Isle of Wight
The Isle of Wight is an island, ceremonial county, and unitary authority in England, situated in the English Channel approximately 5 to 8 kilometres off the southern coast of the mainland, separated by the Solent strait.[1] It encompasses 380 square kilometres of land, making it the largest island in England.[1] As of the 2021 census, the resident population stood at 140,496.[2] The island functions as a self-contained administrative unit with its own council, responsible for local governance, services, and infrastructure, a status it has held since becoming a unitary authority in 1995.[3] The Isle of Wight's landscape features a mix of chalk downlands, coastal cliffs, and beaches, contributing to its designation as a National Landscape and its appeal as a tourist destination, particularly for Victorian-era seaside holidays.[4] Its mild maritime climate and scenic attractions, including the Needles rock formation and Osborne House—Queen Victoria's former residence—have historically drawn visitors, supporting an economy reliant on tourism, agriculture, and small-scale manufacturing.[1] The island's geology, rich in fossils and exposed Cretaceous rocks, has yielded significant paleontological finds, while its strategic coastal position influenced military developments, such as fortifications and wartime industries.[1] Culturally, it hosts events like the Isle of Wight Festival and preserves archaeological sites spanning prehistoric to medieval periods.[5]Etymology
Name origins and historical usage
The name Vectis was used by Roman authors to designate the island, appearing in Ptolemy's Geography (circa 150 AD) as an island situated off the southern British coast at coordinates approximately 19°20' longitude and 52°20' latitude.[6] This classical designation, also rendered as Victis or Ictis in some sources, likely derives from a pre-Roman Celtic term, possibly Proto-Celtic *wext- or *Ictis meaning "division" or "nether/protruding place," reflecting the island's separation from the mainland by the Solent.[7] [8] Alternative interpretations link it to Latin vectis ("lever" or "bar"), evoking the island's role as a natural barrier across the waterway, though such semantic connections remain conjectural without direct epigraphic evidence.[9] Following Roman withdrawal, Anglo-Saxon settlers adopted Wiht (or Yht) for the island, denoting both the land and its people, the Wihtware, as recorded in early medieval annals and charters.[10] This form persisted into the Norman era, with the Domesday Book of 1086 listing it as Wit or Insula de Wit in its survey of Hampshire holdings.[11] [12] Medieval Latin documents often rendered it as Vectis or Wiht, maintaining continuity with prior nomenclature amid feudal grants and ecclesiastical records. The modern English name "Isle of Wight" evolved from these roots, with "Wight" as a phonetic descendant of Wiht, standardized in administrative and cartographic usage by the early modern period; for instance, it appears in Tudor-era maps and statutes distinguishing the island from continental Wight references. This designation has endured without significant alteration, reflecting the island's insular identity in official contexts such as the Isle of Wight County Council established in 1995.[13]History
Prehistoric settlements
The earliest evidence of human activity on the Isle of Wight dates to the Upper Paleolithic period, with flint handaxes and other lithic artifacts recovered from coastal deposits, indicating sporadic hunter-gatherer presence amid post-glacial environmental shifts that exposed new terrains for foraging.[14][15] Mesolithic settlement is exemplified by the submerged site at Bouldnor Cliff in the Solent, approximately 11 meters underwater off the island's northwest coast, where excavations since the 1980s have uncovered preserved timber structures, worked planks, and hazel nuts dated via radiocarbon to around 6000 BCE, reflecting woodworking and resource exploitation in a now-drowned coastal woodland that succumbed to Holocene sea-level rise following glacial retreat.[16][17] This site's preservation links directly to eustatic changes, as melting ice sheets raised water levels, inundating low-lying forests and compelling Mesolithic groups toward higher ground.[18] Neolithic activity, emerging around 3000 BCE with the advent of farming, is attested by field monuments like the Longstone at Mottistone—a chambered tomb—and scatters of polished stone axes and arrowheads from sites including Culver Cliff, one of three intact Neolithic enclosures on the island, suggesting organized agriculture and ritual burial practices adapted to the chalk uplands' fertile soils.[14][19] Lithic scatters and pottery from over 100 findspots further indicate sustained tool production and settlement, causally tied to climatic stability enabling crop cultivation and livestock herding. The Bronze Age (circa 2300–800 BCE) saw intensified land use, marked by over 240 round barrows—earthen burial mounds—clustered on chalk downs such as Brighstone, Ashey, and Brading, with radiocarbon-dated examples like those on Mottistone Down confirming elite interments accompanied by urns and grave goods around 2000 BCE, reflecting social hierarchies and territorial claims amid deforestation for clearance.