane-change maneuver that induced rollovers at speeds around 42 mph, resulting in a "not acceptable" overall rating due to perceived handling instability. Suzuki disputed the test's methodology, asserting that the abrupt steering inputs and speeds exceeded typical emergency avoidance scenarios and unfairly highlighted the vehicle's high center of gravity, a common trait in off-road designs, rather than inherent defects. The report's influence exacerbated real-world rollover data concerns noted by the NHTSA, though the automaker maintained the tests lacked correlation to on-road dynamics.^[103] Tire testing has prompted recurring methodological challenges from manufacturers. In a 2015 evaluation of treadwear claims, Consumer Reports drove pairs of 47 tire models for 16,000 miles in a controlled convoy on highways and test tracks, finding that numerous brands achieved only 50-70% of their Uniform Tire Quality Grading (UTQG) projections, with some premium tires underperforming economy options. Industry representatives criticized the protocol for imposing uniform high-speed wear patterns that deviated from diverse consumer driving—such as city stop-and-go or off-highway use—potentially overstating degradation rates compared to federal lab standards, which prioritize simulated rather than actual mileage. CR countered that real-road testing better exposes discrepancies in marketing claims.^[104] Audio product evaluations have also drawn scrutiny over subjective elements in objective metrics. In assessments of speakers like the Bose 901 series, CR relied on lab measurements of intermodulation distortion using multi-frequency tones to score fidelity, yielding low ratings for certain models despite user acclaim for sound quality. Bose argued that such signals mimicked neither musical content nor human hearing thresholds, advocating single-tone or program-material tests for greater relevance to listening rooms rather than anechoic chambers, where room acoustics influence perception. These debates underscore tensions between CR's standardized, repeatable protocols and manufacturers' emphasis on contextual performance.

Child Safety Seats Evaluation Issues

In January 2007, Consumer Reports published test results on 12 infant car seats, claiming that nine failed to adequately protect dummies in simulated side-impact crashes at 38 mph, with seats twisting or detaching from the vehicle.^[105] The report highlighted structural failures, such as seats separating from LATCH anchors, and prompted calls for recalls, including the Evenflo Discovery model, which also underperformed in frontal crashes according to CR.^[106] However, within two weeks, CR retracted the side-impact findings after experts, including the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA), criticized the test methodology as unrepresentative of real-world crashes; CR had used a rigid pole barrier impacting the vehicle side, which amplified forces beyond typical offset impacts and federal standards (FMVSS 213).^[107] ^[108] NHTSA Administrator Nicole Nason stated the report unnecessarily alarmed parents and could discourage car seat use, noting that all tested seats met federal frontal crash requirements.^[107] CR maintained its frontal crash concerns for the Evenflo Discovery, recommending its recall despite NHTSA's subsequent tests confirming compliance with federal standards at 30 mph.^[109] Evenflo defended the seat's design, arguing CR's higher-speed tests (beyond FMVSS 213's parameters) did not reflect approved safety levels, and no federal recall ensued.^[110] This incident underscored methodological divergences: CR's proprietary tests incorporate stricter criteria, such as evaluating LATCH system integrity under exaggerated conditions, which can yield results conflicting with government validations.^[111] Subsequent critiques from child passenger safety technicians, such as those by certified expert "The Car Seat Lady," have questioned CR's infant and convertible seat ratings for overpenalizing seats that deform controllably during crashes—a behavior permitted and sometimes intended under FMVSS 213 to absorb energy—while assigning low scores based on CR's more severe dynamic tests.^[112] In 2014 ratings, for instance, CR downgraded several models despite federal certification, with critics arguing the methodology undervalues real-world installation errors (affecting over 90% of seats) in favor of lab-specific crash metrics and ease-of-use factors that may not correlate directly with injury prevention.^[113] Independent comparisons, like those between CR and BabyGearLab, reveal inconsistencies; CR may rate a seat poorly for post-crash structural changes allowable by standards, while others prioritize head excursion and HIC (Head Injury Criterion) limits.^[114] These evaluation approaches have drawn broader scrutiny for potentially misleading consumers by implying federal compliance is insufficient, as CR's scores often diverge from NHTSA approvals and may amplify minor flaws without proportional real-world risk data.^[108] CR defends its methods as advancing safety beyond minimum regulations, incorporating multiple crashes per seat and biomechanical sensors, but detractors contend this risks overemphasizing rare failure modes while underweighting user factors like misuse, which NHTSA data links to most child injuries.^[115] No peer-reviewed studies directly validate CR's superior predictive accuracy over federal tests, though CR's influence has prompted industry improvements in LATCH durability.^[111]

