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Ethical naturalism

Ethical naturalism is a meta-ethical theory positing that moral properties, such as or rightness, are identical to or reducible to properties—those features of the world amenable to empirical investigation via the sciences—thus rendering facts objective, stance-independent aspects of reality discoverable through rational inquiry rather than or . This view embraces by affirming the existence of moral truths while anchoring them firmly within the causal structure of the natural world, rejecting any moral realm as superfluous or unverifiable. In its reductive form, ethical terms like "good" are analytically equivalent to specific natural predicates, such as maximization in utilitarian variants; non-reductive variants, like Cornell realism, hold that moral properties supervene on but are not exhausted by natural bases, akin to how biological functions emerge from physical processes without full reduction. Historically, ethical naturalism traces to ancient frameworks, including Aristotelian eudaimonism, where human flourishing derives from empirically observable in living organisms, and Confucian ethics emphasizing natural social harmonies. Modern iterations gained traction in the late amid renewed defenses against non-naturalism, with proponents like Richard Boyd, David Brink, Nicholas Sturgeon, Peter Railton, and Frank Jackson arguing that moral discourse tracks causal-regularity properties in the natural order, much as scientific terms do. These advocates leverage arguments from —moral differences necessitate natural differences—and conceptual analysis to contend that mature moral understanding aligns with scientific maturity, enabling predictive and explanatory power in ethics comparable to physics or biology. Recent developments, including neo-Aristotelian variants by and defenses against normativity critiques, reinforce its compatibility with and , portraying virtues as adaptive traits fostering species survival. Central controversies stem from G.E. Moore's open question argument, which contends that substituting natural descriptions for moral ones (e.g., "Is good?") yields non-trivial queries, implying moral properties cannot be natural without committing the of deriving ought from is. Non-naturalists like Moore and later amplify this by insisting moral —its capacity to motivate or bind—eludes purely descriptive natural facts, potentially rendering ethics descriptively trivial or explanatorily inert. Naturalists counter that such objections presuppose an inflated view of , resolvable via empirical psychology or functionalist analyses showing moral concepts as evolved tools for , with no need for mysterious irreducibles; yet debates persist, particularly in academia where non-naturalism retains influence despite naturalism's alignment with broader ontological parsimony.

Core Concepts and Definition

Defining Ethical Naturalism

Ethical naturalism is a meta-ethical positing that properties, such as goodness, rightness, and wrongness, are identical with or reducible to natural properties—those observable and investigable through empirical sciences like , , and . This view treats ethical facts as objective features of the natural world, stance-independent and amenable to scientific inquiry, rather than as or entities. Proponents argue that evaluations can be grounded in empirical data about human flourishing, evolutionary adaptations, or causal relations in , thereby integrating into a naturalistic without invoking non-empirical intuitions or divine commands. Ethical naturalism encompasses both reductive and non-reductive variants. Reductive forms assert that moral properties fully reduce to non-moral natural properties, such that ethical terms can be analytically or synthetically translated into descriptive scientific —for instance, identifying "good" with pleasure maximization or adaptive . Non-reductive naturalism, by contrast, maintains that properties supervene on natural ones but are not exhaustively definable in non-moral terms; they emerge as higher-level features with distinct causal efficacy, akin to how mental states relate to brain processes in . This distinction addresses challenges like G.E. Moore's open-question argument, which critiques reductive analyses by highlighting that substituting natural predicates for ones often leaves ethical questions unresolved, though non-reductivists counter that preserves distinctiveness without non-natural commitments. As a form of and cognitivism, ethical naturalism holds that moral statements express truth-apt propositions capable of being true or false based on natural facts, enabling ethical knowledge through empirical methods supplemented by rational reflection. It contrasts with non-naturalism, which posits moral properties as irreducibly non-empirical, and with anti-realist views like , which deny objective facts altogether. Critics, including non-naturalists, contend that naturalizing risks the "is-ought" gap, arguing that descriptive natural facts cannot entail normative prescriptions without additional premises. Nonetheless, naturalists respond that normativity arises causally from natural or human psychology, as seen in neo-Aristotelian accounts linking to species-typical functioning.

