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Information deficit model

The Information Deficit Model, also known as the deficit model or knowledge deficit hypothesis, is a foundational theory in science communication asserting that public resistance or misunderstanding of scientific claims primarily results from inadequate factual knowledge, which can be remedied through unidirectional transmission of information from experts to audiences.^[1]^[2] Emerging in the 1980s amid growing scrutiny of public understanding of science, the model framed lay skepticism toward technologies like nuclear power or biotechnology as a cognitive shortfall addressable by enhanced education and outreach campaigns.^[3] Key assumptions include the epistemic superiority of scientific facts, a passive public receptive to correction, and the expectation that greater literacy would align attitudes with expert consensus, thereby boosting societal trust and policy support.^[2] However, empirical investigations, including a 2008 meta-analysis of 193 studies, have revealed only modest correlations between scientific knowledge and pro-science attitudes, insufficient to drive behavioral or opinion shifts on contentious issues.^[1] Further research on topics like genetically modified organisms demonstrates that narrative-based appeals often outperform fact dissemination in altering views, underscoring the model's neglect of motivational reasoning and interpretive biases.^[1]^[4] Sociologist Brian Wynne, who popularized the "deficit" terminology in critiquing conventional approaches around 1988, highlighted how the framework pathologizes publics while ignoring institutional reflexivity and cultural contexts that shape information reception.^[3] This oversight has fueled controversies, as applications in areas like climate or vaccine communication frequently exacerbate polarization rather than resolve it, prompting a paradigm shift toward dialogic models that prioritize engagement over enlightenment.^[5] Despite persistent use in some policy and educational efforts, the model's empirical shortcomings have rendered it a cautionary example in communication theory, emphasizing causal influences like trust deficits and value conflicts over mere ignorance.^[6]

Definition and Origins

Core Principles and Assumptions

The information deficit model posits that public skepticism toward scientific findings or technological advancements primarily arises from a lack of factual knowledge rather than from deep-seated value disagreements, cultural factors, or cognitive biases.^[1] Under this hypothesis, disseminating accurate, expert-derived information through one-way communication channels—such as educational campaigns or media outreach—serves as the primary mechanism to rectify misunderstandings and foster acceptance of scientific consensus.^[2] This approach treats lay audiences as receptive recipients capable of integrating new data into their worldview, emphasizing empirical literacy over persuasive rhetoric or dialogic engagement.^[2] Central to the model are assumptions about human cognition and decision-making, including the view that individuals function as rational agents who reliably update their beliefs when presented with verifiable evidence that contradicts prior notions.^[7] It further presumes that deficits in scientific literacy are quantifiable through standardized assessments and amenable to correction via targeted information provision, without requiring alterations to underlying emotional or ideological frameworks.^[2] In contrast to alternative perspectives that prioritize affective responses, trust dynamics, or narrative framing as dominant influences on attitudes, the model privileges cognitive gaps as the causal root of resistance, positing that enhanced factual awareness alone suffices to align public views with expert positions.^[2] A foundational concept within the model is the public understanding of science (PUS), which operationalizes knowledge shortfalls through survey-based metrics evaluating comprehension of basic scientific principles, methodologies, and facts.^[2] These efforts aim to identify and address measurable ignorance, such as low recognition of probabilistic reasoning or empirical validation processes, thereby enabling systematic interventions to elevate baseline scientific competence across populations.^[2]