Legal Challenges

Bose Corporation Lawsuit

In 1971, Bose Corporation initiated a product disparagement lawsuit against Consumers Union of United States, Inc., the nonprofit publisher of Consumer Reports, over a critical review of its 901 Direct/Reflecting loudspeaker system published in the magazine's May 1970 issue.^[116] The review, based on listening tests supervised by an audio engineer, rated the Bose system near the bottom among tested loudspeakers and described its stereo imaging as follows: "Individual instruments heard through the Bose system seemed to grow to gigantic proportions and tended to wander about the room. For instance, a violin appeared to be 10 feet wide and a piano stretched from wall to wall."^[116]^[117] Bose alleged that these statements were false—claiming instruments wandered "along the wall" rather than "about the room"—and published with "actual malice," defined under New York Times Co. v. Sullivan (1964) as knowledge of falsity or reckless disregard for the truth.^[116]^[118] After a bench trial in the U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts concluded in September 1981, the court ruled for Bose, finding the statements false and actual malice proven by clear and convincing evidence, though it suspended any damages award pending appeal.^[116] The U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit reversed the district court's judgment in January 1982, holding that the evidence did not meet the actual malice threshold after conducting an independent review of the record.^[116] Bose appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which granted certiorari to address whether appellate courts must independently examine the factual basis for actual malice findings in defamation cases involving non-media defendants like Consumers Union.^[116] On April 30, 1984, the Supreme Court affirmed the appeals court's decision in a 6–3 ruling authored by Justice John Paul Stevens.^[116] The majority clarified that actual malice is a question of law subject to de novo appellate review, not deference under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 52(a), to safeguard First Amendment protections, and concluded that no clear and convincing evidence supported a finding of knowledge of falsity or reckless disregard, viewing the review's characterizations as subjective opinions common in product critiques rather than verifiable facts.^[116]^[117] Justices Byron White and William Rehnquist dissented, arguing for greater deference to the trial court's factual determinations.^[116] The decision reinforced First Amendment safeguards for critical consumer reviews, establishing that corporations like Bose—treated as public figures—must prove actual malice to prevail in defamation suits over opinion-based evaluations, even if perceived as erroneous, thereby limiting liability for publishers engaged in comparative testing.^[117]^[119] This outcome marked Consumers Union's first successful defense against a libel claim in its history, underscoring the legal resilience of its methodology despite Bose's challenges to the testing setup.^[116]

Suzuki Samurai Case

In the June 1988 issue of Consumer Reports, Consumers Union rated the Suzuki Samurai sport utility vehicle as "not acceptable" after tests revealed it tipped onto two wheels during a simulated accident-avoidance maneuver, described as a standard "short course" test involving sharp steering inputs at moderate speeds.^[120] The magazine concluded the vehicle exhibited excessive instability, recommending against its purchase and urging the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) to investigate potential safety defects, though NHTSA's subsequent probe did not result in a recall.^[121] This rating, one of the few "not acceptable" designations issued by Consumer Reports, correlated with a precipitous decline in Samurai sales in the United States, effectively ending the model's viability in that market despite its popularity as an affordable, off-road-capable SUV introduced in 1986.^[122]^[98] Suzuki Motor Corporation contested the test methodology, asserting that the avoidance maneuver was not representative of real-world driving conditions and that the Samurai's center of gravity and suspension were comparable to other vehicles of its class, with no disproportionate rollover incidents in federal data.^[95] In April 1996, Suzuki filed a product disparagement lawsuit against Consumers Union in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California, alleging that the continued republication of the 1988 rating in Consumer Reports and related materials falsely implied inherent dangerousness, damaging sales and reputation.^[123]^[124] The district court dismissed the case in 1999, ruling that Consumers Union's opinions were protected under the First Amendment as non-factual editorial content, but the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit reversed and remanded in June 2002, finding sufficient evidence that specific test descriptions could be verifiable as false statements of fact rather than pure opinion.^[125]^[124] The case proceeded to trial preparations, with Suzuki seeking to demonstrate through expert testimony and reenactments that Consumers Union's test conditions— including vehicle loading, tire pressure, and maneuver execution—deviated from standard protocols and exaggerated instability.^[126] Consumers Union defended the tests as consistent with its established methodologies for evaluating handling and stability, emphasizing its non-profit status and independence from commercial influence.^[95] In July 2004, prior to trial, the parties reached a settlement in which no monetary damages were awarded to Suzuki, but Consumers Union issued a clarification acknowledging disagreement over test validity while standing by its original conclusions on the Samurai's handling.^[127]^[128] Both agreed to refrain from referencing the Samurai tests or litigation in advertising, promotional, or fundraising materials, and the lawsuit was formally dismissed in 2010.^[95]^[129] The resolution highlighted tensions between product testing organizations' First Amendment protections and manufacturers' rights against potentially misleading empirical claims, influencing subsequent discussions on journalistic standards for consumer advocacy.^[130]

