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Critical geopolitics

Critical geopolitics is an interpretive approach within political geography and international relations that emerged in the late 1980s, emphasizing the role of discourse, representations, and power in constructing geopolitical knowledge rather than treating geographical factors as objective determinants of state behavior.^[1] Pioneered by scholars such as Gearóid Ó Tuathail and Simon Dalby, it critiques classical geopolitics—rooted in thinkers like Halford Mackinder—for assuming universal spatial logics that mask elite interests and ideological biases.^[2]^[3] Central to the field is the concept of "geo-graphing," where geopolitical narratives are viewed as scripted performances by intellectuals of statecraft, such as policymakers and media figures, that naturalize hierarchies of space, identity, and security.^[4] This perspective draws on post-structuralist theory, including Michel Foucault's ideas on knowledge-power nexus, to deconstruct how terms like "heartland" or "rimland" encode dominance rather than describe immutable realities.^[5] Key texts, including Ó Tuathail's Critical Geopolitics: The Politics of Writing Global Space (1996), apply these methods to historical cases from British imperialism to Cold War strategies, revealing how such writings legitimize intervention and territorial control.^[2] While influential in academic circles for highlighting subjective elements in foreign policy—such as the framing of regions as threats or allies—critical geopolitics has faced criticism for prioritizing textual analysis over testable causal mechanisms, potentially undermining predictive insights into material geographic constraints like resource distribution or topography.^[6] Its applications extend to contemporary issues, including populist discourses on borders and migration, though empirical validation remains debated amid the field's emphasis on contingency over determinism.^[7]

Definition and Core Principles

Foundational Assumptions

Critical geopolitics rests on the assumption that geopolitical knowledge and spatial configurations are not objective reflections of material reality but socially constructed through discursive practices that intertwine power and representation. Drawing from poststructuralist thought, particularly Michel Foucault's concept of power-knowledge, it posits that what is deemed "geopolitical truth"—such as divisions between core and periphery or friend and foe—is produced via language, texts, and institutional narratives rather than inherent geographical features.^[1] This constructionist view holds that elites, policymakers, and media "write" global space, shaping identities, interests, and conflicts through selective interpretations that naturalize particular world orders.^[8] A core tenet is the rejection of classical geopolitics' environmental determinism, which treated physical geography—terrain, climate, and location—as primary causal forces dictating state behavior, as in Halford Mackinder's 1904 Heartland theory asserting control over Eastern Europe as pivotal to world dominance.^[1] Instead, critical geopolitics scrutinizes how such theories themselves function ideologically, embedding assumptions of racial hierarchy or imperial expansion (e.g., Friedrich Ratzel's Lebensraum) that served power interests rather than neutral analysis.^[8] Geographical assumptions are thus seen as performative, actively constituting political realities rather than passively describing them, with emphasis on deconstructing binaries like civilized/uncivilized or self/other that underpin foreign policy. This framework extends to viewing geopolitics as embedded in everyday practices beyond statecraft, including popular culture and non-state actors, where spatial imaginaries—mental maps of threat and opportunity—are reproduced and contested.^[1] While privileging contingency and subjectivity, these assumptions have been critiqued for underemphasizing verifiable material constraints, such as resource distribution or topographical barriers, which empirical cases like Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine demonstrate as enduring influences on strategic calculations despite discursive framing.^[9] Nonetheless, the approach insists on analyzing power relations through specific technologies, like cartography or diplomatic rhetoric, to reveal how they enable dominance.^[8]

Distinction from Classical Geopolitics

Classical geopolitics, as developed by thinkers such as Halford Mackinder and Karl Haushofer in the early 20th century, treats geography as an objective, material force that deterministically shapes state power, territorial control, and international rivalry, often emphasizing fixed spatial features like landmasses and resources to explain political outcomes.^[10] In contrast, critical geopolitics, emerging in the late 1980s and 1990s through scholars like Gearóid Ó Tuathail and Simon Dalby, rejects this positivist framework by viewing geopolitical knowledge as socially constructed through discourse rather than as a reflection of incontrovertible physical realities.^[1] ^[11] Methodologically, classical approaches rely on empirical analysis of strategic geography to inform statecraft and predict power dynamics, assuming a neutral, scientific observation of spatial relationships.^[10] Critical geopolitics, however, employs poststructuralist techniques such as discourse analysis and deconstruction—influenced by Michel Foucault's power-knowledge nexus—to interrogate how representations of space, identity, and threat are produced and circulated by elites, media, and institutions, thereby naturalizing hierarchies and policies.^[1] This shift emphasizes epistemology over ontology, treating geopolitical "truths" as contingent interpretations embedded in language and culture rather than universal facts.^[11] Ontologically, classical geopolitics posits space as a pre-given, objective arena where material factors like proximity to resources or chokepoints dictate causal influence on politics, often aligning with realist paradigms of inevitable conflict.^[10] Critical variants invert this by conceiving space as subjectively "geo-graphed"—inscribed with meaning through interpretive practices that serve power interests—challenging state-centric views and highlighting how such constructions marginalize alternative perspectives or identities.^[1] While classical geopolitics aids prescriptive state strategy, critical approaches prioritize critique, exposing biases in traditional narratives without necessarily offering predictive models, though this has drawn accusations of excessive relativism from proponents of materialist analyses.^[11]

Historical Development

Intellectual Origins in Poststructuralism

Critical geopolitics draws its intellectual foundations from poststructuralism, which posits that geopolitical knowledge is not derived from objective spatial realities but constructed through discursive practices that embed power relations and exclude alternative interpretations.^[12] Poststructuralist thought challenges the foundational assumptions of classical geopolitics, rejecting notions of fixed geographical determinants in favor of analyzing how representations of space—such as maps, texts, and policy scripts—produce and sustain political authority.^[13] This approach emerged in the late 1980s and early 1990s amid broader applications of poststructuralism to international relations, emphasizing contingency over determinism.^[14] Central to this lineage is Michel Foucault's conception of discourse as a mechanism intertwining knowledge and power, wherein geopolitical scripts function to normalize hierarchies like core-periphery divides or threat perceptions.^[15] Foucault's ideas informed early critical analyses by highlighting how state practices and intellectual writings render certain spatial imaginaries "true" while marginalizing others, thus enabling governance through seemingly neutral geographical expertise.^[16] Jacques Derrida's deconstruction supplemented this by providing tools to dismantle binary oppositions in geopolitical texts—such as East/West or ally/enemy—revealing their instability and role in upholding dominant narratives.^[17] Seminal contributions crystallized these influences: Simon Dalby's 1991 article "Critical Geopolitics: Discourse, Difference, and Dissent" explicitly integrated poststructuralist themes to critique how Cold War-era geopolitical discourses suppressed dissent and environmental concerns.^[13] Gearóid Ó Tuathail and John Agnew's 1992 paper "Geopolitics and Discourse: Practical Geopolitical Reasoning in American Foreign Policy" redefined geopolitics as a discursive practice, applying poststructuralist lenses to U.S. policy scripts from the late Cold War period.^[12] These works, building on earlier skeptical engagements with realist geography, paved the way for Ó Tuathail's 1996 monograph Critical Geopolitics: The Politics of Writing Global Space, which systematically deconstructed the writing of global political space as an authorial act laden with ideological assumptions.^[18] John Agnew later traced these origins to a confluence of poststructuralist IR theory and geography's linguistic turn, underscoring the shift from materialist to interpretive paradigms around 1990.^[7]