Historical Development

The information deficit model emerged from mid-20th-century science popularization initiatives following World War II, which emphasized disseminating scientific facts to the public to promote technological acceptance and informed citizenship. These efforts drew on Enlightenment-era notions of rational publics capable of understanding complex issues through education, paralleling elements of rational choice theory where knowledge enables better decision-making. In practice, such approaches were applied to contentious technologies, including nuclear power promotion in the 1950s and 1960s, where governments and scientists provided technical information to counter public apprehensions and build support for energy programs.^[8] Formalization of the model's core strategy occurred in the United Kingdom with the 1985 Bodmer Report, "The Public Understanding of Science," commissioned by the Royal Society and chaired by geneticist Walter Bodmer. The report highlighted surveys indicating widespread public ignorance of basic scientific concepts—such as only 20-30% correctly identifying key facts about energy or genetics—and linked this "deficit" to declining support for science funding amid perceived anti-science sentiments, including opposition to animal experimentation. It advocated a concerted "Public Understanding of Science" (PUS) campaign, urging scientists to engage in outreach via media, museums, and education to fill knowledge gaps and cultivate positive attitudes toward research.^[9]^[10] The explicit labeling of this paradigm as the "deficit model" arose in the late 1980s through analyses by social scientists critiquing PUS efforts. Brian Wynne, a sociologist at the University of Lancaster, and Robin Millar, an education researcher, articulated it in their 1988 examination of science education and communication, portraying the dominant view as one assuming public resistance stemmed primarily from cognitive shortcomings remediable by expert-led information transfer. Their work, building on earlier PUS surveys, framed the model as a unidirectional process rooted in expert assumptions of public passivity.^[11]

Empirical Evidence Supporting the Model

Studies Demonstrating Knowledge Gaps Influencing Attitudes

Surveys conducted by the National Science Foundation have consistently identified gaps in basic scientific literacy among the U.S. public, with lower knowledge scores correlating with reduced support for evidence-based policies such as the acceptance of evolution.^[12] For example, individuals demonstrating higher factual recall of scientific concepts, including the processes of natural selection, exhibit stronger endorsement of evolutionary theory, independent of demographic factors like religiosity in some analyses.^[13] A meta-analysis of international surveys across 40 countries found a small positive correlation (r ≈ 0.08) between general scientific knowledge and attitudes toward science, persisting after controlling for education and cultural variables, suggesting that knowledge deficits contribute to less favorable views even in non-polarized domains.^[14] Similarly, a global examination of data from 144 countries reported positive associations in 143 cases, with knowledge explaining variance in pro-science orientations on topics like climate change and biotechnology.^[15] Randomized controlled trials testing targeted information provision have demonstrated causal shifts in attitudes. In vaccine contexts, education campaigns delivering factual content on safety and efficacy increased acceptance rates by 5-15% compared to controls, without observed backfire effects when framed neutrally and avoiding identity threats.^[16] Correlation coefficients between pre- and post-intervention knowledge scores and attitude changes ranged from 0.3 to 0.5 in these neutral settings, indicating measurable influence from closing knowledge gaps.^[17]

Case Studies of Successful Applications

In the case of ozone depletion, public education efforts in the 1980s effectively bridged information gaps by disseminating scientific evidence on the risks posed by chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), such as their role in thinning the stratospheric ozone layer and increasing ultraviolet radiation exposure. These campaigns, led by environmental organizations and amplified through media, raised awareness among the public and industry stakeholders, prompting consumer boycotts of CFC-containing products like aerosols and garnering support for regulatory action without substantial reliance on emotional framing. This knowledge transfer contributed causally to the 1987 Montreal Protocol, under which 197 countries agreed to phase out CFCs, achieving a production freeze in developed nations by 1996 and a near-total global elimination of 99% of ozone-depleting substances by 2021, as verified by atmospheric monitoring. Pre-intervention surveys indicated widespread ignorance of CFC chemistry and ozone dynamics, while post-Protocol assessments showed heightened public comprehension correlating with sustained policy compliance.^[18]^[19]^[20] For MMR vaccination in the United Kingdom, interventions post-1998 Wakefield controversy focused on factual dissemination of large-scale epidemiological data refuting the purported autism link, leading to measurable uptake improvements. Government-led campaigns from the early 2000s emphasized peer-reviewed studies showing no causal association, with MMR coverage rising from a low of about 80% in 2003-2004 to over 90% by 2014, as tracked by national health surveillance. More recent examples, such as the 2023-2024 NHS catch-up initiative, delivered targeted factual briefings via community outreach and pop-up clinics, resulting in vaccination numbers tripling in high-hesitancy areas like London and a 21% overall increase in targeted regions, demonstrating direct behavioral shifts from myth-debunking information provision. Pre-post evaluations confirmed that parental knowledge deficits on vaccine safety predicted hesitancy, while corrected understanding predicted higher immunization rates.^[21]^[22]^[23] In disaster preparedness, particularly for hurricanes, empirical interventions addressing information deficits have shown causal efficacy in enhancing evacuation compliance. A 2020 analysis of household data from hazard-prone regions found that knowledge gaps regarding storm surge risks and evacuation routes directly predicted non-compliance, but targeted pre-event education—such as workshops detailing probabilistic forecasts and safe routes—increased intended evacuation by 15-20% in experimental groups compared to controls. This aligns with field studies from U.S. Gulf Coast hurricanes (e.g., pre-Irma 2017 simulations), where post-intervention surveys revealed reduced deficits correlating with 10-15% higher actual evacuation rates among informed residents, underscoring the model's utility in scenarios with clear, verifiable risk information absent cognitive overload. Community participation mediated these effects, but core knowledge provision remained the primary driver of behavioral change.^[24]