Types of Ethical Naturalism

Ethical naturalism is categorized into reductive and non-reductive forms, differing in how moral properties relate to natural properties studied by sciences such as , , and . Reductive ethical naturalism asserts that moral properties are identical to specific natural properties and that ethical concepts can be analytically defined or reduced to non-ethical, naturalistic descriptions, such as for "goodness" in utilitarian frameworks. This approach, often termed descriptivist naturalism, aims for moral claims to be translatable into empirical statements verifiable through scientific methods, as exemplified by attempts to equate moral rightness with fact-based predictions of behavioral outcomes. Non-reductive ethical naturalism, by contrast, maintains that moral properties are —falling within the scope of scientific —but resist analytical to simpler natural predicates; instead, moral terms rigidly designate complex natural properties via causal and referential mechanisms akin to those in terms like "" or "." Cornell realism, developed by philosophers Richard Boyd, David O. Brink, and Nicholas Sturgeon in the 1980s, exemplifies this variant, positing that moral properties are higher-level kinds that play explanatory roles in , , and social causation without being semantically analyzable into non-moral terms. Proponents argue this avoids the open-question by leveraging Kripke-Putnam semantics, where moral references track functional and dispositional natural roles empirically discovered rather than predefined. Neo-Aristotelian naturalism represents another non-reductive strand, grounding moral norms in empirical facts about human functional nature and eudaimonic flourishing, as articulated by philosophers like Philippa Foot and Rosalind Hursthouse, who link virtues to biologically informed accounts of species-typical functioning without reducing ethics to physics or chemistry. This form emphasizes teleological aspects of human biology, such as capacities for rational agency and social cooperation, as constitutively ethical when aligned with natural ends, supported by evidence from evolutionary biology and developmental psychology. Critics of reductive variants, including some naturalists, contend that they fail to capture the irreducibly normative force of ethics, while non-reductive forms preserve objectivity by integrating moral realism with scientific ontology.

Historical Development

Ancient and Pre-Modern Roots

Aristotle's ethical framework in the , composed around 350 BCE, laid early groundwork for ethical naturalism by deriving moral virtues from the empirical study of and function. He contended that the highest human good, (flourishing), arises from rational activity in accordance with virtue, which aligns with the natural ergon (function) of humans as rational animals capable of deliberative choice. Virtues such as and are not abstract ideals but habits cultivated through practice, observable in human and , making ethical norms reducible to natural teleological ends rather than divine commands or intuitions. This teleological influenced later thinkers by emphasizing that moral knowledge emerges from biological and psychological facts about human flourishing. The Stoics, beginning with in the early 3rd century BCE, advanced a form of ethical naturalism centered on living kata physin (in accordance with nature). They viewed as the sole good, consisting in rational alignment with the rational order of the , which humans apprehend through their innate capacity for reason—a natural faculty shared with the universe's . Moral progress involves recognizing and assenting to natural impulses, such as and social affinity, which evolve into impartial benevolence without reliance on supernatural revelation. This cosmopolitan ethics treated moral properties as identical with natural rational structures, discoverable via observation and logic, distinguishing it from forms or religious edicts. In the era, Cicero's (45 BCE) synthesized traditions, particularly Aristotelian and , to defend ethical naturalism against . He argued that the highest good stems from human nature's inherent drives toward self-preservation and sociability, which empirical reflection reveals as foundations for and duty. Cicero's appropriation highlighted moral facts as extensions of , accessible through reason applied to observable human behaviors and societal needs, bridging ancient eudaimonism with proto-modern . Pre-modern extensions, such as in medieval derivations from , retained naturalistic elements by rooting obligations in human inclinations but often subordinated them to theological frameworks, diluting strict identification of moral properties with purely natural ones.

Enlightenment and 19th-Century Foundations

The Enlightenment era contributed to ethical naturalism by emphasizing empirical derivations of morality from human psychology and social dynamics, departing from theological or purely rationalist frameworks. Although predating the height of the Enlightenment, Thomas Hobbes provided influential groundwork in Leviathan (1651), contending that moral terms such as right and justice originate in natural human drives—like aversion to violent death and pursuit of security—culminating in a contractual order to escape the anarchic state of nature. Hobbes thereby equated ethical facts with observable behavioral regularities and rational calculations of self-preservation, rendering morality a domain of natural causation rather than divine fiat. Jeremy Bentham extended this naturalistic impulse into systematic with An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789), positing that actions are morally right insofar as they augment pleasure and avert pain—empirically discernible sensations subject to hedonic measurement via intensity, duration, and other quantifiable dimensions. Bentham's framework treated ethical evaluation as an extension of psychological and physiological facts, amenable to legislative and scientific application, thus integrating into the natural order of human motivations without invoking non-natural properties. In the 19th century, refined Benthamite hedonism in (1863), asserting that the ultimate moral standard resides in the greatest for the greatest number, where comprises pleasures (distinguished by quality as well as quantity) and freedom from pain as inherent constituents of human welfare. Mill grounded this in empirical proofs drawn from psychological tendencies toward and universal desires, viewing moral properties as reducible to natural facts about sentient experience and societal utility, while critiquing intuitionist alternatives for lacking evidential support. Herbert Spencer further embedded ethical naturalism in , as detailed in Social Statics (1851) and The Principles of Ethics (published in parts from 1879 to 1893), theorizing that moral codes arise through , with defined as equal enabling the fittest adaptations for and persistence. Spencer's synthesis portrayed ethical as continuous with organic development, where moral sentiments like emerge from inherited instincts favoring group survival, thereby positioning ethical properties as emergent yet fully natural outcomes of causal processes in nature.