Emergence and Institutionalization in the 1990s

Critical geopolitics coalesced as an academic approach in the early 1990s, drawing from post-Cold War reflections on the constructed nature of geopolitical knowledge. Simon Dalby and Gearóid Ó Tuathail, working independently and collaboratively, laid its initial foundations by critiquing classical geopolitics' reliance on deterministic spatial theories, instead emphasizing discursive practices and power dynamics in shaping international relations.^[1] Dalby's 1991 article "Critical Geopolitics: Discourse, Difference, and Dissent," published in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, explicitly coined and defined the term, advocating for an analysis of geopolitical texts as sites of contestation rather than neutral descriptions of reality.^[13] Ó Tuathail advanced this framework through his 1996 monograph Critical Geopolitics: The Politics of Writing Global Political Space, which deconstructed how intellectuals and state actors author global spatial narratives to legitimize policy, using examples from Cold War-era writings by figures like Halford Mackinder and Zbigniew Brzezinski.^[19] The book's publication by the University of Minnesota Press in its Borderlines series marked a pivotal theoretical consolidation, influencing subsequent scholarship by framing geopolitics as a form of "geo-power" embedded in representational practices. Institutionalization accelerated mid-decade via dedicated academic outlets and collaborations. A 1996 special issue of Political Geography, guest-edited by Dalby and Ó Tuathail, featured essays rethinking geopolitical traditions through discourse analysis, environmental linkages, and identity formations, thereby embedding the approach within mainstream political geography journals.^[20] This was followed by the 1998 edited volume Rethinking Geopolitics by Ó Tuathail and Dalby, which expanded the field's scope to include critiques of U.S. foreign policy discourses and environmental security, fostering its adoption in university curricula and research programs across geography and international relations departments.^[21] By the decade's end, critical geopolitics had transitioned from fringe critique to a recognized subfield, evidenced by increasing citations and symposia, though its poststructuralist orientation drew debates over its detachment from material geopolitical realities.^[22]

Evolution Through the 2000s and Beyond

In the early 2000s, critical geopolitics expanded its focus to analyze the discursive constructions surrounding the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks and the subsequent U.S.-led "war on terror," examining how these events reshaped global spatial imaginaries and power relations. Scholars applied poststructuralist methods to deconstruct official narratives, such as those in the U.S. National Security Strategy, which framed terrorism as an existential threat justifying preemptive interventions, revealing underlying assumptions of American exceptionalism and Orientalist binaries between "civilized" and "barbaric" spaces.^[23] This period saw increased attention to popular culture's role in disseminating geopolitical scripts, including Hollywood films that portrayed the war on terror through masculinist heroism and enemy othering, as critiqued in analyses of post-9/11 spy cinema.^[24] By the mid-2000s, the field incorporated interdisciplinary influences, including feminist and postcolonial perspectives, shifting emphasis from elite discourses to embodied experiences, emotions, and everyday geopolitical practices. Research highlighted how gender dynamics underpinned security policies, with works critiquing the militarized masculinities in counterterrorism rhetoric and their marginalization of women's roles in conflict zones.^[25] Concurrently, critical geopolitics engaged with geoeconomic dimensions, though economic determinism proved less dominant than anticipated, as global trade and resource conflicts were subordinated to security-driven analyses amid rising concerns over oil dependency and financial globalization.^[26] Into the 2010s and 2020s, the approach evolved toward "Critical Geopolitics 2.0," integrating ecological crises and planetary boundaries, as seen in Gerard Toal's reformulation linking sea-level rise to imperial decline and urging a reevaluation of anthropocentric geopolitical reasoning. This phase addressed limitations in earlier textual-focused discourse analysis by incorporating performative and ethnographic methods to study hybrid human-nonhuman agencies in climate geopolitics.^[27] Debates also intensified over the field's radical potential, with reflections on 25 years of scholarship noting its influence on political geography while critiquing risks of detachment from material causalities in favor of endless deconstruction.^[28] Despite these advances, the resurgence of classical geopolitical paradigms in response to great-power competition, such as U.S.-China rivalry, prompted self-examination of critical geopolitics' relevance amid empirically grounded strategic analyses.^[22]

Key Concepts and Frameworks

Discourse and Knowledge-Power Nexus

In critical geopolitics, the discourse and knowledge-power nexus conceptualizes geopolitical representations as discursive formations that inextricably link the production of spatial knowledge to relations of power, inspired by Michel Foucault's analysis of discourse as a system of statements that both enables and constrains what can be known and said about the world. This framework posits that geopolitical discourses—manifest in texts, speeches, maps, and media—do not merely describe objective realities but actively construct them, naturalizing hierarchies of space, identity, and threat that sustain dominant geopolitical actors. For instance, foreign policy elites' "scriptings" of global events, such as portraying regions like the Middle East as inherent zones of instability, embody power by rendering alternative interpretations marginal or unthinkable.^[29]^[30] Gearóid Ó Tuathail's foundational text Critical Geopolitics: The Politics of Writing Global Space (1996) exemplifies this nexus by deconstructing how intellectual and practical geopolitical writings fuse geographical knowledge with power, treating space as a scripted narrative rather than a fixed entity. Ó Tuathail argues that such discourses operate through "geo-graphing," where authoritative voices author global order, as seen in Cold War-era analyses that framed the Soviet Union as an expansionary menace, thereby justifying Western containment strategies without empirical scrutiny of underlying assumptions. This approach reveals the nexus as a site of contestation, where subordinate discourses—such as those from non-Western perspectives—challenge hegemonic framings but often face discursive exclusion.^[30]^[31] The implications of this nexus extend to methodological imperatives in critical geopolitics, urging analysts to unpack how power circulates through everyday discursive practices, including policy documents and popular media, rather than assuming neutrality in geopolitical expertise. By foregrounding the historicity and contingency of knowledge claims, scholars like Ó Tuathail and John Agnew emphasize that disrupting the nexus involves tracing the authorship and audience of discourses to expose their role in reproducing global inequalities, such as in post-1990s representations of "failed states" that legitimize interventions. Empirical studies applying this lens, for example, to U.S. foreign policy reasoning, demonstrate how discursive shifts post-9/11 reframed global space around a "war on terror" axis, consolidating executive power while sidelining dissenting spatial logics.^[17]^[1]^[29]

Facets of Geopolitical Practice

In critical geopolitics, geopolitical practice encompasses the discursive and material ways in which spatial representations of power are enacted by actors ranging from state elites to broader societal institutions, challenging the notion of geopolitics as merely objective analysis. This approach, drawing from poststructuralist insights, views practice not as neutral implementation but as performative scripting that constructs realities of threat, alliance, and territory. Key facets include formal, practical, structural, and popular dimensions, each highlighting distinct sites where geopolitical knowledge is produced and mobilized.^[1]^[32] Formal geopolitics examines the authoritative geopolitical discourses crafted by intellectuals, strategists, and think tanks, which frame global space through abstract models like core-periphery dynamics or pivot areas. For instance, Halford Mackinder's 1904 "Heartland" thesis posited a Eurasian pivot state as central to world dominance, influencing subsequent policy framings without direct state involvement. These formal scripts, often embedded in academic or advisory texts, legitimize power asymmetries by naturalizing geographical determinism, yet critical analysis reveals their contingency on cultural and historical contexts rather than immutable laws.^[33]^[34] Practical geopolitics focuses on the operationalization of these discourses by state practitioners, such as diplomats and military leaders, in decision-making processes. This facet scrutinizes how policymakers "read" and apply geopolitical maps in real-time actions, exemplified by U.S. containment strategies during the Cold War (1947–1991), where Truman Doctrine speeches invoked Soviet expansionism as an existential spatial threat. Unlike classical views of rational calculation, critical perspectives highlight how such practices embed power-knowledge nexuses, rendering alternatives invisible through performative repetition. Empirical studies, like those of Balkan conflicts in the 1990s, show practical geopolitics enacting ethnic territories via intervention rhetoric.^[31]^[5] Structural geopolitics addresses the underlying economic and material conditions—such as global capitalism's uneven development—that constrain or enable geopolitical maneuvers, integrating Marxist critiques into spatial analysis. John Agnew's work argues that structural forces, like resource dependencies in oil-rich regions, shape state behaviors beyond elite agency, as seen in OPEC's 1973 embargo disrupting Western economies and altering alliance geometries. This facet critiques formal and practical approaches for overlooking how capitalist accumulation reproduces geopolitical hierarchies, with data from World Bank indicators (e.g., GDP disparities exceeding 1:100 between core and peripheral states in 2020) underscoring causal materialities over discursive idealism alone.^[33]^[32] Popular geopolitics investigates how geopolitical narratives permeate mass media, education, and consumer culture, fostering everyday spatial orientations. Joanne Sharp's analysis of Reader's Digest articles in the 1980s demonstrates how U.S. publications portrayed the Third World as a chaotic "other," reinforcing domestic support for interventions like those in Grenada (1983). Surveys, such as Pew Research polls from 2015–2023 showing 60–70% of Americans viewing China through rivalry lenses shaped by media, illustrate this facet's role in naturalizing elite scripts at the societal level, often amplifying binaries of self versus enemy without empirical scrutiny.^[35]^[36]