[19][14] These monuments' linear alignments on ridges imply deliberate landscape engineering for visibility and ancestry veneration, while artifacts like developed flat axeheads from Arreton Down type sites evidence metallurgical trade networks extending to continental Europe.[20] Iron Age occupation (circa 800 BCE–43 CE) involved fortified enclosures and open settlements, with the Belgae—a continental Celtic tribe—colonizing the island around 85 BCE, as inferred from pottery styles and coin hoards linking to Belgic heartlands in northern Gaul, fostering trade in metals and ceramics via Solent routes.[21] Environmental pressures, including soil exhaustion from prior eras, likely drove denser nucleated living, though direct hillfort evidence remains sparse compared to mainland sites, prioritizing defensible downland positions for pastoral economies.Roman occupation
The Isle of Wight, designated Vectis in Roman sources, fell under imperial control during the Claudian conquest of AD 43–44, when legions under Vespasian subdued local tribes including the Belgae or Durotriges.[22] Integration into Britannia proceeded without urban foundations or legionary fortresses, emphasizing rural exploitation over centralized administration; potential military infrastructure included a Saxon Shore fort at Carisbrooke featuring 10-foot-thick walls and bastions, alongside a Classis Britannica stamped tile from a late Roman ditch at St. Catherine's Point indicating naval oversight.[22][23] Archaeological surveys have identified at least eight villa sites, including Brading (active from the late 1st century), Combley, Newport (built c. AD 280), Rock, Carisbrooke (with a 3rd-century aisled house expanded in the 4th century), Shide, Gurnard, and Clatterford, serving as estate centers for elite landowners.[22][23] These structures incorporated Roman engineering such as hypocaust heating, bath-suites, tessellated pavements, and mosaics, exemplified by Brading's Bacchus-themed floor and cockerel pit, alongside Combley's similar pavements.[23] The island's economy hinged on agricultural production from villa-dependent farms, yielding cereals like spelt wheat at Clatterford, bread wheat and barley at Packway, and Celtic beans at Brading, with ancillary evidence for vineyards at Rock and Mersley Down; corn-driers and aisled barns facilitated processing and storage.[23] Coastal emporia at Yarmouth Roads and links to Fishbourne enabled trade in imports such as wine amphorae (prevalent across 35 sites) and exports of local produce, salt, and Vectis ware pottery, integrating Vectis into broader provincial networks without reliance on major inland ports.[23] Occupation persisted into the 4th century, evidenced by coin hoards (e.g., Allectus issues of AD 293–296 at Brading, Tetrici of AD 271–274 at Shide, and Theodosian coins post-AD 403 at select sites), but excavations document mid-4th-century abandonment of villas like Brading (c. AD 300–330) and Combley (post-330), accompanied by burning layers, human remains indicative of violence, and absence of sustained infrastructure.[23] This aligns with the imperial rescindment of British defense in AD 410, refuting notions of uninterrupted Roman cultural or economic continuity through empirical discontinuity in settlement patterns and artifact deposition.[23]Early medieval period
Following the Roman withdrawal around 410 AD, the Isle of Wight saw settlement by Jutes, a Germanic tribe originating from northern Denmark or Jutland, by approximately 449 AD.[24] These settlers, known as the Wihtwara, established a distinct kingdom centered on strongholds like Carisbrooke, associated with early rulers such as Wihtgar, who died in 544 AD after receiving the island around 534 AD alongside his brother Stuf.[24] The kingdom maintained pagan practices, worshipping deities including Woden and Thor, until the late 7th century.[25] In 686 AD, King Caedwalla of Wessex invaded and conquered the island, slaying the last Jutish king, Arwald, and much of the ruling class in a campaign marked by significant bloodshed and aimed at exterminating pagan resistance.[25][26] Caedwalla then facilitated Christianization by granting a quarter of the island's land to Bishop Wilfrid, who oversaw the conversion of the remaining population, marking the Isle of Wight as the final region of England to abandon open paganism.[25] This integration subordinated the Wihtwara to Wessex, ending their independent rule, though local Jutish identity persisted in some West Saxon areas as noted by Bede.[24] As part of Wessex by the late 7th century, the island endured repeated Viking raids documented in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, including a notable naval engagement in 896 AD near Brading Haven where Alfred the Great's forces clashed with Danish raiders, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides.[27] Further incursions occurred in the 10th and early 11th centuries, such as Danish raids around 1001 AD on the west and east shores, reflecting opportunistic Scandinavian predation rather than sustained settlement or cultural transformation. By the mid-10th century, under Wessex kings like Edward the Elder and Athelstan, the island was firmly embedded in the expanding English kingdom, with defenses oriented against these maritime threats.[24]Medieval and early modern eras