20th-Century Analytic Revival

Following the early 20th-century critique by , who argued in (1903) that identifying moral properties with natural ones commits the , ethical naturalism waned in amid the rise of non-cognitivist theories such as (, 1936) and prescriptivism (, 1952). These views treated moral statements as non-truth-apt expressions of attitude or commands, sidelining realist accounts. However, by the 1980s, a revival emerged, driven by philosophers who defended by integrating ethical properties with natural ones, leveraging developments in and science like causal theories of reference (, 1980; , 1975). This "new wave" moral realism, often termed Cornell realism after its association with affiliates, rejected Moore's assumption of analytic definability, positing instead that moral terms rigidly designate clusters of natural properties through their causal roles in moral practice and explanation. Central to this revival was Richard N. Boyd's argument that moral properties function as natural kinds, akin to biological or physical kinds, with reference fixed by theoretical and practical success rather than explicit definitions; in his 1988 paper "How to Be a Moral Realist," Boyd contended that moral terms like "good" track causally efficacious natural properties that explain and social outcomes, allowing ethical inquiry to parallel empirical without reduction to simpler predicates. Nicholas Sturgeon extended this by emphasizing explanatory power: in Moral Explanations (1988), he maintained that moral facts, realized by natural properties such as psychological dispositions or relational structures, provide indispensable reasons for non-moral events, countering supervenience-based objections from J.L. Mackie's error theory (1977). Peter Railton, in "" (1986), advanced a subjectivist yet realist variant, defining an act's rightness as its tendency to fulfill the agent's fully informed desires, thus rooting in natural facts about motivation and welfare without supernatural posits. David O. Brink's Moral Realism and the Foundations of Ethics (1989) further solidified the framework by arguing that moral supervenience on natural properties—where ethical differences require natural differences—supports or realization claims without committing Moore's , as open-question phenomena reflect semantic opacity rather than metaphysical distinction. These thinkers prioritized causal and epistemic via and , mirroring scientific , and challenged anti-realist by highlighting moral properties' role in successful predictions and interventions. The revival thus repositioned ethical naturalism as compatible with analytic rigor, influencing subsequent debates on and , though critics like Gilbert Harman (1977) questioned the empirical credentials of moral explanations.

Key Theories and Proponents

Utilitarian and Consequentialist Variants

Utilitarian variants of ethical naturalism identify moral rightness with the maximization of utility, defined as natural properties such as , , or preference satisfaction, which are held to be empirically observable and measurable through scientific methods. This approach reduces ethical evaluation to causal consequences in the natural world, where actions are assessed by their tendency to produce greater net positive states over alternatives, bypassing or non-natural norms. Jeremy Bentham's hedonistic exemplifies this, positing in his 1789 An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation that "nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters, pain and ," with morality derived from calculating intensities, durations, and certainties of these sensations via the hedonic calculus to guide legislation and behavior. John Stuart Mill extended Bentham's framework in his 1863 Utilitarianism, arguing that higher-quality pleasures—such as those from intellectual or pursuits—outweigh mere quantitative sensory ones, as determined by the preferences of competent experiencers, thereby grounding ethical distinctions in empirical rather than . Mill's proof of claims that is desirable because each person desires their own , generalizing to the promotion of general as the only defensible end, supported by inductive evidence from human desires and outcomes. These classical forms treat properties as identical to or supervenient upon facts about human welfare, amenable to reform through and experimentation. Consequentialist variants broaden beyond strict by evaluating actions according to outcomes involving any specified natural good, such as desire fulfillment or informed preference satisfaction, while retaining the core naturalistic commitment to outcome-based assessment without intrinsic deontic constraints. , for instance, advanced by in works like Moral Thinking (1981), measures value by the satisfaction of actual or idealized preferences, treating these as psychological states quantifiable through behavioral and neuroscientific data. Contemporary applications, such as Peter Singer's in (1979, revised 2011), integrate empirical data from and to argue that moral obligations extend impartially to all sentient beings, prioritizing the prevention of suffering based on comparable capacities for natural states like , as evidenced by neurophysiological similarities across . This yields policies like , where interventions are selected for maximized impact on metrics, such as quality-adjusted life years in .

Evolutionary and Biological Naturalism

Evolutionary naturalism in posits that moral capacities and judgments arise from Darwinian processes of , which favor traits promoting social cooperation, kin , and group survival in ancestral environments. outlined this view in The Descent of Man (1871), arguing that the moral sense evolved from social instincts in gregarious animals, where sympathy and approbation mechanisms reinforced behaviors beneficial to the group, gradually refining into human through and reason. Proponents contend that moral properties, such as or , are identical with or reducible to these adaptive biological functions, integrating into empirical without supernatural foundations. Edward O. Wilson advanced this framework in Sociobiology: The New Synthesis (1975), proposing that ethical behaviors stem from gene-level selection pressures shaping in and , extending to human morality as an extension of and . Wilson advocated methodological ethical , emphasizing empirical study of moral origins through biology to inform , as seen in his later work The Social Conquest of Earth (2012), where he argued that eusocial traits like provide the biological substrate for moral systems. , in Evolutionary Naturalism (1995), elaborated that moral beliefs function as adaptive illusions—subjectively compelling but objectively explained by evolutionary utility in fostering cooperation—yet retain practical force without requiring metaphysical realism. Biological naturalism complements this by grounding morality in neurophysiological mechanisms, positing that ethical evaluations emerge from brain processes evolved for social bonding and decision-making. , in Braintrust: What Neuroscience Tells Us about Morality (2011), draws on evidence from oxytocin release in mammals to argue that caregiving instincts, rooted in ventral activity, underpin moral norms like fairness and , verifiable through fMRI studies of empathic responses. This approach reduces ought-statements to is-statements about neural patterns that enhance reproductive fitness, as supported by comparative primatology showing graded moral behaviors correlating with brain region hypertrophy in social species. Critics note potential is-ought gaps, but proponents maintain that causal efficacy of these biological traits justifies naturalistic reduction, as moral motivation tracks survival value without invoking non-natural faculties.