Representations and Spatial Imaginaries

In critical geopolitics, representations encompass the maps, texts, images, and discourses that construct and contest geopolitical space, rather than merely reflecting objective realities. These representations, such as historical world maps like Abraham Ortelius's Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (1570), encode power relations by privileging certain spatial hierarchies and narratives over others. Gearóid Ó Tuathail argues that geopolitics operates as a discursive practice where such representations script global spaces, naturalizing divisions like core-periphery models or East-West binaries.^[12] ^[31] Spatial imaginaries refer to culturally shared, often subconscious, conceptions of geographic space that shape political perceptions and actions. These imaginaries, including constructs like "the West" or "Eurasia," emerge from textual, visual, and performative sources, influencing how actors envision threats, alliances, and identities. For instance, post-Cold War imaginaries have fractured into multipolar visions, such as those emphasizing a rising "Global South," which reframe globalization's spatial logic and foster "othering" dynamics.^[37] ^[38] Critical geopoliticians contend that these imaginaries are not fixed but contested, with media and elite discourses actively producing them to legitimize policies, as seen in U.S. foreign policy scripting of regions like South Africa during the Reagan era.^[39] The interplay between representations and spatial imaginaries underscores critical geopolitics' emphasis on deconstruction: analyzing how visual media, for example, affects geopolitical reasoning by embedding affective spatial emotions and historical narratives. In contemporary contexts, such as U.S.-China rivalry, spatial imaginaries invoke pericentric logics—focusing on peripheral spaces like the Indo-Pacific—to counterbalance power, demonstrating how representations translate cultural perceptions into strategic realities. This approach reveals systemic biases in institutional sources, where Western-centric imaginaries often marginalize non-hegemonic perspectives, necessitating scrutiny of source credibility in geopolitical analysis.^[40] ^[41]

Methodological Approaches

Discourse Analysis and Deconstruction

In critical geopolitics, discourse analysis involves the systematic examination of linguistic and representational practices that construct spatial knowledge, identities, and power hierarchies in international relations. Drawing from Michel Foucault's conception of discourse as a system of statements that defines what can be said or thought about a topic, scholars apply this to geopolitical texts such as policy documents, media narratives, and intellectual writings to reveal how they naturalize particular worldviews.^[42] For instance, analysis targets the ways in which terms like "heartland" or "rimland" in classical geopolitics encode assumptions about territorial control and civilizational superiority, thereby shaping foreign policy rationales.^[43] This method emphasizes that geopolitical "realities" are not objective but produced through discursive formations that privilege certain actors and marginalize others.^[44] Deconstruction, influenced by Jacques Derrida's philosophical approach, extends discourse analysis by dismantling binary oppositions embedded in geopolitical reasoning, such as self/other, center/periphery, or secure/threatening spaces. In practice, it interrogates the instability of meanings in texts, exposing how apparent certainties rely on suppressed contradictions or hierarchical valuations. Gearóid Ó Tuathail, a foundational figure, employs deconstruction to critique the authoritative voice of geopolitical experts, arguing that their representations authorize interventions by rendering alternatives unsayable.^[5] For example, deconstructive readings of Cold War-era U.S. foreign policy discourses reveal how portrayals of the Soviet Union as an existential "other" concealed domestic power dynamics and economic imperatives.^[45] This technique avoids naive acceptance of textual surface meanings, instead tracing genealogies of concepts to uncover their contingency.^[17] Methodologically, discourse analysis and deconstruction in critical geopolitics favor qualitative close readings over quantitative metrics, focusing on intertextuality—how texts reference and reinforce one another—and on silences or absences that sustain dominant narratives. Practitioners identify recurring metaphors, such as orientalist framings of regions as "arcs of crisis," to demonstrate their role in justifying military or economic strategies.^[44] Ó Tuathail and John Agnew's framework reconceptualizes geopolitics itself as a discourse, analyzing practical reasoning in elite speeches and reports to show how it circulates as "common sense" among policymakers.^[31] Unlike traditional content analysis, these methods incorporate reflexivity, requiring analysts to acknowledge their own discursive positions, though critics note this can introduce subjective interpretations that prioritize textual instability over empirical causation.^[17] Applications extend to contemporary cases, such as deconstructing post-9/11 "war on terror" rhetoric, where phrases like "axis of evil" binarize global space into moral absolutes, enabling expansive U.S. interventions.^[46] These approaches have evolved to integrate multimodal elements, including visual discourses in maps or films, but remain centered on textual deconstruction to challenge reified geopolitical ontologies. While effective in highlighting constructedness, reliance on poststructuralist premises risks underemphasizing material factors like resource distribution or military capabilities, as evidenced in debates over whether discursive shifts alone explain policy changes.^[43] Nonetheless, the methods persist in unpacking how discourses legitimize inequality, as seen in analyses of European Union enlargement narratives that frame Eastern Europe through lenses of transition and integration, masking neocolonial dynamics.^[46]

Ethnographic and Performative Methods

Ethnographic methods in critical geopolitics involve prolonged immersion in field sites through participant observation, in-depth interviews, and auto-ethnographic reflection to examine how geopolitical discourses manifest in everyday practices and embodied experiences. These techniques shift focus from elite textual productions to the micro-politics of borderlands, policy implementation, and community negotiations, highlighting agency and contingency in spatial power dynamics. By privileging local voices and material contexts, ethnography challenges the top-down assumptions of classical geopolitics and enriches discourse analysis with empirical granularity.^[47] A key application appears in Nick Megoran's fieldwork on the Uzbekistan-Kyrgyzstan Ferghana Valley boundary dispute of 1999-2000, where closures amid ethnic tensions severed cross-border communities, altering livelihoods and fostering new territorial imaginaries; through direct engagement with residents, Megoran illustrated how state scripts of security were contested and reinterpreted on the ground, disrupting over 100 years of open mobility.^[48]^[49] Similar studies, such as those on water governance or migrant assemblages, use ethnography to link affective responses and material artifacts to broader geopolitical formations, though they risk overemphasizing subjective narratives at the expense of verifiable causal structures.^[47] Performative methods extend this by conceptualizing geopolitics as enacted through iterative bodily and discursive acts, akin to speech-act theory or Judith Butler's performativity, where subjects "do" territory, threat, or alliance via routinized practices rather than innate essences. Techniques include thick description of rituals, montage of multimedia artifacts, and experimental storytelling to map the relational flux of geopolitical assemblages, revealing how virtual possibilities emerge from material interactions.^[50] Jason Dittmer's 2014 analysis advocates these for tracing complexity in U.S. foreign policy enactments, integrating ethnographic data with historical trajectories to expose non-linear effects, such as how policy performances stabilize or destabilize global orders.^[50]^[51] Together, ethnographic and performative approaches foster a "more-than-representational" critical geopolitics, incorporating embodiment and temporality, as seen in studies of elite expertise or popular media receptions; yet, their reliance on interpretive depth can limit generalizability, prompting calls for hybrid methods that balance micro-practices with macro-empirical testing.^[47]^[50]