Following the Norman Conquest of 1066, William I granted the Isle of Wight to his ally William FitzOsbern, who established motte-and-bailey fortifications at key sites including Carisbrooke to consolidate control and deter incursions from the Solent.[28] These defenses evolved into stone structures, with Henry I transferring Carisbrooke to Richard de Redvers around 1107, establishing a feudal lordship over the island that emphasized military oversight.[29] The strategic position of the Isle, separated by tidal waters, imposed causal dependencies on robust local defenses rather than reliance on rapid mainland reinforcements, shaping a pattern of self-contained feudal administration. In the medieval era, the island's lords maintained Carisbrooke as the primary stronghold amid intermittent threats, notably during the Hundred Years' War when French raiders landed in 1377, burning settlements and necessitating enhanced earthworks and garrisons.[30] Feudal tenures dominated land use, with manorial estates focused on arable farming and sheep rearing, though the Dissolution of the Monasteries under Henry VIII in the 1530s redistributed ecclesiastical holdings—such as those of Quarr Abbey, suppressed in 1536—to secular landlords, accelerating enclosures and shifts toward market-oriented agriculture.[31] This transition, driven by crown appropriation of monastic assets, reduced communal farming and promoted tenant efficiencies, though yields remained constrained by the island's chalky soils and exposure to coastal erosion. Tudor developments reinforced defensive priorities, with Elizabeth I commissioning artillery fortifications at Carisbrooke in the 1590s to counter Spanish invasion risks, integrating gun emplacements into the medieval shell keep.[28] During the English Civil War, Parliamentary forces secured the castle early in 1642, using it to imprison Charles I from November 1647 to September 1648 amid the Second Civil War; the king, held under Colonel Robert Hammond, attempted multiple escapes through barred windows and disguised dispatches, highlighting the site's role in containing royalist threats without full-scale siege.[32] The island's isolation amplified these tensions, as limited crossings hindered external support, underscoring causal vulnerabilities in supply lines during conflict. Economic adaptations in the early modern period included widespread smuggling from the 17th century, exploiting the island's numerous coves and high excise duties on goods like brandy and tea; by the 1780s, organized convoys landed contraband openly near preventive patrols, reflecting geographic advantages over enforcement capacity.[33] Agricultural practices evolved post-Dissolution with gentry-led improvements in crop rotation and livestock breeding, fostering self-reliance amid fluctuating mainland markets, though persistent coastal raiding and tidal isolation perpetuated a defensive economic mindset distinct from continental estates.19th-century industrialization and tourism
The construction of Osborne House between 1845 and 1851 by Queen Victoria and Prince Albert marked a pivotal development in the island's 19th-century economy, transforming it into a favored royal retreat and catalyzing tourism.[34] Victoria's frequent visits, seeking seclusion from mainland pressures, elevated the Isle of Wight's status among the British elite, drawing affluent visitors and infrastructure investments.[35] This royal endorsement spurred the growth of seaside resorts, with steam-powered ferries facilitating access; services from Portsmouth to Ryde commenced in 1825, followed by Southampton to Cowes routes shortly thereafter.[36] Railway development accelerated industrialization and visitor influx, with the Isle of Wight Railway Act passed on 23 July 1860 authorizing an 11¼-mile line from Ryde, opening Ryde St John's Road to Shanklin on 23 August 1864 and extending eastward.[37][38] These networks connected key ports and interiors, boosting shipbuilding at Cowes—where yards had operated since the early 17th century—and enabling mechanized agriculture through improved transport of goods and equipment, though farming remained dominant amid gradual shifts.[39] Population data reflect this expansion: from 50,324 in 1851 to 55,362 in 1861 and 73,633 by 1881, driven by employment in maritime trades and seasonal tourism rather than heavy manufacturing.[40][41] Economic growth masked stark class disparities, with shipyard laborers enduring hazardous conditions akin to mainland industrial sites—long hours, rudimentary safety, and exposure to materials—while tourism profits accrued to landowners and operators catering to the upper classes.[39] Empirical records indicate no widespread factory proliferation, underscoring limited industrialization compared to nostalgic portrayals of Victorian prosperity; instead, reliance on seasonal visitors and naval-related ship repairs perpetuated precarious employment for working families, without the era's broader urban squalor but with analogous exploitation.[42]20th century to present