Synthetic and Non-Reductive Forms

Synthetic forms of ethical naturalism maintain that moral properties are identical to certain natural properties through synthetic a posteriori identities, rather than analytic definitions or reductions. This contrasts with analytic naturalism, where moral terms are held to be synonymous with descriptive natural predicates. Proponents argue that such identities are discoverable through empirical investigation, akin to scientific discoveries like the identity of with H₂O, but applied to ethical concepts. Non-reductive variants within this framework assert that moral properties, while fully natural and causally efficacious, cannot be exhaustively reduced to non-moral natural properties such as physical or biological ones; instead, they emerge as higher-level properties that supervene on more basic natural facts. This non-reductivism allows moral properties to retain distinctive normative features without positing or non-natural realms. For instance, moral goodness might be constituted by a complex cluster of natural traits—e.g., promoting , , and in social groups—without being analyzable into any single non-normative . Richard Boyd's influential account, outlined in his 1988 essay "How to Be a Realist," exemplifies this approach through a theory of moral terms as referring to "homeostatic clusters." Boyd posits that terms like "good" or "right" pick out natural properties that reliably cause and regulate moral judgments and behaviors, much like theoretical terms in successful sciences (e.g., "" referring to entities that explain diverse phenomena). These properties are synthetic in that their moral significance is not definitionally entailed but empirically confirmed via their role in moral practice's success, such as improving social coordination or ethical decision-making. Boyd's view, part of the "Cornell realism" tradition shared with Nicholas Sturgeon and David O. , defends against error theories by emphasizing empirical vindication over a priori analysis. Sturgeon extends this by arguing that moral properties like benevolence exert real causal influence on natural events, such as shaping human motivations and outcomes, thereby integrating with and without . For example, he contends that facts about harm contribute causally to explanations of or decline, testable against historical and scientific data. Brink similarly defends non-reductive by treating supervenience on natural facts as a brute but empirically grounded relation, rejecting the need for definitional while upholding properties' natural status. These theorists counter objections like G.E. Moore's open-question argument by insisting that synthetic identities do not render questions trivially closed, as empirical complexity preserves normative depth.

Arguments For Ethical Naturalism

Empirical Reducibility and Scientific Integration

Ethical naturalists argue that moral properties, such as or , are identical to or to natural properties that empirical sciences investigate, thereby avoiding the postulation of irreducibly non-natural entities. This view holds that moral predicates can be cashed out in terms of observable, causal features of the world, like psychological states, biological adaptations, or social outcomes, making ethical claims empirically verifiable rather than a priori intuitions. For instance, Peter Railton proposes a synthetic wherein an action's moral value consists in its tendency to realize states that would satisfy the non-moral desires of those affected, under conditions of full and , allowing moral assessment through empirical prediction and testing of desire-fulfillment patterns. This reducibility contrasts with non-naturalism by treating morality as continuous with scientific domains, where properties like or are similarly reduced to physiological or functional processes without loss of . Such reductions facilitate the integration of into the scientific enterprise, enabling inquiry to draw on empirical data from fields like and to ground normative conclusions. Ethical naturalists maintain that since moral properties supervene on ones—meaning no without a —scientific advances can refine moral understanding, as seen in studies linking cooperative behaviors to genetic and environmental factors that enhance group survival rates. For example, research on demonstrates how behaviors deemed morally praiseworthy correlate with measurable benefits in populations, suggesting moral norms emerge from empirically tractable selection pressures rather than transcendent sources. This integration supports causal explanations of motivation, where brain imaging reveals neural correlates of moral decision-making tied to reward systems, implying that ethical properties exert influence via the same mechanisms as other kinds. Critics of non-natural alternatives highlight that empirical reducibility resolves explanatory gaps by aligning ethics with the methodological success of , which has progressively demystified phenomena once deemed . Without reducibility, moral properties risk isolation from evidence-based revision, whereas permits and progress, as evidenced by shifts in ethical views on issues like following empirical insights into human equality from and . Railton emphasizes that this approach preserves moral realism's commitment to objective truth while embedding it in a naturalistic , where moral facts function analogously to theoretical entities in physics, postulated for their predictive utility in human affairs. Thus, scientific integration not only validates ethical naturalism but also equips it to address real-world complexities through interdisciplinary , prioritizing causal mechanisms over abstract intuitions.