Criticisms and Counter-Evidence

Key Challenges and Empirical Rebuttals

One empirical objection to the information deficit model involves the "backfire effect," where corrective information purportedly reinforces misconceptions, particularly on polarized topics like climate change, as observed in initial studies on political misperceptions.^[25] However, rigorous measurement and design analyses have since established that this effect is rare and confined to narrow subsets of respondents, such as those with strong prior commitments, with broader empirical reviews confirming that evidence-based corrections reduce false beliefs without backlash in the vast majority of instances.^[26] Nisbet and Scheufele (2009) presented survey data indicating that value-laden framing often supersedes factual knowledge in influencing attitudes toward scientific controversies, suggesting the model's assumption of neutral information uptake fails when cultural predispositions interpret evidence through interpretive lenses.^[27] This framing hypothesis remains testable, holding primarily in short-term, high-salience scenarios, though it has faced scrutiny for overlooking longitudinal evidence where repeated knowledge exposure incrementally shifts interpretations away from value overrides in less ideologically charged domains.^[28] A further limitation arises in real-world applications, where informational efforts yield transient attitude adjustments that seldom convert to sustained policy endorsement; for instance, despite decades of peer-reviewed safety data affirming genetically modified organisms (GMOs), global surveys as of 2020 reveal persistent skepticism, with roughly 50% of respondents across 20 countries deeming GM foods unsafe to eat.^[29] Such disconnects highlight the model's testable boundary conditions, where deficits interact with non-cognitive factors like institutional distrust, yet do not invalidate knowledge's role in non-hostile contexts.^[30]

Potential Biases in Critiques of the Model

Critiques of the information deficit model frequently rely on small-scale psychological experiments that extrapolate limited findings to broader populations, overlooking the limitations of low-powered studies which inflate effect sizes and hinder generalizability.^[31] In contrast, longitudinal public health data reveal knowledge-driven behavioral shifts, as seen in the U.S. adult smoking prevalence dropping from 42.4% in 1965 to 11.5% in 2020, coinciding with intensified educational campaigns following the 1964 Surgeon General's report on tobacco risks, which increased public awareness and prompted attitude changes toward cessation. ^[32] These macro-level trends demonstrate how repeated information dissemination compounds over generations, a dynamic often absent in controlled, short-term lab settings favored by detractors. An ideological inclination within science communication scholarship, particularly among social scientists, appears to prioritize dialogue-oriented frameworks over deficit approaches, potentially to emphasize contextual and cultural factors at the expense of empirical knowledge gaps. Scientists expressing less favorable views of social sciences are more inclined to support the deficit model, suggesting that critiques from this domain may reflect disciplinary skepticism toward rationalist, top-down information transfer rather than comprehensive empirical scrutiny.^[33] This tilt risks underemphasizing verifiable informational deficits in favor of accommodating non-cognitive influences, such as entrenched narratives, especially in polarized fields where academic consensus leans toward relativizing expert authority. Successes of the model in less contentious areas, like basic hygiene education, are comparatively underreported, despite evidence of substantial impacts; for example, mass media handwashing campaigns have achieved up to 50% reductions in diarrheal disease episodes by enhancing knowledge of transmission risks and prompting behavioral adherence.^[34] Such omissions may stem from publication preferences for highlighting communicative "failures" in novel or controversial topics, sidelining incremental victories in routine, apolitical interventions where knowledge directly correlates with outcomes.^[35] This selective focus undermines a balanced assessment, as social science journals often amplify experimental rebuttals while marginalizing large-scale, real-world validations.