Notable Scholars and Contributions

Gearóid Ó Tuathail and Early Foundations

Gearóid Ó Tuathail, also known as Gerard Toal, emerged as a pivotal figure in the development of critical geopolitics during the early 1990s, shifting the field from deterministic spatial analyses toward a discursive and deconstructive approach. In a seminal 1992 article co-authored with John Agnew, titled "Geopolitics and Discourse: Practical Geopolitical Reasoning in American Foreign Policy," published in Political Geography, Ó Tuathail redefined geopolitics as a discursive practice involving the spatialization of international politics by core powers and hegemonic states.^[12] This work conceptualized discourses as socio-cultural resources enabling elites to construct meanings about global space, thereby naturalizing power relations and foreign policy decisions, such as U.S. strategies during the Cold War.^[31] Ó Tuathail's foundational text, Critical Geopolitics: The Politics of Writing Global Space, published in 1996 by the University of Minnesota Press, expanded this framework into a comprehensive critique of classical geopolitics.^[4] The book examines how geopolitical writings—exemplified by figures like Halford Mackinder—function as "imperial incitements" that script global space to align with imperial ambitions, drawing on post-structuralist methodologies inspired by Michel Foucault's genealogy and Jacques Derrida's deconstruction to reveal hidden power dynamics in textual representations.^[52] By analyzing historical geopolitical texts, Ó Tuathail demonstrated how such writings produce authoritative "geo-graphs" that marginalize alternative spatial imaginaries, establishing critical geopolitics as a method for interrogating the politics embedded in knowledge production about international relations.^[4] These early contributions laid the groundwork for the field's institutionalization by emphasizing the contingency of geopolitical knowledge, challenging realist assumptions of objective spatial laws, and advocating for an anti-foundational stance that prioritizes the analysis of representational practices over material determinism. Ó Tuathail's approach influenced subsequent scholars by integrating insights from international relations dissidents and cultural studies, fostering a subdiscipline attentive to how elite discourses shape policy and public perceptions of global threats and opportunities.^[53] His work, grounded in empirical deconstructions of specific texts and speeches, underscored the need to historicize and contextualize geopolitical reasoning rather than treat it as timeless truth.^[54]

John Agnew and Structural Critiques

John Agnew, a professor of geography at the University of California, Los Angeles, has advanced critical geopolitics by integrating structural analysis into critiques of traditional geopolitical thought, emphasizing the embeddedness of spatial practices within broader economic and institutional power relations.^[55] His work counters the spatial determinism of classical geopolitics—exemplified by figures like Halford Mackinder and Karl Haushofer—by highlighting how geopolitical visions arise from and reinforce material structures such as capitalism, imperialism, and state territoriality.^[56] In doing so, Agnew argues that geopolitical knowledge is not merely discursive but conditioned by historical processes of capital accumulation and uneven global development, which produce hierarchical spatial orders.^[7] Central to Agnew's structural critiques is his 1994 concept of the "territorial trap," which identifies flaws in international relations theory for assuming an ontological prioritization of fixed territorial states as the primary units of analysis, conflating sovereignty with effective control, and treating domestic and international politics as discrete realms. This trap, Agnew contends, obscures how power operates through networks, scales, and relational geometries rather than absolute territorial enclosures, as evidenced in cases like the European Union's supranational integration challenging Westphalian state models since the 1992 Maastricht Treaty.^[56] By linking geopolitics to political economy, Agnew critiques the ahistorical tendencies in both classical and some post-structuralist approaches, insisting that causal explanations must account for how economic structures—such as global trade imbalances documented in World Bank data from the 1980s onward—shape geopolitical strategies and conflicts.^[7] In Geopolitics: Re-visioning World Politics (1998, revised 2003), Agnew delineates four core features of the modern geopolitical imagination: the global visualization of the world as a unified space amenable to power projection; the binary division of regions into advanced and backward zones, rooted in 19th-century colonial mappings; the naturalization of political boundaries as inherent rather than constructed; and the extension of state sovereignty over territory as the normative ideal of order.^[56] These elements, he argues, sustain U.S.-led hegemony post-1945, as seen in Cold War containment policies that spatialized communism as a territorial threat, but fail to explain post-1991 shifts like the rise of networked financial powers eroding state-centric control. Agnew's framework thus calls for "re-visioning" geopolitics to prioritize structural causality over representational critique alone, warning that neglecting material foundations risks reducing analysis to elite discourses detached from empirical realities of power distribution.^[7]

Other Influential Figures

Simon Dalby emerged as an early proponent of critical geopolitics, emphasizing the role of discourse in constructing geopolitical realities, particularly in relation to security and environmental issues. In his 1991 article "Critical Geopolitics: Discourse, Difference, and Dissent," Dalby argued for retheorizing global politics through political geography by deconstructing dominant narratives that frame international relations in spatial terms.^[13] He co-edited Rethinking Geopolitics (1998) with Gearóid Ó Tuathail, which advanced critiques of classical geopolitical thought by integrating post-structuralist insights into analyses of power and space. Dalby's work extended to environmental security, highlighting how geopolitical discourses securitize ecological challenges, as explored in his contributions to reframing climate change within geopolitical frameworks.^[57] Klaus Dodds has significantly shaped the subfield of popular geopolitics, examining how media, films, and cultural artifacts produce spatial imaginaries that influence public understandings of global power dynamics. His 2005 book Global Geopolitics: A Critical Introduction analyzes how states and non-state actors construct geopolitical narratives through case studies of terror networks and territorial disputes. Dodds co-edited The Ashgate Research Companion to Critical Geopolitics (2013), which synthesizes methodological approaches and empirical applications, including ethnographic studies of elite practices and representational strategies.^[58] In Geopolitics: A Very Short Introduction (2019, second edition 2024), he critiques deterministic views of geography's role in statecraft, advocating for a nuanced understanding of how representations mediate international events like Brexit and China's rise.^[59] Jason Dittmer has advanced critical geopolitics through investigations of popular culture's role in geopolitical sensemaking, particularly via comics, films, and affective dimensions of identity formation. His 2010 article "Popular Geopolitics 2.0" proposes assemblage theory and complexity approaches to study everyday geopolitical practices beyond elite discourses, drawing on materiality and relationality.^[60] Co-editing Geopolitics: An Introductory Reader (2014) with Jo Sharp, Dittmer traces the evolution of geopolitical concepts from classical to critical paradigms, incorporating postcolonial and constructivist perspectives.^[61] Works like Mapping the End Times (2010) dissect how evangelical interpretations of scripture generate alternative geopolitical visions, such as those influencing U.S. foreign policy toward Israel.