Causal Efficacy of Moral Properties

Ethical naturalists maintain that moral properties possess causal efficacy because they are identical to or constituted by natural properties, which by definition enter into causal relations within . This view contrasts with non-naturalist , where moral properties might supervene on natural bases without reducing to them, potentially rendering them causally inert or epiphenomenal. Proponents argue that the observable influence of moral considerations on —such as promoting group survival or motivating legal reforms—demonstrates that moral properties play explanatory and predictive roles akin to other natural kinds, like biological adaptations or chemical reactions. For instance, in evolutionary contexts, properties like exert selective pressures, causally shaping genetic and cultural outcomes over millennia. A central defense comes from the "Cornell realists," including Richard Boyd, who treat moral properties as natural kinds with homeostatic clusters of causal powers. In his essay "How to Be a Moral Realist," Boyd posits that moral terms refer to clusters of causal mechanisms—such as cooperative dispositions fostering social stability—that regulate moral practice and inquiry in ways parallel to scientific terms like "" or "." These properties contribute causally to the reliability of moral judgments, explaining why ethical theories improve predictive success in social domains, much as attributes causal efficacy to theoretical entities. Boyd emphasizes that denying such powers would undermine the empirical success of moral discourse, which tracks real-world patterns of and . Non-reductive variants of ethical naturalism further bolster this by allowing moral properties to supervene on lower-level natural facts while retaining distinct causal contributions, avoiding the over-reductionism of strict identity theories. For example, moral wrongness might supervene on neurophysiological states involving pain but causally influence beyond those bases, as seen in cases where ethical deliberation overrides immediate self-interest, leading to measurable behavioral shifts in experimental settings like the studies conducted since the 1960s. Emergentist forms, articulated in recent work, propose downward causation: higher-order moral properties can affect lower-order events without violating physical closure, as in how collective moral norms causally stabilize institutions, evidenced by historical data on societies with codified ethics exhibiting lower conflict rates. Critics of causal inertness, such as those responding to J.L. Mackie's "argument from queerness," note that non-natural properties lack integration into causal explanations, whereas naturalist morals align with scientific methodology by positing testable causal links.

Epistemological Advantages over Alternatives

Ethical naturalism affords epistemological advantages by grounding knowledge in empirical methods and rational , mirroring the reliable processes of scientific rather than positing a distinct, non-empirical mode of access. Since properties are held to be identical with or reducible to natural properties—such as those involving , , or social cooperation— beliefs can be justified through observation, experimentation, and evidence-based reasoning, enabling systematic testing and revision akin to hypotheses in or . This integration avoids the epistemic fragmentation of , where truths are claimed to be self-evident via an innate , a vulnerable to systematic error, , and irresolvable disagreement due to the absence of adjudication standards. Proponents emphasize that this naturalistic framework supports moral progress through empirical feedback loops, as evidenced by advancements in understanding human flourishing via fields like and , which inform ethical evaluations without invoking unverifiable intuitions. David O. Brink contends that synthetic identity between moral and natural properties permits a coherence-based justification for moral beliefs, paralleling scientific realism's defense against , thereby providing greater explanatory unity and resistance to challenges faced by non-natural alternatives. In contrast, non-naturalism's reliance on intuition struggles to explain how we reliably detect sui generis properties, rendering moral epistemology mysteriously disconnected from our evolved . Furthermore, ethical naturalism aligns with , treating moral cognition as a psychological amenable to , which yields and absent in intuitionist models. This compatibility facilitates addressing evolutionary explanations of moral beliefs, allowing naturalists to assess their reliability without positing an uncaused intuitive grasp, thus offering a more parsimonious account of epistemic warrant in a causally closed .

Criticisms and Responses

The Is-Ought Problem and Humean Challenges

The is-ought problem, articulated by in (1739–1740), Book 3, Part 1, Section 1, highlights a purported logical gap between descriptive statements about what is the case and normative statements about what ought to be the case. Hume noted that moral treatises frequently transition from factual premises to prescriptive conclusions without providing a bridging principle or new relation, describing this shift as imperceptible yet consequential: "I am surpriz’d to find, that instead of the usual copulations of propositions, is, and is not, I meet with no proposition that is not connected with an ought, or an ought not." This observation implies that reason alone, operating on empirical facts, cannot yield moral obligations, as the inference lacks a deductive warrant unless supplemented by non-rational elements such as sentiment. In the context of ethical naturalism, which reduces moral properties to empirically identifiable natural kinds (e.g., pleasure, evolutionary adaptations, or rational ), Hume's distinction challenges the derivation of genuine from scientific or descriptive claims. Critics contend that even if "goodness" is analytically equivalent to a natural like maximization—as in utilitarian variants of —asserting that agents ought to pursue it requires an additional, non-natural step beyond factual description. For instance, empirical data showing that enhances survival (an "is") does not logically compel the normative imperative to cooperate, potentially rendering naturalistic ethics descriptively informative but motivationally inert or merely advisory. This Humean guillotine thus threatens to sever ethical naturalism's ambition to integrate fully within the natural sciences, suggesting that resists reduction to causal or observational facts. Naturalistic responses vary, often reframing the gap as surmountable within a naturalistic . Hume himself, despite originating the problem, endorsed a form of ethical naturalism by grounding moral approbation in natural sentiments—empirical responses of elicited by traits like benevolence—rather than reason, thereby treating "oughts" as projections of these affective mechanisms without invoking or non-natural faculties. Contemporary naturalists extend this by arguing that emerges from natural facts about , such as instrumental reasons tied to desires or evolutionary pressures, where "ought" denotes relative to goals rather than an inexplicable imperative; for example, in , moral obligations track adaptive behaviors that factually promote flourishing. Others, including some moral realists, maintain that Hume's Law targets invalid inferences from non-moral to moral claims but does not preclude moral themselves being natural, as long as the semantic (equating moral terms with natural ones) holds without requiring deductive derivation in every instance. These rejoinders emphasize that the problem's force depends on a strict logical positivist interpretation of inference, which overlooks hybrid naturalistic accounts where is causally efficacious within the empirical world.