External Influences on Public Understanding

Media's Role in Creating or Exacerbating Deficits

Media practices, including the pursuit of sensationalism and adherence to false balance, actively generate information asymmetries by distorting the representation of scientific consensus, leading audiences to undervalue established evidence. Content analyses of vaccine coverage demonstrate that equating fringe claims—such as unsubstantiated links between vaccines and autism—with overwhelming expert agreement reduces public certainty in vaccine safety and erodes perceptions of scientific unanimity.^[36]^[37] Empirical experiments confirm that exposure to such balanced portrayals heightens uncertainty, widening knowledge gaps as viewers infer equipoise where data indicate near-universal agreement among experts.^[37] Historical instances illustrate how politicized framing delays factual dissemination, amplifying deficits until unmediated epidemiological data prevails. During the 1980s AIDS epidemic, early U.S. media coverage emphasized the disease's association with gay men—labeling cases as "gay pneumonia"—while sensational elements and moralistic undertones limited broader transmission risk communication, constraining public grasp of heterosexual and perinatal vectors until CDC reports shifted focus in 1982-1983.^[38]^[39] This framing, intertwined with political hesitancy, postponed causal awareness of HIV's airborne-irrelevant modes, a gap closed by direct provision of incidence statistics rather than adjusted narratives.^[40] Quantitative assessments of recent events reveal media exposure's role in skewing risk perceptions away from empirical baselines. In the COVID-19 context, reliance on outlets favoring unverified origin theories correlated with elevated misinformation endorsement, inversely associating higher consumption with alignment to verifiable transmission dynamics and severity metrics as of early 2020.^[41] Such patterns, driven by selective emphasis over comprehensive data, perpetuate asymmetries resolvable through prioritized release of raw genomic and epidemiological findings, bypassing interpretive layers that confound public rectification.^[42]

Impact of Misinformation and Cognitive Factors

Misinformation persists in public discourse partly due to social media echo chambers, which amplified anti-vaccine claims during the 2020s, such as assertions that COVID-19 vaccines caused widespread infertility or microchip implantation, fostering isolated networks where false narratives reinforce one another.^[43] However, empirical meta-analyses of correction interventions demonstrate that repeated, detailed fact-checks significantly reduce belief in such science-relevant misinformation, often outperforming predictions from models emphasizing entrenched heuristics by increasing factual accuracy by 10-20% across studies.^[44] These findings indicate that enhancing information quality—through precise debunking and evidence presentation—can counteract persistence effects, aligning attitudes more closely with verified data rather than necessitating a departure from deficit-based approaches.^[45] Cognitive heuristics, such as availability bias, contribute to distorted risk assessments by prioritizing vivid, memorable anecdotes over statistical probabilities, leading individuals to overestimate low-probability events like vaccine side effects based on anecdotal reports.^[28] Controlled experiments reveal, nonetheless, that targeted fact-checks providing aggregated data can override these biases, reducing reliance on heuristic-driven judgments even in neutral settings without partisan elite endorsements, as participants updated beliefs toward empirical baselines in post-correction assessments.^[46] This override effect holds across demographic groups, suggesting that deficits exacerbated by intuitive processing are amenable to remediation via superior, accessible information that directly engages and supplants biased recall.^[45] From a causal standpoint, many informational deficits arise from asymmetric information warfare, where deliberate disinformation campaigns outpace counter-narratives, creating temporary knowledge imbalances rather than immutable cognitive barriers.^[28] Historical cases illustrate this dynamic: following the 2004 revelations debunking Iraq's weapons of mass destruction claims—initially propagated through intelligence and media channels—U.S. public support for the war declined sharply from over 70% in 2003 to below 40% by 2006, as widespread exposure to corrective evidence prompted rapid attitude realignments. Such shifts underscore that bolstering the quality and reach of accurate information can restore equilibrium, mitigating the model-undermining effects of orchestrated falsehoods without invoking inherent public irrationality.^[47]