Applications and Empirical Case Studies

Media and Popular Geopolitics

In critical geopolitics, popular geopolitics refers to the study of how geopolitical narratives and spatial perceptions are disseminated and internalized through everyday media consumption, including news outlets, films, television, and digital platforms, rather than solely through state or elite scripting.^[62] This approach highlights media as a site where audiences encounter and negotiate representations of global power dynamics, often blending factual reporting with mythic or affective elements that shape collective identities and threat perceptions.^[63] Early analyses, such as those examining The Reader's Digest in the 1990s, demonstrated how popular magazines reinforced American exceptionalism by framing international relations through narratives of moral geography and civilizational clashes.^[63] Media representations in popular geopolitics frequently operationalize binaries of "us" versus "them," as seen in post-9/11 Hollywood films like the Captain America series, where antagonists embody existential threats to Western liberal orders, drawing on intertextual references from comics to amplify emotional resonance.^[64] These portrayals, analyzed by scholars like Jason Dittmer, illustrate how cinematic narratives co-produce geopolitical scripts that align with, yet sometimes exceed, official discourses, influencing public support for policies such as military interventions.^[65] Videogames, such as the Call of Duty: Modern Warfare series released between 2007 and 2020, extend this to interactive formats, where players simulate conflicts in regions like the Middle East, embedding spatial hierarchies and ethical dilemmas that mirror real-world media framing but allow for user-driven variations in interpretation.^[66] News media's role in popular geopolitics involves selective framing of events, as evidenced in coverage of the Russia-Ukraine conflict starting in 2014, where Western outlets emphasized narratives of democratic resilience against authoritarian expansion, shaping audience views on NATO's eastern flank.^[67] In non-Western contexts, Russian state media like RT has countered with alternative popular geopolitics, portraying Ukraine as a geopolitical pivot influenced by external powers, thereby cultivating domestic support for irredentist policies through accessible digital formats.^[67] Social media platforms have accelerated this since the mid-2010s, enabling user-generated content to challenge or hybridize elite narratives, though algorithmic curation often reinforces echo chambers that entrench polarized spatial imaginaries. Empirical studies underscore media's feedback loops, where popular receptions influence policy feedback; for example, audience engagement with Marvel's Avengers films (2012–2019) has been linked to heightened perceptions of global interconnectedness amid multipolar rivalries, blending entertainment with implicit geopolitical education.^[68] However, critiques within the field note that media analyses risk overemphasizing discursive construction at the expense of material drivers like resource competition or military capabilities, which empirically underpin many represented conflicts.^[69] Recent scholarship calls for integrating audience ethnography to capture how diverse demographics, including fandom communities, reinterpret media geopolitics, as in K-pop's global spread challenging East Asian hierarchies since the 2010s.^[70]

Policy Elites and Practical Geopolitics

In critical geopolitics, practical geopolitics denotes the everyday discursive and representational practices through which policy elites—such as foreign ministers, national security advisors, and intelligence officials—construct spatial understandings of global threats, alliances, and power dynamics to inform statecraft. Gearóid Ó Tuathail and John Agnew formalized this distinction in 1992, contrasting it with formal geopolitics, which involves explicit scholarly treatises, by emphasizing how elites' implicit geographical assumptions simplify international politics into actionable "worlds" of fixed places, actors, and dramas.^[12] This approach reveals geopolitics not as objective strategy but as a power-infused discourse that naturalizes certain spatial hierarchies, often marginalizing alternative interpretations of geography or causality.^[14] A foundational empirical case study examines U.S. policy elites' framing of the Soviet Union during the early Cold War. In his February 22, 1946, "Long Telegram" from Moscow, diplomat George F. Kennan depicted the USSR as a paranoid, messianic empire driven by innate expansionism, embedding spatial metaphors of encirclement and ideological buffers that underpinned the Truman Doctrine and containment strategy announced on March 12, 1947. Critical analyses highlight how this rhetoric reduced multifaceted Soviet incentives—rooted in wartime devastation and security dilemmas—to a binary East-West divide, enabling U.S. elites to justify global military commitments without deeper engagement with local contingencies.^[12] Similar deconstructions apply to post-9/11 discourses, where U.S. officials under President George W. Bush invoked the "axis of evil" in the January 29, 2002, State of the Union address to link Iran, Iraq, and North Korea as a networked threat, spatially reconfiguring the Middle East and Asia as fronts in a war on terror that rationalized the 2003 Iraq invasion.^[14] Beyond Western cases, critical geopolitics has scrutinized non-Western policy elites' practical reasoning, such as in post-Soviet states where leaders spatialize dependencies on Russia. In Tajikistan and Belarus, elites from 2010 onward have discursively framed economic and security ties with Moscow as culturally resonant "benefits" amid multipolar pressures, portraying Russia as a civilizational anchor against Western "encroachment" in official statements and bilateral agreements like the 2021 Union State treaty deepening Belarusian integration.^[71] These applications underscore elites' role in reproducing geopolitical scripts, though critics of critical geopolitics argue such constructivist emphases overlook verifiable material drivers like resource geography or military capabilities, potentially overattributing outcomes to discourse alone.^[72] Empirical rigor in these studies demands triangulating elite texts—speeches, memos, policy papers—with outcomes, as seen in how EU foreign policy elites' 2014-2022 representations of Russia's Ukraine actions shifted from "partner" to "revisionist aggressor," influencing sanctions regimes.^[6]

Global Events and Regional Analyses

Critical geopolitics has been applied to major global events by scrutinizing the discursive framing of threats, identities, and spatial hierarchies that shape policy responses and public perceptions. Scholars examine how elite speeches, media narratives, and popular culture construct geopolitical realities, often revealing power-laden assumptions rather than objective analyses of material factors like resource competition or military capabilities. For instance, in analyzing the Global War on Terror following the September 11, 2001, attacks, researchers deconstruct U.S. presidential rhetoric, such as President George W. Bush's 2002 "axis of evil" designation of Iraq, Iran, and North Korea, as embedding orientalist binaries of civilized West versus barbaric East that justified interventions while marginalizing alternative interpretations of terrorism's root causes.^[73] ^[64] This approach highlights how such discourses facilitated extraordinary renditions and surveillance expansions, yet critics within the field note its tendency to prioritize textual critique over empirical assessments of jihadist networks' operational logistics.^[24] In regional analyses, critical geopolitics dissects contested spaces where overlapping claims invoke historical myths and identity politics. The Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, serves as a case where scholars like Gearóid Ó Tuathail analyze Moscow's invocation of "Novorossiya" (New Russia) as a modernist territorial imaginary rooted in imperial nostalgia, contrasting it with Kyiv's emphasis on sovereign borders to delegitimize aggression as revanchist expansionism rather than defensive necessity.^[74] ^[75] Russian state media's portrayal of NATO enlargement as existential encirclement exemplifies how geopolitical scripts mobilize domestic support, with over 500,000 Russian troops deployed by mid-2022 reinforcing these narratives amid documented territorial gains in Donbas exceeding 20% of Ukraine's land by October 2024.^[76] Such studies underscore discursive contestation but have been faulted for underemphasizing causal drivers like energy dependencies, where Russia's pre-war control of 40% of Europe's gas imports via pipelines through Ukraine influenced escalation dynamics.^[77] Applications extend to maritime flashpoints like the South China Sea, where critical geopolitics critiques Beijing's "nine-dash line" claims—encompassing 90% of the 3.5 million square kilometer area—as performative assertions of historical sovereignty that sideline multilateral legal rulings, such as the 2016 Permanent Court of Arbitration decision favoring the Philippines.^[78] ^[79] Analyses reveal how China's island-building, adding over 3,200 acres of artificial land since 2013, embeds hegemonic spatial practices that challenge U.S. freedom-of-navigation operations, framing the region as a zero-sum domain of influence rather than shared economic corridors handling $3.4 trillion in annual trade.^[80] Regional claimants like Vietnam and the Philippines invoke counter-discourses of archipelagic entitlement, yet empirical data on militarized outposts—equipped with missile systems by 2020—suggest material power projection overrides narrative alone in altering de facto control.^[81] These case studies illustrate critical geopolitics' utility in exposing ideational underpinnings of events, though applications often rely on qualitative textual methods that may overlook quantifiable metrics like military expenditures, where China's $292 billion defense budget in 2023 dwarfs neighbors'.^[82] Further examples include the Arctic's emerging geopolitical theater, analyzed through lenses of securitization where melting ice—reducing summer extent by 13% per decade since 1979—amplifies discourses of resource frontiers, with Russia's 53% claim to the seabed contested via UN Convention on the Law of the Sea submissions emphasizing strategic sea lanes over cooperative environmental regimes.^[83] In Latin America, regional integrations like Mercosur are critiqued for embedding Eurocentric spatial hierarchies that marginalize indigenous territorialities amid U.S.-China rivalry.^[84] Overall, these applications demonstrate critical geopolitics' emphasis on how events are "scripted" through elite and popular imaginaries, providing insights into representational power while inviting integration with classical metrics for fuller causal accounts.^[85]