Moore's Open-Question Argument

G.E. Moore articulated the open-question argument in Principia Ethica (1903), targeting ethical naturalism's claim that moral properties like goodness are identical to or definable in terms of natural properties, such as pleasure, desire satisfaction, or evolutionary adaptiveness. Moore posited that "good" denotes a simple, non-natural property indefinable through analysis into simpler components, and any naturalistic reduction commits the "naturalistic fallacy" by conflating distinct concepts. The argument proceeds by examining purported definitions: if a naturalist asserts "goodness is identical to property N" (e.g., pleasure), the question "Is N good?" remains substantively open and meaningful for competent speakers, rather than tautological or closed like "Is N N?" or "Is pleasure pleasant?". This persistence of openness indicates that goodness cannot be analytically equivalent to any natural property, as true identity claims render further inquiry vacuous. Moore applied the test across utilitarian, evolutionary, and other naturalist theories prevalent in his era, arguing that each substitution yields an intelligible further question about moral status, undermining reducibility. For instance, Herbert Spencer's evolutionary , equating good with preservation of life, prompts the open query "Is preservation of life good?", exposing a conceptual gap. The argument thus supports 's intuitionism, where moral properties are , apprehended directly via rather than derived from empirical or naturalistic bases. Ethical naturalists have offered several rejoinders, often conceding 's force against analytic reductions but defending synthetic or empirical identities. One response holds that question-openness reflects incomplete conceptual grasp or psychological hesitation, not metaphysical distinction; as understanding deepens (e.g., via scientific integration), questions may close, analogous to how " is H₂O" was once open but now settled empirically. Millian naturalists argue that beliefs about property identities do not entail closed questions if concepts lack full cognitive content equivalence, allowing synthetic moral-natural links without fallacy. Critics like John Mackie later noted that may beg the question by presupposing non-naturalism in deeming questions open, while non-reductive naturalists maintain moral properties supervene on but are not identical to natural ones, evading Moore's strict reduction critique. Despite these challenges, the open-question argument endures as a hurdle for reductive forms of ethical naturalism, prompting ongoing debate over whether moral discourse's normative force aligns with naturalistic explanations.

Objections from Non-Naturalism and Intuitionism

Non-naturalists argue that ethical naturalism commits a category error by attempting to identify properties, such as goodness or rightness, with natural properties describable by empirical , thereby stripping of its distinctive normative authority. Proponents like Russ Shafer-Landau maintain that facts exert a reason-giving force that natural properties—typically inert descriptors of causal relations or observable phenomena—cannot possess without additional, unexplained bridging principles. This objection holds that naturalism reduces ethical deliberation to predictive or explanatory , incompatible with the prescriptive nature of claims, which demand conformity regardless of empirical outcomes. Intuitionists reinforce this critique by emphasizing that basic moral truths are grasped through direct, non-inferential rather than empirical observation or theoretical inference from natural facts. For instance, posited that duties, such as or non-maleficence, present themselves as self-evident upon rational reflection, independent of sensory evidence or scientific hypotheses. Ethical naturalism, by contrast, would subordinate these intuitions to contingent natural regularities, rendering moral knowledge provisional and revisable by future empirical discoveries, which intuitionists deem inadequate to account for the apparent necessity and immediacy of moral cognition. Contemporary non-naturalist intuitionists, including Shafer-Landau, further object that fails to explain persistent convergence across cultures without invoking evolutionary or psychological reductions that dilute objectivity. They contend that intuitions reliably track non-natural properties, much as mathematical intuitions track abstract necessities, providing epistemic access denied by naturalist frameworks reliant on empirical verification. This preserves while rejecting 's assimilation of to descriptive .