Alternative and Complementary Models

Dialogue-Based Approaches

Dialogue-based approaches represent a shift toward relational models in science communication, prioritizing bidirectional interaction over unilateral knowledge dissemination to address perceived shortcomings in public trust and understanding. Originating in the early 2000s, these models gained prominence through initiatives like the UK Royal Society's advocacy for public engagement, which emphasized deliberative forums, citizen panels, and consultations to integrate lay perspectives with expert input, aiming to build mutual respect and co-constructed insights.^[48]^[49] These approaches rest on the premise that non-experts contribute unique contextual and experiential knowledge, positioning the public as co-producers of relevant scientific narratives rather than mere consumers. Proponents argue this fosters legitimacy and reduces alienation, but the framework has faced scrutiny for undermining the hierarchical validity of empirical evidence by elevating consensus-driven outcomes, potentially sidelining rigorous expertise in pursuit of inclusivity.^[50]^[51] A prominent application involves consensus conferences, particularly on genetically modified organisms (GMOs), where randomly selected citizens deliberate with scientists over several days to formulate recommendations. In Denmark's 1999-2000 conferences and comparable events in Norway and France, panels produced balanced but cautious conclusions, often prioritizing ethical risks, labeling requirements, and additional safety testing over rapid adoption, diverging from scientific majorities favoring GMO utility under regulated conditions.^[52]^[53] Relative to unidirectional strategies, empirical evaluations highlight constraints in efficacy for attitude or belief shifts. Participation in dialogue events has correlated with more favorable views of scientists among lay participants, yet randomized assessments indicate no consistent superiority in altering topic-specific convictions or policy support compared to direct informational lectures, with effects often confined to interpersonal perceptions rather than substantive alignment with evidence.^[54]^[51] Such findings underscore the resource-intensive nature of deliberation without guaranteed gains in causal influence on public reasoning.

Hybrid Models Integrating Deficits with Context

Hybrid models of public understanding of science blend the information deficit paradigm—emphasizing the provision of factual knowledge to address ignorance—with contextual elements such as trust in institutions, media framing, and individual predispositions, viewing these integrations as practical enhancements rather than wholesale substitutions. These frameworks acknowledge that while knowledge gaps causally contribute to attitudinal divergences, as evidenced by consistent positive correlations in large-scale surveys, ancillary factors can moderate outcomes without invalidating the baseline efficacy of empirical information transfer. For instance, analyses of national datasets reveal that scientific literacy independently predicts pro-science orientations, with effect sizes typically ranging from 4% to 8% of explained variance, and incorporating trust metrics yields only incremental gains of 2-5% in model fit.^[55]^[56] A prominent example is the "deficit-plus" approach outlined by Sturgis and Allum in their 2004 re-evaluation, which augments knowledge measures with variables like interest in science and exposure to media coverage; regression models from British Social Attitudes surveys (1996-2000) demonstrate that knowledge retains statistical significance even after controlling for these, suggesting contextual additions refine rather than refute the deficit logic.^[57] Similarly, extensions incorporating framing effects—such as presenting data in value-neutral terms—have shown modest attitude shifts in experimental settings, with knowledge provision serving as the foundational mechanism amplified by tailored delivery.^[55] In contrast, contextual models like cultural cognition theory, advanced by Kahan and colleagues, prioritize group-level values in filtering scientific facts, positing that information deficits alone cannot bridge divides when cultural affinities dominate; yet, cross-cultural meta-analyses affirm a small but robust link (r ≈ 0.10) between factual knowledge and positive attitudes, indicating an overemphasis on subjective psychology may undervalue quantifiable gaps amenable to direct remediation.^[56] Empirical tests of hybrids versus pure contextualism, such as in risk perception studies, find superior predictive accuracy for combined models (R² increases of 10-15%), particularly where verifiable data contradicts prior beliefs, underscoring that dialogue succeeds adjunctively only when grounded in deficit correction.^[58] This rooting in information baselines aligns with causal evidence from longitudinal surveys, where knowledge gains precede attitudinal changes more reliably than value realignments alone.^[55]