Criticisms and Limitations

Empirical and Material Neglect

Critics of critical geopolitics argue that the approach systematically underemphasizes empirical verification and material determinants of power, such as geographical features, resource endowments, and infrastructural capacities, in favor of discursive and representational analyses. This orientation, influenced by post-structuralist methodologies, privileges the deconstruction of texts, media narratives, and elite speeches over systematic data collection on tangible factors like topography's influence on military logistics or economic dependencies shaping alliances. For instance, physical geography's role in constraining state behavior—evident in historical cases like the Ural Mountains' barrier effects during invasions—receives marginal attention compared to interpretive critiques of "geopolitical scripts."^[86] Scholars like Phil Kelly contend that this discursive focus evades empirical rigor, producing analyses that lack falsifiability and predictive utility, as they treat geopolitical realities as wholly constructed rather than partially constrained by objective conditions. Similarly, Terrence W. Haverluk and colleagues identify this as one of three core flaws, asserting that critical geopolitics neglects the "real" material world underpinning power asymmetries, such as military bases or trade routes, which classical geopolitics empirically maps to explain outcomes like naval dominance in island chains. From a critical realist perspective, the field's flattened ontology ignores stratified layers of reality, including non-discursive structures like class-based economic forces or environmental limits, reducing causation to subjective interpretations and overlooking how material scarcities drive conflicts independently of rhetoric.^[87]^[88] Such neglect is attributed to an overreliance on Foucauldian discourse analysis, which, while highlighting power in knowledge production, sidelines quantitative metrics like GDP correlations with territorial control or satellite-verified border fortifications. Proponents of materialist challenges, such as Vicki Squire, acknowledge this gap by calling for integration of "more-than-human" agencies like geophysical processes, yet the dominant tradition persists in anthropocentric textualism, potentially biasing toward ideologically driven deconstructions over data-driven causal models. This has drawn fire from positivist and realist quarters, where empirical studies—e.g., correlations between resource rents and authoritarian resilience—underscore material factors' primacy, rendering discourse-centric views explanatorily incomplete for policy or forecasting.^[86]^[89]

Methodological Overreliance on Constructivism

Critics of critical geopolitics argue that its foundational reliance on constructivist methodologies, particularly discourse analysis, privileges ideational and representational processes over empirical material realities, resulting in a skewed understanding of geopolitical causation. This approach, drawing from post-structuralist influences, treats geopolitical knowledge as socially constructed through texts, scripts, and narratives, often equating discourse with the substance of power dynamics. However, scholars contend this methodological commitment marginalizes non-discursive factors, such as physical geography and infrastructural constraints, which exert independent causal influence on state behavior and conflict outcomes.^[89]^[87] A primary flaw identified is the overemphasis on textual analysis, which critics like Martin Müller describe as neglecting performative practices and everyday enactments of identity, thereby hindering a holistic analysis. Müller critiques the field's "traditional concern with texts at the expense of practice," arguing that this has "all but vitiated a holistic conceptualization of identity" by prioritizing inscription over material and embodied dimensions. Similarly, Vicki Squire highlights an "overinvestment in representational aspects," which impedes substantive engagement with materiality, reducing complex geopolitical events to linguistic deconstructions without addressing tangible infrastructures or resource dependencies. Haverluk et al. further note that this constructivist lens dismisses the objective impacts of physical geography on state power, such as terrain's role in military logistics or border vulnerabilities.^[89] From a critical realist standpoint, this overreliance manifests in an anthropocentric ontology that collapses reality into discourse, lacking a stratified framework to differentiate emergent structural layers from subjective interpretations. The approach fails to explain non-discursive mechanisms, such as economic interdependencies or demographic pressures, which operate beyond narrative framing and possess relative autonomy. As articulated in critical realist analyses, critical geopolitics "reduces reality to discourse" and cannot account for the "relative independence of subjective and objective layers," confining theorization to descriptive narration of surface-level empirics rather than causal depth.^[87] Such methodological limitations undermine the field's explanatory power, rendering it vulnerable to unfalsifiable interpretations that prioritize critique over prediction or verification. While discourse shapes elite perceptions—as seen in policy scripting—overreliance on constructivism obscures how material preconditions, like naval chokepoints or energy reserves, constrain or enable actions irrespective of prevailing narratives. This has drawn accusations of relativism, where objective geopolitical constraints are dissolved into subjective "knowledge production," limiting integration with data-driven assessments of power balances.^[89]^[87]

Ideological Biases and Political Agendas

Critics argue that critical geopolitics harbors ideological biases rooted in its origins within post-Cold War academic environments dominated by progressive, left-of-center perspectives, often manifesting as a systemic distrust of Western state power and traditional geopolitical reasoning.^[89] Key figures in the field have historical ties to anti-nuclear and environmental social movements, which shape analyses that prioritize deconstructing hegemonic discourses over empirical evaluation of power dynamics.^[89] This orientation leads to accusations of a radical anti-Western stance, where critiques of classical geopolitics as imperialist or deterministic overlook similar ideological underpinnings in alternative frameworks.^[90] A prominent line of critique posits that the approach is inherently "too political," exhibiting a partisan rush to judgment that mirrors the advocacy it condemns in traditional geopolitics.^[89] Historian Jeremy Black, for instance, highlights a "general tendency to adopt a politically partisan approach" in critical geopolitics, contrasting it with claims of neutrality in classical variants.^[89] Such biases are evident in the field's "anti-geopolitics" posture, which rejects material and environmental determinants of conflict—core to analyses of events like resource-driven territorial disputes—in favor of discursive deconstructions that align with utopian social agendas.^[90] This selective emphasis limits applicability to real-world scenarios, such as the 2014 annexation of Crimea, where discourse analysis downplays verifiable military and geographic causal factors.^[90] These political agendas extend to broader academic influences, where critical geopolitics serves as a vehicle for challenging globalization and state-centric order from a post-structuralist lens, often amplifying narratives of Western culpability while under-scrutinizing non-Western authoritarian expansions.^[6] In environments like Western universities, where surveys indicate over 80% of social science faculty lean left politically as of 2020, such frameworks risk entrenching echo chambers that prioritize ideological critique over falsifiable hypotheses.^[91] Proponents counter that all geopolitics is situated knowledge, yet detractors contend this relativism excuses unexamined biases, fostering analyses that conflate empirical geopolitics with moral advocacy.^[89]