Nihilist and Error-Theoretic Critiques

Error theorists maintain that moral discourse systematically errs by presupposing the existence of objective, categorically normative properties that neither natural nor non-natural ontologies can sustain. , in his work Ethics: Inventing Right and Wrong, articulated this critique against , including ethical naturalism, through the "argument from relativity" and the "argument from queerness." The former observes that moral disagreements across cultures suggest invention rather than discovery of values, undermining claims of natural moral facts discoverable via empirical means. The latter asserts that objective morals would require "queer" properties—intrinsically prescriptive entities capable of motivating action regardless of contingent desires—which clash with the descriptive, non-normative character of natural properties identified by sciences like or . Ethical naturalism's reduction of moral terms to natural predicates, such as pleasure maximization or evolutionary adaptations, fails under error theory because these reductions cannot bridge the gap to genuine . For instance, identifying "good" with a natural property like does not entail that one ought to pursue it; the inference remains non-compelling, as natural facts provide no independent reason for action beyond hypothetical imperatives tied to desires. thus concludes that all substantive moral judgments are false, as they embed a commitment to nonexistent prescriptive , rendering naturalistic analyses complicit in perpetuating the error rather than resolving it. Moral nihilism extends this skepticism by denying any moral facts whatsoever, critiquing ethical naturalism as a that projects normative illusions onto descriptive natural regularities. Nihilists argue that apparent moral properties emerge from non-truth-tracking mechanisms, such as evolutionary selection for social cooperation, which favor beliefs enhancing fitness over correspondence to independent facts. Under strict , where is exhausted by scientifically tractable entities, no irreducible moral layer exists; claims of naturalistic thus collapse into eliminativism, where "moral" language misdescribes causal processes without objective import. This view aligns with error theory's cognitivist commitments but emphasizes the absence of any salvific moral , natural or otherwise, rendering ethical naturalism's project futile.

Ethical Naturalism and Science

Evolutionary Explanations of Morality

argued in The Descent of Man (1871) that the human moral sense originated from social instincts observed in other animals, particularly through mechanisms of , habit formation, and the approval of the community, which reinforced cooperative behaviors advantageous for group survival. posited that these instincts, combined with intellectual faculties allowing reflection and conscience, evolved via to promote actions benefiting the social unit, with evidence drawn from behaviors exhibiting rudimentary and mutual aid. Subsequent evolutionary theories have elaborated on specific adaptive mechanisms underlying moral behaviors. , formalized by in 1964, explains directed toward genetic relatives as a strategy to maximize , where an individual's sacrifice increases the propagation of shared genes, as quantified by Hamilton's rule (rB > C, with r as relatedness, B as benefit to recipient, and C as cost to actor). This accounts for familial moral obligations, such as and , observed across species including humans. Reciprocal altruism, proposed by Robert Trivers in 1971, extends cooperation to non-relatives through iterated interactions where initial costly aid is repaid, stabilized by cognitive mechanisms like memory, cheating detection, and emotions such as guilt and indignation to enforce reciprocity. Trivers' model predicts moral traits like fairness and punishment of free-riders, supported by empirical studies of cooperative dilemmas in game theory experiments mimicking evolutionary pressures. Group selection, or multilevel selection, posits that traits sacrificing individual fitness for group benefit can evolve if intergroup competition outweighs intragroup conflict, as initially invoked to explain moral instincts and later revived in models by and others showing 's persistence in structured populations. Evidence includes amplifying genetic predispositions for parochial , where enhances group-level success, though critics argue individual-level explanations suffice without invoking . These evolutionary accounts support ethical naturalism by demonstrating that moral capacities—such as , intuitions, and prosocial norms—are emergent properties of acting on behavioral dispositions, reducible to empirical processes without invoking or non-natural faculties. Primatological observations of fairness in chimpanzees and capuchin monkeys further indicate proto-moral behaviors predating humans, aligning moral properties with adaptive fitness enhancements rather than abstract ideals. While descriptive of moral origins, naturalists contend these mechanisms ground normative claims by identifying "good" with evolutionarily selected traits promoting and survival.

Prospects for Empirical Ethics

Advancements in and have bolstered the prospects for empirical within ethical naturalism, enabling the testing of hypotheses about properties as natural kinds. By leveraging experimental methods, researchers can investigate whether moral judgments correlate with identifiable neural or behavioral patterns, potentially reducing normative claims to empirically verifiable facts. For example, studies employing (fMRI) have delineated distributed neural networks underlying moral decision-making, including regions like the for cognitive control in ethical dilemmas. These findings suggest that moral properties may supervene on brain states, aligning with naturalism's commitment to scientific integration. Moral nativist theories further enhance these prospects by proposing innate moral competencies, modeled after Chomsky's linguistic framework, which can be empirically probed through and data. Such approaches aim to ground ethical norms in evolved cognitive structures, offering a structuralist metaphysics compatible with . Recent empirical work, including large-scale analyses of social in moral , has illuminated how neural mechanisms underpin everyday ethical actions, revealing pathways for naturalistic explanations of moral variance. This integration promises to adjudicate between competing moral theories by prioritizing predictive power and over intuition alone. Looking ahead, empirical ethics holds potential for predictive modeling in areas like , where from and AI-simulated scenarios could refine understandings of . Ongoing investigations into development's relation to moral cognition anticipate longitudinal studies that track causal pathways from neural maturation to ethical reasoning, potentially validating reductive claims. However, realizing these prospects requires addressing methodological challenges, such as distinguishing descriptive facts from normative implications, to avoid conflating empirical description with ethical prescription. Integrated empirical-ethical frameworks, combining socio-empirical with , are poised to inform policy in and international norms, fostering a more evidence-based moral discourse.