Other Notable Suits

In 1996, Isuzu Motors filed a product disparagement lawsuit against Consumers Union (the publisher of Consumer Reports) in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York, alleging that a 1998 article and cover story claiming the Isuzu Trooper sport utility vehicle had excessive rollover risk due to flawed handling tests damaged sales and reputation.^[131] The suit sought $242 million in damages, contending the tests were biased and not representative of real-world conditions.^[132] After a trial in 2000, a jury found in favor of Consumers Union on the core disparagement claims, determining the reporting was protected opinion based on disclosed methodology, though it issued a mixed verdict on certain procedural aspects without awarding damages to either party.^[132] In 2003, Sharper Image Corporation sued Consumers Union for libel and product disparagement in federal court in San Francisco over a Consumer Reports review deeming the Ionic Breeze air purifier "ineffective" based on lab tests measuring particle removal.^[133] The company claimed the tests were flawed, ignored ozone emissions benefits, and falsely implied the product was worthless, leading to lost sales.^[133] The court dismissed the suit in 2004, ruling the review constituted protected opinion under the First Amendment, as it detailed testing methods and results without verifiable factual falsehoods.^[133] Consumers Union maintained its testing integrity, noting no prior losses in similar challenges to its product evaluations.^[132]

Recent Developments

Innovations and Awards

Consumer Reports has integrated artificial intelligence into its operations through initiatives like AskCR, an AI-powered advisor that provides plain-language responses to consumer product queries based on CR's proprietary research data, linking users to relevant articles for further details.^[134] This tool represents an effort to enhance accessibility to CR's testing insights amid growing demand for personalized advice on emerging technologies. Additionally, CR developed the Data Rights Protocol version 1.0 in collaboration with a consortium, establishing a standardized framework to facilitate consumer control over personal data shared with companies.^[135] In testing methodologies, CR introduced specialized evaluations for new categories such as smart watches and wearables, incorporating metrics for health tracking accuracy, battery life under real-world conditions, and integration with digital ecosystems, reflecting adaptations to rapidly evolving consumer electronics.^[136] For appliances, CR pioneered emissions testing for vacuums to quantify fine particle blowback during operation, influencing industry standards for indoor air quality.^[51] These advancements build on CR's Digital Standard, a comprehensive evaluation framework applied by independent testers to assess how well technologies prioritize consumer privacy, security, and usability.^[137] CR received recognition for its innovative approaches in Fast Company's 2025 list of the World's Most Innovative Companies, cited for advancements in electric vehicle evaluation and broader consumer technology advocacy.^[138] Previously, in 2024, it earned a spot in Fast Company's World Changing Ideas Awards for contributions to automotive safety and technology improvements through rigorous testing protocols.^[139] These accolades underscore CR's role in driving empirical standards that pressure manufacturers toward verifiable enhancements in product reliability and safety.