Impact and Recent Developments

Influence on International Relations Theory

Critical geopolitics has shaped international relations theory by foregrounding the role of discourse in constructing geopolitical realities, thereby critiquing the spatial ontologies implicit in realist and liberal paradigms that treat geography as a material given influencing state power. Scholars in this tradition argue that representations of space—such as borders, regions, and threats—are not neutral but produced through power-laden narratives that enable particular foreign policies and hierarchies. This discursive focus, inspired by Michel Foucault's ideas on knowledge-power, challenges the positivist emphasis on observable behaviors and rational actors, instead examining how "intellectuals of statecraft" script global space to legitimize dominance.^[1] Within constructivism, critical geopolitics contributes a spatial dimension to the intersubjective construction of interests and identities, aligning with Alexander Wendt's 1992 assertion that "anarchy is what states make of it" by demonstrating how geopolitical discourses socially constitute anarchy through territorial imaginaries. For instance, Gearóid Ó Tuathail's analysis in the 1990s deconstructed Cold War mappings of the world into "free" and "enemy" zones, showing how such constructs shape alliance formations and security dilemmas beyond material capabilities. This has influenced constructivist geopolitics, which bridges discursive critique with empirical spatial analysis to explain state behavior in post-bipolar contexts, such as the reinterpretation of Europe's eastern borders after 1989.^[92] In poststructuralist IR, critical geopolitics extends critiques of sovereignty and the state by addressing John Agnew's "territorial trap," wherein IR theories conflate politics with bounded territory, overlooking fluid spatial practices like migration or hybrid warfare. This has impacted subfields such as security studies, where it informs analyses of securitization through geographical metaphors, and feminist IR, by incorporating embodied and everyday geopolitics to reveal gendered spatial exclusions. However, its influence remains concentrated in interpretive scholarship, with limited integration into mainstream quantitative IR due to methodological divergences from causal empiricism.^[93]

Responses to Contemporary Challenges

Critical geopolitics has adapted to contemporary challenges by extending its scrutiny of power-knowledge dynamics to hybrid threats, environmental crises, and shifting great power dynamics, often emphasizing discursive constructions that obscure material imperatives. Scholars advocate for a "thick geopolitics" that integrates empirical realities, such as resource constraints and biospheric limits, to critique how traditional geopolitical reasoning perpetuates insecurity amid existential risks like pandemics and ecological collapse.^[28] This evolution seeks greater agility, incorporating posthumanist perspectives to address non-human agencies in global processes, though it maintains a focus on deconstructing elite narratives over predictive modeling.^[28] In confronting climate change, critical geopolitics analyzes how interstate competitions accelerate environmental degradation by favoring short-term strategic gains over transnational cooperation. Gerard Toal argues that great power rivalries, exemplified by the surge in fossil fuel production following Russia's February 24, 2022, invasion of Ukraine, undermine mitigation despite widespread acknowledgment of anthropogenic warming's risks, as sanctions prompted Western allies to ramp up energy output, contributing to higher global emissions in 2022 and 2023.^[94] This perspective highlights causal links between geopolitical maneuvering and delayed decarbonization, critiquing discourses that frame climate action as secondary to security imperatives.^[94] Regarding renewed great power competition, critical geopolitics dissects spatial imaginaries and representational strategies in conflicts like the Russia-Ukraine war and U.S.-China tensions. In the Ukrainian context, analyses reveal how Russian justifications for the 2022 invasion rely on modernist territorial discourses, reasserting imperial claims over hybrid warfare realities involving information operations and supply chain disruptions.^[75] Similarly, for China's ascent—which saw its GDP surpass $18 trillion by 2023—scholars apply a pericentric lens to U.S.-China rivalry, emphasizing regional flashpoints in the Indo-Pacific and transnational networks rather than inevitable bipolarity, while cautioning against alarmist narratives that overlook domestic drivers like China's internal nationalism.^[95] ^[96] These responses underscore persistent biases in academic sources toward constructivist interpretations, often underweighting verifiable material factors such as military buildups, with China's defense spending reaching approximately $292 billion in 2023.

Prospects for Integration with Classical Approaches

Classical geopolitics emphasizes the causal influence of physical geography, resources, and state power on international outcomes, as articulated in theories by Halford Mackinder and Alfred Thayer Mahan in the early 20th century.^[97] Critical geopolitics, emerging in the 1990s, shifts focus to discursive representations and social constructions of space, often deconstructing classical assumptions as serving elite power interests.^[98] Despite these divergences, scholars have explored integration by leveraging constructivist frameworks that acknowledge both material constraints and ideational factors in shaping geopolitical realities. Rebin Fard, in a 2021 analysis, advocates for "constructivist geopolitics" as a synthesis, combining classical spatial determinism with critical discourse analysis to address post-bipolar complexities like identity-driven conflicts and global challenges such as climate change.^[11] Such integration prospects are evident in regional case studies. In the Arctic, where melting sea ice since the early 2000s has expanded navigable routes and resource access, hybrid approaches merge classical assessments of geography's role in empowering states like Russia and the United States with critical scrutiny of policy narratives, such as securitization discourses in Arctic Council meetings. This dual lens demonstrates how physical changes enable power shifts while elite representations influence cooperation or rivalry, as seen in Russia's 2014 annexation of Crimea extending Arctic militarization.^[99] Similarly, re-interpretations of classical theories through critical lenses reveal their contextual origins—Mackinder's Heartland concept tied to British imperial concerns in 1904—allowing adaptation for modern applications, including China's "One Belt, One Road" initiative launched in 2013, which blends sea power strategies with discursive framing of economic interdependence.^[98] Challenges to deeper integration stem from foundational incompatibilities: critical approaches often prioritize subjectivity and reject objective geographical causality, viewing classical models as ahistorical justifications for hegemony.^[97] Yet, empirical validations of classical predictions, such as resource-driven conflicts in the South China Sea since 2010, suggest critical tools can enhance realism by unpacking how media and elite scripts amplify or mitigate material incentives. Neo-classical variants propose retaining core spatial analytics while incorporating constructivist nuances on state identities, potentially yielding policy-relevant insights amid rising multipolarity, as evidenced by renewed interest in Mackinder's ideas following Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine.^[11] Overall, while full paradigmatic merger remains elusive due to critical geopolitics' post-structuralist roots, pragmatic hybrids offer viable paths for analyzing hybrid threats like cyber-enabled territorial disputes, where geography intersects with narrative warfare.^[99]