During the Second World War, the Isle of Wight faced significant aerial bombardment due to its shipbuilding facilities and strategic coastal position, with the Cowes Blitz on 28 August 1942 dropping over 200 tons of high-explosive and incendiary bombs on Cowes, East Cowes, Newport, and Ryde, causing extensive damage and civilian casualties.[43] [44] Radar installations, such as those at RAF Ventnor, provided early warnings of Luftwaffe raids but were targeted in retaliatory strikes, including attacks by Ju87 dive bombers that destroyed key infrastructure.[45] The island's defenses included anti-aircraft batteries and naval support, exemplified by the Polish destroyer ORP Błyskawica firing on bombers during the Cowes raid to disrupt the assault.[46] Post-war, the island experienced a tourism boom in the mid-20th century, building on Victorian-era infrastructure, but visitor numbers have since declined markedly, with a loss of more than 25% of tourists over the five years prior to 2024 and a further 5.1% drop in the first half of 2025 compared to the previous year, attributed to rising travel costs including ferry fares.[47] [48] This downturn has exacerbated economic pressures, particularly in hospitality, amid the UK's prolonged recession from Q3 2022 through mid-2024, during which the island's recovery lagged behind southeast England mainland areas due to manufacturing losses and an aging population.[49] [50] Local governance underwent restructuring with the creation of the Isle of Wight Council as a unitary authority on 1 April 1995, merging the former Isle of Wight County Council with the Medina and South Wight borough councils to streamline administration.[51] [52] In recent years, efforts to address housing shortages have included outline planning approval in September 2025 for up to 163 dwellings at Somerton Farm, including 57 affordable units and commercial space, aimed at supporting local needs amid stagnant growth.[53] [54] The island's reliance on ferry services has intensified isolation effects, with return fares reaching £440 during peak periods in 2024, prompting residents to report restricted access to mainland medical care, employment, and social visits, and contributing to considerations of relocation.[55] [56] Dynamic pricing by operators like Wightlink has drawn criticism for disadvantaging lower-income islanders, with only 3.2% commuting to the mainland via ferry despite high costs that exacerbate deprivation compared to continental areas.[57] [58] Calls for a fixed-link viability study have emerged in response to these connectivity challenges.[59]Governance
Administrative structure
The Isle of Wight is governed by the Isle of Wight Council, a unitary authority established on 1 April 1995 under the Isle of Wight (Structural Change) Order 1994, which was enacted pursuant to the Local Government Act 1992.[60] This structure consolidated the previous Isle of Wight County Council with the district councils of Medina and South Wight, enabling the council to perform both county and district functions, including education, social services, highways, planning, housing, waste management, and leisure services.[61] The council consists of 40 councillors, each representing a single-member electoral division following a boundary review finalized in 2021.[62] Decision-making occurs through full council meetings for major policies and budgets, a cabinet for executive functions, and overview and scrutiny committees to review performance and hold the executive accountable.[61] Planning responsibilities encompass development control, with the council processing approximately 1,600 applications annually and maintaining the Island Planning Strategy to guide land use and infrastructure.[63] Housing duties include strategy formulation and delivery, addressing needs through the Isle of Wight Housing Strategy 2020–2025, which targets affordable and specialist accommodations amid population pressures.[64] The island's status imposes logistical constraints on administration, such as dependence on ferry services for inter-island supply chains and emergency responses, limiting full autonomy compared to mainland authorities despite the unitary setup.[65] Ceremonially, the Lord-Lieutenant of the Isle of Wight represents the monarch, organizing royal visits, presenting awards, and advising on honors without involvement in council operations.[66]Electoral politics and representation