Leadership Transitions and Policy Shifts

In January 2025, Consumer Reports appointed Phil Radford as its president and chief executive officer, effective February 1, with the announcement made on January 30.^[31] Radford, who previously served as chief strategy officer at the Sierra Club, brought experience from environmental advocacy organizations including Greenpeace, where he led campaigns on consumer-related issues like toxic chemicals, as well as early career work with nonpartisan groups such as the Public Interest Research Group.^[31]^[33] The leadership change emphasized continuity in Consumer Reports' mission of independent testing and advocacy, while introducing strategic priorities aligned with Radford's expertise in scaling membership organizations and addressing emerging consumer challenges such as artificial intelligence integration in products and inflationary pressures on goods.^[31]^[30] In his initial months, Radford focused on enhancing organizational impact through partnerships and investigations, building on prior achievements like PFAS exposure reporting that prompted industry responses.^[140] Governance adjustments accompanied the transition, with the board amending bylaws on February 13, 2025, to refine membership definitions, board term limits and elections, committee authorities, and officer succession protocols.^[28] These revisions aimed to increase operational flexibility and strengthen impartiality in decision-making, without altering core commitments to nonprofit independence.^[28] Further board evolution occurred in October 2025, when new members Janice Menke Abraham and two others were elected to three-year terms, signaling refreshed oversight amid priorities like product safety amid regulatory threats to agencies such as the Consumer Product Safety Commission.^[30]^[141] Under Radford, advocacy efforts intensified on issues like a proposed Homeowners Insurance Bill of Rights to counter nonrenewals and coverage reductions driven by climate-related claims, though these built on longstanding policy work rather than marking a wholesale pivot.^[142]