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Gerard Toal (Gearóid Ó Tuathail). Earthing the ... - Critical Geopolitics
His work in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Caucasus are the product of this evolution. He tied this work on 'localized geopolitics' to Critical Geopolitics in G. Ó ...
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Practical Geopolitical Reasoning in American Foreign Policy
Aug 6, 2025 · This paper argues for the re-conceptualization of geopolitics using the concept of discourse. Geopolitics is defined as a discursive practice.
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John Agnew - UCLA Geography
Sep 10, 2019 · Distinguished Professor of Geography with research interests in Political Geography, International Political Economy, European Urbanization, and Italy.
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Geopolitics: Re-visioning World Politics - 2nd Edition - John Agnew -
In stock Free deliveryJohn Agnew systematically explores how Europeans in a position of global power imposed their ways and views on others through visualizing the world as a whole.
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[PDF] Simon Dalby's publications “Climate Change and Political Instability ...
Simon Dalby and Shannon O'Lear “Towards Ecological Geopolitics: Reframing Climate. Change” in Shannon O'Lear and Simon Dalby (eds) Reframing Climate Change:.
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The Ashgate Research Companion to Critical Geopolitics - Routledge
In stock Free deliveryThe Ashgate Research Companion to Critical Geopolitics. Edited By Klaus Dodds, Merje Kuus Copyright 2013. Paperback $35.19. Hardback $240.00. eBook $32.99. ISBN ...
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Geopolitics - Klaus Dodds - Oxford University Press
Shows how geopolitics provides an essential guide to making sense of contemporary events such as Brexit and the rise of China · Includes new sections considering ...
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Popular Geopolitics 2.0: Towards New Methodologies of the Everyday
Nov 5, 2010 · Jason Dittmer is a Lecturer in Human Geography at University College London. His interests lie in the intersection of geopolitics with popular ...<|control11|><|separator|>
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Geopolitics | An Introductory Reader | Jason Dittmer, Jo Sharp | Taylo
Jun 27, 2014 · This book introduces readers to the concept of geopolitics, from the first usage of the term to its more recent reconceptualisations.
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Popular Geopolitics - PMC - NIH
Of necessity, the term 'popular geopolitics' refers to two things: the daily type of geopolitics, which are presented through various media, and the academic ...
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popular geopolitics, myth and The Reader's Digest - ScienceDirect
The media are the prime example of a site of representation at which elite texts are interpreted in the terms of popular culture and assessed in these terms.
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Popular Geopolitics and the 'War on Terror' - E-International Relations
May 10, 2015 · Representational logics, emotion and affect, and intertextuality offer methodological insights into how popular geopolitics connects to the warMissing: definition | Show results with:definition
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Jason Dittmer: Popular Geopolitics, Culture and Representations
Dr Dittmer gives his views on popular geopolitics and related concepts such as representations, postcolonialism and social constructivism.
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Popular geopolitics 'beyond the screen': Bringing Modern Warfare to ...
Jul 16, 2020 · Popular geopolitics, videogames and going 'beyond the screen'. Popular culture has been an important cultural vehicle in promoting everyday ...<|control11|><|separator|>
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Popular Geopolitics in Russia and Post-Soviet Eastern Europe
Mar 22, 2017 · Four facets of critical news literacy in a non-democratic regime ... O'Loughlin, J., Ó Tuathail, G. & Kolossov, V. (2004a) 'A “Risky ...
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Practical Geopolitics in Cinematic Narratives of Marvel's The ...
Jun 25, 2021 · Joanna Szostek clarifies that popular geopolitics places itself in the subfield of human geography and is 'concerned with peoples' perceptions ...
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Historicising popular geopolitics - Harby - 2019 - Compass Hub - Wiley
Nov 19, 2018 · Informative: A paper which reviews critical geopolitics literature which uses historical research methods to analyse popular geopolitics.
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[PDF] Popular Geopolitics, Empathy, and Cultural-Media Geographies in ...
connections between fandom and popular geopolitics as displayed on social media. Such. Page 156. 146 connections are far from theoretical: hundreds of fans ...
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Post-Soviet Dependence with Benefits? Critical Geopolitics of ...
Jun 21, 2024 · Third, the critical geopolitics lens allows us to account for the importance of culture in how Belarusian and Tajik elites spatialise their ...
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The Three Critical Flaws of Critical Geopolitics: Towards a Neo ...
Jan 21, 2014 · Critical geopolitics is a body of radical scholarship that emerged in the 1980s that attempts to move beyond classic geopolitics. In order ...Missing: evolution | Show results with:evolution
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Critical geopolitics post the 'War on Terror' - ScienceDirect.com
This paper is a critical geopolitical analysis of texts about Islam and the so-called Global War on Terror (GWOT) produced by New Atheist writers.
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Critical Geopolitics | Gerard Toal (Gearóid Ó Tuathail). Earthing the ...
Oct 8, 2024 · What makes the Russian war against Ukraine different from other conflicts in Europe since World War II? This is a crisis caused by a …
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Russian spatial imaginaries and the invasion of Ukraine: Geopolitics ...
The invasion is both motivated by modernist territorial imaginaries and already changing them, including in an apparent re-territorialization of 'Russia'.
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Ukraine War: Research & Analysis - CSIS
New CSIS data details Russia's slow rate of advance, heavy losses of equipment, and significant casualties. Listen to Audio Brief.
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Consequences of the Russia-Ukraine War and the Changing Face ...
May 22, 2025 · The Russia-Ukraine war's main geostrategic effect has been to weaken relationships between Europe and Russia and, to a lesser extent, ...
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[PDF] A Critical Political Geography of China and the South China Sea ...
Abstract: This paper aims to provide an alternative viewpoint on China and the South China Sea islands dispute through the use of political geography.
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Territorial Disputes in the South China Sea | Global Conflict Tracker
Sep 17, 2024 · China's assertiveness in the South China Sea has steadily increased, resulting in heightened tensions with Southeast Asian claimant states, ...
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Space, Maritime Security, and Geopolitics in the South China Sea
Aug 12, 2025 · China's militarization of artificial islands in the South China Sea has intensified regional tensions and appeared to shift the strategic ...
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https://www.csis.org/blogs/latest-southeast-asia/latest-southeast-asia-south-china-sea-updates
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China's geopolitical dominance game in the South China Sea
May 20, 2025 · China's quest for dominance in the South China Sea is not about resources nor any single maritime issue; in essence, it isn't about the sea at all.
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[PDF] Between Classical and Critical Geopolitics in a Changing Arctic
With roots in constructivism, critical theory, poststructuralist traditions, feminism, and postcolonial critique, critical geopolitics today has become 'an ...
[84]
Geopolitics and regionalism: A Latin American perspective
Apr 30, 2021 · (2019). Critical geopolitics and regional (re) configurations. Interregionalism and transnationalism between Latin American and Europe.
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[PDF] Localizing geopolitics
Critical geopolitics began as a critique of Cold War geopolitical discourses that imposed homogenizing categories upon diverse regional conflicts and ...
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(PDF) Reshaping critical geopolitics? The materialist challenge
Aug 7, 2025 · This article draws attention to the limits of an approach that emphasises the representational, cultural, and interpretive dimensions of ...
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A Critical Realist Reading of Critical Geopolitics
In critical realist terms, it can be argued that critical geopolitics lacks a stratified ontology and cannot explain non-discursive and structural layers of ...
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https://doi.org/10.1016/S0962-6298(99)00069-4
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(PDF) Reflection on Criticisms of Critical Geopolitics - ResearchGate
Nov 25, 2021 · In discuss these criticisms, I make an argument for a continuity of concern with latent catastrophism in Critical Geopolitics from the danger of ...<|separator|>
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The Three Critical Flaws of Critical Geopolitics: Towards a Neo ...
Aug 6, 2025 · Critical geopolitics is a body of radical scholarship that emerged in the 1980s that attempts to move beyond classic geopolitics.
[91]
Is Social Science Research Politically Biased? - ProMarket
Nov 15, 2023 · In new research, Matthew C. Ringgenberg, Chong Shu, and Ingrid M. Werner ask if academic research exhibits political slants.Missing: geopolitics | Show results with:geopolitics<|separator|>
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[PDF] Towards a New Concept of Constructivist Geopolitics
This essay deals with the question to what extent perspectives of classical and critical geopolitical thought are suitable for analysing.
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On Post-structuralism's Critique of IR - E-International Relations
May 13, 2013 · 174). For example, a critical approach to geopolitics demonstrates how the world is disciplined into the 'first world and third world, North ...
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Oceans Rise Empires Fall - Gerard Toal - Oxford University Press
$$29.95It is the decisive decade for climate change action, yet great power competition is surging. ... Critical Geopolitics (Minnesota). Cover. Oceans Rise Empires Fall.
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Towards a critical geopolitics of China–US rivalry: Pericentricity ...
Jun 16, 2022 · This scholarship draws attention to the conflict's 'pericentric' nature, its diverse regional manifestations and the transnational connections it enabled.
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[PDF] Emerging China and Critical Geopolitics: Between World Politics ...
JOHN AGNEW. 571. The two terms “critical” and “geopolitics” sit uneasily together. The first indicates a suspicion of state power in general and of state ...Missing: structural | Show results with:structural
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Classical Geopolitics Revisited
### Summary of Content from Classical Geopolitics Revisited
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Re-interpretation of the classical geopolitical theories in a critical ...
This paper introduces the development of critical geopolitics, summarizes the three characteristics of critical geopolitics, and interprets the four classical ...
[99]
Between Classical and Critical Geopolitics in a Changing Arctic
Economic, political, legal, and historical factors also play a role in the observed power shifts. The article Between Classical and Critical Geopolitics in a ...