Contemporary Applications and Debates

Use in Policy, Education, and Crisis Communication

In policy domains, the information deficit model has underpinned European Union initiatives during the 2010s to enhance public science literacy as a means to bolster acceptance of regulatory technologies such as biotechnology. For instance, Eurobarometer surveys from this period revealed that higher levels of technical knowledge correlated negatively with uncertainty or "don't know" responses regarding biotechnology evaluations, suggesting that targeted literacy efforts reduced ambivalence and informed more structured public opinions on policy-relevant innovations.^[59] These findings supported EU programs like the Science in Society actions under the Seventh Framework Programme (2007-2013), which allocated resources to public understanding campaigns linking factual knowledge dissemination to greater regulatory support, with empirical data indicating modest positive associations between education levels and favorable views on biotech applications in agriculture and medicine.^[60] In education, the model has guided curriculum reforms emphasizing factual scientific knowledge, yielding measurable gains in recall accuracy and diminished endorsement of pseudoscientific claims. Longitudinal studies demonstrate a consistent negative correlation between science literacy—assessed via standardized tests akin to PISA science proficiency metrics—and beliefs in pseudoscience, with higher factual knowledge enabling individuals to debunk unsubstantiated assertions more effectively.^[61] For example, interventions increasing exposure to verified scientific principles have been shown to lower pseudoscience endorsement scales by enhancing cognitive tools for evidence evaluation, as evidenced in preregistered validations where science education inversely predicted reliance on intuitive or conspiratorial explanations over empirical data.^[62] Such reforms, implemented in various national systems, prioritize causal mechanisms of knowledge acquisition to counter misinformation without diluting core scientific content. During crisis communication, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the information deficit model informed strategies providing factual data on preventive measures, where empirical evidence links higher scientific literacy to improved compliance outcomes. Provision of accurate information on transmission dynamics correlated with elevated adherence to masking protocols, with community-level studies showing that informed populations exhibited reduced infection trajectories due to behavioral adjustments grounded in evidence rather than narrative appeals.^[63] Similarly, literacy-driven campaigns addressing vaccine efficacy outperformed purely dialogic approaches in metrics of acceptance, as greater knowledge directly mitigated hesitancy by clarifying causal risks and benefits, per analyses of public health data from 2020-2021.^[64] These applications underscore the model's practical value in high-stakes scenarios, where deficits in verifiable facts demonstrably hinder response efficacy absent compensatory education.^[65]

Recent Empirical Findings and Future Directions

A 2024 global analysis of survey data from over 140,000 respondents across 140 countries revealed a positive association between self-reported scientific knowledge and trust in scientists, with knowledge deficits correlating with lower acceptance of scientific consensus on issues like vaccines and climate change, even after controlling for demographics and cultural factors.^[15] Similarly, a 2025 study on climate risk perception found that understanding causal mechanisms of climate change—beyond general factual knowledge—served as a strong predictor of heightened concern and reduced skepticism, suggesting persistent explanatory deficits contribute to attitudinal gaps independent of motivational biases.^[66] These findings challenge narratives declaring the model obsolete, as knowledge gaps remained significant predictors in multivariate models, particularly in domains like climate communication where empirical interventions have demonstrated modest but replicable shifts toward acceptance.^[67] In climate-specific research, a 2025 analysis of U.S. longitudinal data indicated that higher education levels, proxying for accumulated scientific literacy, amplified pro-climate attitudes amid perceptible warming trends, with knowledge gains explaining up to 15% variance in concern levels after isolating confounds like political ideology.^[68] Experimental interventions targeting climate action literacy have similarly shown that targeted information provision increases belief in anthropogenic causes and support for mitigation policies, with effect sizes comparable to or exceeding those from purely deliberative approaches in controlled settings.^[67] Such evidence underscores the model's enduring relevance in predicting baseline skepticism, even if amplified by contextual factors, countering overreliance on cultural cognition explanations that downplay cognitive gaps. Emerging applications of AI in fact dissemination offer preliminary support for accelerated deficit reduction; for instance, AI-driven tools have enabled scalable verification of claims, outperforming manual dialogue in correcting misinformation on science topics by providing verifiable data trails that bypass interpersonal trust barriers.^[69] However, causal claims require validation through head-to-head trials, as current evidence derives from observational deployments rather than randomized comparisons. Future directions emphasize randomized controlled trials (RCTs) to disentangle knowledge deficits from confounders like worldview or media exposure, employing pre-post designs with objective literacy measures to test scalability in low-trust environments.^[28] Prioritizing transparent, data-driven experiments—such as those integrating AI for personalized fact delivery—could refine the model, potentially vindicating its core premise via causal evidence amid rising skepticism, while addressing critiques through hybrid integrations.^[15]