Contemporary Implications

Applications in Neuroethics and Cognitive Science

Ethical naturalism posits that moral properties are identical to or reducible to natural properties, enabling to investigate moral cognition as an empirical phenomenon rooted in brain function and evolutionary history. Proponents argue that moral judgments emerge from connectionist networks modeling adaptive behaviors, where ethical norms reflect learned prototypes rather than intuitions. William Casebeer, in his 2003 analysis, integrates with connectionist models to defend a naturalized , claiming that facts—such as the wrongness of gratuitous —are grounded in biologically adaptive patterns observable in cognitive processes. This approach treats as computationally tractable, with neural simulations predicting how environmental inputs shape value-laden decisions, as explored in essays linking cognitive prototypes to ethical deliberation. In neuroethics, ethical naturalism facilitates the translation of neuroimaging data into normative assessments, particularly for issues like cognitive enhancement and . For instance, functional MRI studies reveal distinct neural correlates for deontological versus consequentialist judgments, suggesting that moral properties supervene on brain activity patterns rather than transcendental principles; this aligns with naturalism by framing ethical enhancement—via —as an extension of natural causal processes. Naturalists contend that such empirical mappings undermine dualistic accounts of , supporting compatibilist views where consists in higher-order neural capacities for , as evidenced by lesion studies linking prefrontal damage to diminished moral restraint. Critics within , however, caution against reductive naturalism's potential to erode normative authority, arguing that equating "is" with "ought" risks conflating descriptive brain states with prescriptive duties, though naturalists respond that this integration enhances predictive power for ethical interventions. Applications extend to empirical ethics, where cognitive science tests naturalistic claims about moral universality. Cross-cultural fMRI data indicate that harm aversion activates conserved neural circuits, interpretable under naturalism as evolved adaptations rather than cultural constructs alone, informing policies on global bioethics. In clinical contexts, such as psychopathy, ethical naturalism justifies interventions targeting amygdala-prefrontal disconnects to recalibrate moral responsiveness, viewing rehabilitation as neural rewiring toward species-typical norms. This framework contrasts with intuitionist alternatives by prioritizing causal explanations from neuroscience, potentially resolving debates on moral error by attributing divergences to cognitive biases measurable via empirical metrics.

Debates on Moral Realism and Objectivity

Ethical naturalism maintains by positing that moral facts are identical to or constituted by natural facts, which exist independently of human attitudes and are amenable to scientific investigation. This commitment to realism implies objectivity, as natural properties—such as those described in or —are stance-independent and causally efficacious in explaining moral phenomena. Proponents, including the Cornell realists Richard Boyd, David O. Brink, and Nicholas Sturgeon, contend that moral terms refer rigidly to these natural properties, much like scientific terms refer to theoretical entities, enabling moral knowledge through empirical tracking and reference-fixing mechanisms. A central debate concerns whether this naturalistic reduction preserves the robust objectivity associated with moral facts. Critics argue that identifying morality with complex natural properties—such as dispositional clusters causing approval or promoting —fails to capture the irreducibly character of moral objectivity, potentially rendering moral claims descriptively thin and vulnerable to revision based on empirical discoveries. For instance, Peter Railton's view of moral rightness as what an idealized agent would desire risks conflating objective facts with hypothetical preferences, prompting questions about whether such facts truly bind agents independently of their motivational set. Naturalists counter that normativity emerges from the functional roles of these properties in human practices, analogous to how natural kinds underpin scientific objectivity without additional metaphysical posits. Persistent moral disagreement poses another challenge to naturalistic moral realism's objectivity claim. While naturalists like Billy Dunaway maintain that ethical discord mirrors scientific disputes, where convergence occurs through better evidence, skeptics invoke the depth and intractability of moral conflicts—such as over or harm principles—as evidence that moral "facts" lack the convergence-forcing power of natural facts. This debate extends to epistemic objectivity: if moral properties are multiply realizable natural relations, human access via or may be unreliable, undermining claims to objective moral knowledge without supplementary non-natural faculties. Defenders respond by emphasizing causal regulation: moral properties explain and predict judgments reliably, justifying realism despite incomplete agreement, as in evolutionary biology's handling of adaptive traits. The Moral Twin Earth thought experiment further tests naturalism's realist credentials. Devised by Terence Horgan and Mark Timmons, it posits communities diverging on whether "good" tracks pleasure (naturalist index) or a non-natural property, arguing that semantic divergence implies no shared moral facts, thus eroding objectivity. Ethical naturalists rebut this by appealing to causal theories of reference, where terms fix on natural properties via historical use, preserving cross-community objectivity; David Copp, for example, holds that naturalist moral facts remain eligible and unified under such semantics. These exchanges highlight ongoing tensions between naturalism's empirical promise and demands for moral facts' distinctive authority and universality.

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