The Isle of Wight's parliamentary representation shifted in the 2024 general election due to boundary changes that divided the traditional single constituency into Isle of Wight East and Isle of Wight West. In Isle of Wight East, Conservative Joe Robertson secured victory with 10,427 votes (30.6% of the share), ahead of Reform UK's Sarah Morris (7,104 votes, 20.8%) and the Green Party's Vix Lowthion (6,313 votes, 18.5%).[67][68] In Isle of Wight West, Labour's Richard Quigley won with 13,240 votes (38.6%), narrowly defeating incumbent Conservative Bob Seely's 10,063 votes (29.3%).[69][70] Prior to this division, the undivided Isle of Wight constituency had been a Conservative stronghold since 1921, with the party holding the seat continuously from 1997 to 2024; Bob Seely won in 2019 with a 21,518-vote majority (50.0% share).[71] Local electoral politics reflect a pattern of Conservative dominance tempered by recent fragmentation. The Isle of Wight Council comprises 39 elected members, with Conservatives historically forming the largest group; in the 2021 elections, they secured 23 seats, though the council operated without overall control due to independents and smaller parties holding the balance.[72] Subsequent developments, including Reform UK gaining two seats via by-elections in Central Rural and Lake North wards on May 2, 2025, have further diversified representation, marking the party's first local presence.[73] In the 2016 EU membership referendum, the Isle of Wight recorded a strong Leave vote of 61.9% (49,173 votes) against 38.1% for Remain, exceeding the national Leave margin and aligning with broader conservative-leaning sentiments on sovereignty and immigration.[74][75] Campaigns for greater autonomy, such as the Vectis National Party's 1967 push for Crown dependency status akin to the Isle of Man, have occasionally surfaced but garnered minimal electoral support and dissolved without achieving separation. These movements emphasized fiscal independence from mainland England but lacked sustained viability.Administrative controversies and challenges
In October 2025, Isle of Wight Council meetings descended into chaos amid heated exchanges between councillors, including Independent Socialist Geoff Brodie branding Reform UK member Caroline Gladwin's ally a "fascist pig" and accusing Reform UK of racism during a planning committee session, prompting adjournment.[76][77] Gladwin subsequently reported Brodie to police over alleged bullying and threats, including claims of intimidating gestures across the chamber, while Brodie countered that Reform UK posed a "threat to democracy."[78][79] These clashes, occurring over two days in early October, highlighted interpersonal and ideological fractures within the council, with accusations of procedural bias and harassment exchanged publicly.[80] Administrative oversight in education drew scrutiny after Department for Education data revealed 2,348 pupil suspensions across Isle of Wight schools in the 2023/24 academic year, equating to a 14.2% rate—exceeding the national average of 11.31%—with the majority in secondary schools where rates rose over 20% from prior years.[81][82] Councillors expressed concern over underlying factors like behavioral issues and resource strains, prompting calls for urgent reviews of attendance and exclusion policies, though primary school rates remained lower at 3.27 per 100 pupils.[83][84] Housing administration faced criticism amid persistent shortages, with affordability declining markedly since 2002—less than half of households now own outright—and local commentary attributing exacerbation to immigration and population growth despite falling birth rates.[85][86] Government data confirmed no asylum seekers housed in island hotels as of June 2025, countering rumors, yet council strategies have been deemed ineffective by opposition figures for failing to deliver sufficient units.[87][88] Planning processes exemplified inefficiency, as the Island Planning Strategy endured seven years of delays and setbacks before approval in May 2024, amid legal challenges like the Greenfields case where failure to publish a Section 106 agreement on the register risked invalidating permissions.[89][90] Inspectors queried housing targets for lacking exceptional circumstances justification, while a June 2025 wrangle over chairman election procedures underscored procedural lapses.[91] Critics, including anti-establishment voices, link such delays to the island's insularity, fostering parochial decision-making that hampers timely development.[88]Geography
Geological formation