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Feb 1, 2007 · CR's findings offer added evidence of problems with LATCH, the federally-mandated attachment system for child car seats. Many car seats ...Missing: controversies | Show results with:controversies
[112]
The Car Seat Lady responds to Consumer Reports' April 2014 Infant ...
We've struggled to make sense of Consumer Reports' infant seat ratings released last week – and how to explain why we disagree with many of their conclusions.
[113]
Consumer Reports 2015 Convertible Seat Ratings
More than 90% of all car seats are NOT used properly – and studies show the average seat has 3 errors – with the two most frequent errors being that the seat is ...
[114]
r/CPST on Reddit: Consumer Reports Crash Test Vs BabyGearLab ...
Mar 15, 2025 · Consumer Reports (I'm unsure about BGL) can also be misleading. They will give a seat a bad rating if the seat breaks in their testing, however ...
[115]
How Consumer Reports Tests Child Car Seats
Mar 12, 2020 · Below are details about the rigorous methods we use to assess the seats we test. See our ratings of infant car seats, convertible car seats, booster seats, and ...Missing: criticisms | Show results with:criticisms
[116]
BOSE CORPORATION, Petitioner v. CONSUMERS UNION OF ...
Respondent published an article in its magazine evaluating the quality of numerous brands of loudspeaker systems, including one marketed by petitioner.Missing: sues | Show results with:sues
[117]
Bose Corp. v. Consumers Union | 466 U.S. 485 (1984)
The Court of Appeals correctly concluded that there is a significant difference between proof of actual malice and mere proof of falsity.
[118]
https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/376/254/
[119]
Bose Corporation v. Consumers Union of United States, Inc. - Oyez
Nov 8, 1983 · Bose Corporation, a loudspeaker manufacturer, brought a product disparagement action against Consumer Union for publishing a negative review of Bose products.
[120]
This week in 1988: Consumer Reports calls Suzuki Samurai 'unsafe'
Jun 12, 2013 · Consumers Reports recommended a recall on the Suzuki Samurai, deeming the SUV “unsafe” because it was found to roll over in an accident-avoidance test.<|separator|>
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[PDF] Safety Research Report Index - Suzuki Samurai Rollover
Suzuki Samurai owner's manual rollover warnings, 1988. 2. "Debate Brews Over Utility Vehicle," Detroit News, 4/25/88. 3. "Consumer Group Asks Recall of ...
[122]
The Consumer Reports Scandal That Killed A Car Model In The US
Oct 11, 2025 · The lawsuit was dismissed by a trial judge, reinstated on appeal in 2002, and went to trial in 2004.
[123]
Suzuki Motor Corporation and American Suzuki Motor ... - Justia Law
On April 11, 1996, Suzuki filed the instant action alleging that CU's ongoing publication of the negative Samurai rating constituted product disparagement.
[124]
SUZUKI MOTOR CORPORATION v. CONSUMERS UNION OF ...
Appellant Suzuki Motor Corporation (Suzuki), the manufacturer of the Samurai, has challenged the validity of CU's Samurai test and, on the heels of the 60th ...
[125]
Court revives Suzuki's claim against Consumer Reports
Jun 27, 2002 · Suzuki sued for product disparagement after Consumers Union rated the Samurai sport utility vehicle “not acceptable” for tipping during driving ...Missing: details outcome
[126]
Suzuki v. Consumer Reports trial called threat to independent ...
Nov 9, 2003 · Ball says the high court ruling means Suzuki will get to show a jury how Consumers Union rigged its handling tests to make the Samurai tip up on ...
[127]
Suzuki, Consumer Reports Settle Case - Los Angeles Times
Jul 9, 2004 · Suzuki did not receive any money in the settlement, the two sides said in a joint statement. But Consumer Reports agreed to a “clarification” ...
[128]
Suzuki Resolves a Dispute With a Consumer Magazine
Jul 9, 2004 · Suzuki Motor Corp and Consumers Union, publisher of Consumer Reports, reaches settlement in bitter eight-year legal dispute over magazine's ...
[129]
Suzuki, Consumer Reports settle lawsuit - Automotive News
Jul 7, 2004 · Suzuki's customer relations vice president, Cam Smith, said both parties walked away satisfied with the settlement. “This case was not about ...<|separator|>
[130]
Suzuki gives the high court a shot at redemption
The long-running case between Suzuki Motor Corp. and Consumer Reports, although presenting substantially different legal issues than the Nike case, gives ...Missing: summary | Show results with:summary
[131]
NO AWARD TO CONSUMERS UNION IN ISUZU CASE
Apr 7, 2000 · A jury delivered a mixed verdict against the publishers of Consumer Reports last night for their cover story on the alleged rollover dangers of Isuzu Troopers.
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Jury Clears <i>Consumer Reports</i> - CBS News
Apr 7, 2000 · sought $242 million in damages in a product defamation suit. ... Consumer Reports has never lost a case challenging its product testing.
[133]
Libel suit over Sharper Image product review dismissed
Nov 11, 2004 · Sharper Image alleged the reviews were the result of bad testing procedures administered by the Consumer Reports staff and that libelous action ...
[134]
AskCR - Innovation at Consumer Reports
AskCR is an AI-powered advisor that answers questions about products using CR's research, providing plain language answers and links to articles.
[135]
Updates Archives - Innovation at Consumer Reports
Announcing Data Rights Protocol v1.0. The Data Rights Protocol (DRP) consortium is thrilled to announce that we are releasing DRP version 1.0!
[136]
https://www.consumerreports.org/video/view/electronics/news/3615429792001/talking-tech-smart-watches-and-wearables/
[137]
The Digital Standard - Innovation at Consumer Reports
The Digital Standard is a framework to measure consumer values like privacy, security, and ownership. We seek to define industry-leading practices.Missing: expansion | Show results with:expansion
[138]
Consumer Reports Named to Fast Company's 2025 List of the ...
Mar 18, 2025 · Consumer Reports Named to Fast Company's 2025 List of the World's Most Innovative Companies. Recognition celebrates CR's impact on electric ...
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Consumer Reports Named in Fast Company's 2024 World ...
May 14, 2024 · Consumer Reports Named in Fast Company's 2024 World Changing Ideas Awards. The award recognizes CR's drive to improve auto technology and safety.
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Messages From Our President & Board Chair - Consumer Reports
Finally, I want to recognize and thank our new president and CEO, Phil Radford. In just nine months, Phil has brought his proven record of leadership and ...
[141]
Pressure Grows to Save the CPSC, a Vital Product Safety Agency
Aug 22, 2025 · Last month, a leaked draft budget proposal revealed that the new administration had plans to eliminate the CPSC as an independent agency and ...
[142]
https://www.consumerreports.org/money/homeowners-insurance/proposed-homeowners-insurance-protection-rights-a3867354890/