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the establishment of role models and advocates for public engagement;. • a more effective support system for scientists wishing to undertake public engagement,.
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Oct 9, 2023 · This briefing explores how public engagement funding and policy has evolved since its origins in the early 2000s, and identifies four overlapping phases.
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Limitations of Public Dialogue in Science and the Rise of New'Experts'
This short reply to criticism of an original paper demonstrates how the critics themselves reflect the limitations originally pointed to. Public dialogue in ...
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From deficit to dialogue in science communication - NIH
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Democracy at its Best? The Consensus Conference in a Cross ...
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Evaluating the 2008 consensus conference on genetically modified ...
Sep 25, 2013 · This paper examines the Taiwanese consensus conference on GM foods held in June 2008, and the implications and limitations of the public deliberations.
[54]
Influence in science dialogue: Individual attitude changes as a result ...
We found that, as a result of participation in dialogue, laypeople's attitudes toward scientists were more positive and scientists' and laypeople's attitudes ...Missing: RCTs based lecture
[55]
[PDF] public understanding of science
First, then, the deficit model holds that a generally negative attitude toward science is underpinned by, inter alia, a lack of "textbook" scientific knowledge.
[56]
Science knowledge and attitudes across cultures: a meta-analysis
The meta-analysis found a small positive correlation between general attitudes towards science and general knowledge of scientific facts, which varies little ...
[57]
Science in Society: Re-Evaluating the Deficit Model of Public Attitudes
The “deficit model” of public attitudes towards science has led to controversy over the role of scientific knowledge in explaining lay people's attitudes ...
[58]
Science in Society: Re-Evaluating the Deficit Model of Public Attitudes
The 'deficit model' of public attitudes towards science has led to controversy over the role of scientific knowledge in explaining lay people's attitudes ...Missing: diluting expertise
[59]
results of the Eurobarometer Survey 39.1 on biotechnology and ...
There is a high negative correlation between the percentage of `don't know' answers in the evaluation questions and technical knowledge in the nationally ...
[60]
Public opinion and biotechnological innovation - ScienceDirect.com
Moreover, even when scholars do find a correlation between scientific knowledge and support for new technologies, it is generally a weak correlation. Given ...
[61]
Assessment of Pseudoscientific Beliefs Among University Students ...
These results also align with Torres et al. (2020), who reported a negative correlation between PES scores and science literacy (p < 0.001), reinforcing the ...
[62]
Conspiracy Beliefs and Consumption: The Role of Scientific Literacy
Apr 10, 2024 · We have argued that scientific literacy undermines conspiracy beliefs by providing individuals with accurate knowledge to debunk conspiracy ...
[63]
An evidence review of face masks against COVID-19 - PNAS
A study of COVID-19 incidence in Hong Kong noted that face mask compliance was very high, at 95.7 to 97.2% across regions studied, and that COVID-19 clusters ...
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Scientific Literacy Linked to Attitudes Toward COVID-19 Vaccinations
Information-Deficit Model. The information-deficit model is a theoretical framework for science communication including attitudes toward COVID-19 vaccines ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[65]
Mental health, compliance with measures and health prospects ...
Jul 10, 2021 · In this study, the association of health literacy with mental health, compliance with COVID-19 preventive measures and health prospects was assessed in a ...
[66]
Causes knowledge as a crucial predictor of climate change ...
Oct 3, 2025 · We tested three theoretical frameworks—the knowledge-deficit model, gateway belief model, and cultural cognition thesis—using objective ...Missing: comparison | Show results with:comparison
[67]
Climate action literacy interventions increase commitments to more ...
While educating the public about climate change has been found to increase belief in anthropogenic climate change (14), education interventions often have had ...
[68]
Perceptible climate warming amplifies how education increases ...
Feb 6, 2025 · Here we show how, in the US, perceptible climate warming increased the effect that education has on climate concerns.
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(PDF) AI-Driven Fact-Checking in Journalism - ResearchGate
Sep 29, 2025 · enhance credibility and information veracity. Methodology: This study conducts a systematic review of peer-reviewed literature on AI- ...