The Isle of Wight's geological structure features a tilted sequence of sedimentary rocks primarily from the Cretaceous period, forming a monocline known as the Purbeck-Isle of Wight disturbance, which dips southward and exposes older strata in the south and younger in the north.[92] This folding resulted from compressional tectonics during the Late Cretaceous to Early Tertiary Alpine orogeny, inverting earlier extensional basins of the Mesozoic Wessex Basin.[93] The Lower Cretaceous Wealden Group, comprising non-marine sands, clays, and conglomerates of Berriasian to Aptian age, outcrops along the southwestern and southeastern coasts, with the Wessex and Vectis Formations yielding significant dinosaur fossils, including bones and footprints at Compton Bay from approximately 125 million years ago.[94][95] Upper Cretaceous chalk forms the central spine of downs, such as the Chalk Ridge, representing marine limestones deposited in a shallow sea around 100-66 million years ago, with the sequence including the Selborne Group and upper formations like the Holywell Nodular Chalk.[92] Paleogene sands and clays cap northern areas, deposited post-chalk in Eocene times. Faults, including the Sandown and Brading systems, segment the monocline and contribute to structural complexity, though the island's separation from the mainland via the Solent primarily stems from Pleistocene erosion rather than active faulting.[96][97] The soft, variably consolidated rocks promote high coastal erosion rates, averaging 1-3 meters per year in exposed areas like the southwest cliffs, driven by wave undercutting and subaerial processes, leading to frequent landslides.[98] This tectonic tilting enhances drainage and exposure but increases slope instability, with causal links to flood risks from marine inundation rather than seismic activity, as the region exhibits low earthquake frequency due to its intraplate position distant from active plate boundaries.[93][99]Topography and settlements
The Isle of Wight covers an area of 380 square kilometres, forming a diamond-shaped landmass approximately 37 kilometres east-west and 23 kilometres north-south, separated from the mainland by the Solent strait.[100] Its topography is dominated by an east-west trending central ridge of chalk downs, which forms the island's structural spine and reaches the highest elevation at St. Boniface Down, standing at 241 metres above sea level near Ventnor in the south.[101] This elevated backbone divides the island into northern and southern regions, with undulating downland plateaus, steep coastal cliffs—particularly dramatic at the western Needles stacks—and deeply incised valleys known as chines along the southern shore, contributing to a varied relief despite the modest maximum height.[102] Settlement patterns reflect the island's topography, with the majority of the population concentrated in coastal towns along the northern and eastern shores facing the Solent and Spithead, where milder terrain and ferry access facilitate denser urban development. Ordnance Survey mapping indicates eleven principal urban areas, including Newport as the central administrative hub with a 2021 population of around 25,000, Ryde as the largest settlement at approximately 24,100 residents on the northeast coast, and Cowes with 10,400 in the northwest.[103] In contrast, the interior remains predominantly rural, featuring sparse villages amid agricultural fields and woodland, with lower population densities away from the coasts; about 60% of the island's inhabitants reside in these key coastal and central towns, underscoring a pattern of linear coastal clustering rather than widespread inland dispersal.[104]Climate data
The Isle of Wight features a temperate oceanic climate (Köppen Cfb), moderated by its island position in the English Channel, resulting in mild temperatures year-round and limited extremes compared to mainland Britain. Mean annual maximum temperatures average 14.19°C and minimums 8.22°C at Shanklin (1991-2020), with winter minima rarely falling below 4°C on average and summer maxima peaking around 20°C.[105] Air frost occurs on approximately 17 days annually, primarily in December through February.[105] Precipitation totals vary by location, averaging 941 mm annually at Shanklin with 124 days of measurable rain (≥1 mm), concentrated in autumn and winter months.[105] Southern coastal sites like St. Catherines Point record lower averages of 726 mm and 116 rain days, reflecting topographic sheltering.[106] Sunshine totals about 1,976 hours per year at Shanklin, exceeding the UK average due to the island's southern exposure.[105]| Month | Mean Max Temp (°C) | Mean Min Temp (°C) | Rainfall (mm) | Rain Days (≥1 mm) | Sunshine (hours) |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| January | 8.46 | 3.87 | 105.1 | 13.3 | 69.8 |
| February | 8.41 | 3.42 | 73.6 | 10.8 | 92.8 |
| March | 10.31 | 4.49 | 60.0 | 9.7 | 142.0 |
| April | 12.86 | 5.96 | 54.0 | 9.0 | 207.8 |
| May | 15.85 | 8.78 | 52.2 | 7.9 | 248.1 |
| June | 18.41 | 11.47 | 54.2 | 7.8 | 256.4 |
| July | 20.49 | 13.61 | 52.3 | 7.5 | 268.9 |
| August | 20.53 | 13.84 | 66.8 | 8.5 | 239.6 |
| September | 18.49 | 12.05 | 72.4 | 9.0 | 178.9 |
| October | 15.17 | 9.73 | 113.4 | 12.6 | 123.8 |
| November | 11.69 | 6.57 | 118.4 | 13.7 | 84.1 |
| December | 9.27 | 4.51 | 118.8 | 13.8 | 63.9 |
| Annual | 14.19 | 8.22 | 941 | 124 | 1,976 |