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Laryngeal theory

The laryngeal theory is a foundational in proposing that the Proto-Indo-European () language, spoken around the 4th millennium BCE, featured a series of consonantal phonemes known as laryngeals—typically reconstructed as *h₁, *h₂, and *h₃—which were lost without direct trace in most Indo-European daughter languages but influenced vowel quality, length, and ablaut patterns. These laryngeals are believed to have been pharyngeal or velar , with *h₁ possibly a glottal like or [ʔ], *h₂ causing a-coloring in vowels, and *h₃ inducing o-coloring, though their exact phonetic realizations remain debated among scholars. First proposed by Ferdinand de Saussure in 1879 to account for irregular vowel alternations (ablaut) in PIE roots, such as the patterns in Greek hístēmi 'I stand' versus státos 'placed', the theory initially lacked direct evidence and was speculative. It gained empirical support in 1927 when Jerzy Kuryłowicz identified laryngeal reflexes in Hittite, an Anatolian language, where they appear as ḫ (a voiceless velar or uvular fricative), as in išḫa-i 'binds' corresponding to PIE *syéh₂- (cf. Sanskrit syáti 'sews'). Further corroboration comes from vowel lengthening effects in Greek and Indo-Iranian, such as dṓron 'gift' from PIE *deh₃-róm, and from Lithuanian intonational patterns preserving laryngeal-induced pitch accents. The theory revolutionized PIE reconstruction by simplifying the vowel system—positing only e and o as primary vowels, with a, ē, and ō derived from laryngeal interactions—and resolving morphological puzzles in verb and noun paradigms across . While widely accepted since the mid-20th century, debates persist on the precise number of laryngeals (some propose four or more) and their loss timeline, estimated before the separation of Anatolian branches around 4000–3000 BCE. Computational phonological models, including analyses, have recently reinforced the theory's validity by predicting laryngeal behaviors consistent with observed reflexes.

Overview

Core principles

The laryngeal theory posits that Proto-Indo-European (PIE) included a series of consonantal laryngeals, conventionally reconstructed as at least three phonemes—*h₁, *h₂, and *h₃—though some analyses propose an extended inventory including additional variants to account for specific ablaut patterns. These laryngeals functioned as fricatives and were ultimately lost without direct traces in most Indo-European branches, except for preserved reflexes in such as Hittite. Their primary role was to resolve longstanding puzzles in PIE reconstruction, particularly irregularities in vowel alternations and sound shifts that defied earlier Neogrammarian explanations. A key principle is the laryngeals' influence on adjacent vowels, known as "coloring" effects, which systematically altered vowel quality in ways that explain disparate forms across daughter languages. Specifically, *h₂ induced *a-coloring, shifting a preceding or following *e to *a (e.g., in roots like *h₂éḱs- yielding forms with /a/ reflexes), while *h₃ caused *o-coloring, changing *e to *o (e.g., in *h₃éḱu- leading to /o/ outcomes); *h₁, by contrast, remained neutral without altering vowel timbre. Additionally, all laryngeals triggered compensatory lengthening of preceding vowels upon their deletion, accounting for unexpected long vowels in PIE roots and morphological paradigms, such as the lengthened grade in ablaut series. These behaviors unified seemingly erratic vowel length and quality variations, bridging gaps between centum and satem branches where traditional reconstructions faltered. Another foundational aspect is the laryngeals' participation in , particularly in complex clusters where they could serve as syllabic nuclei. In sequences like *CHCC ( + laryngeal + two consonants), a laryngeal would form a syllabic resonant (e.g., *h₂̥ or *h₃̥), adhering to PIE's sonority-based syllable structure and preventing phonotactically clusters. These syllabic laryngeals later vocalized into vowels—often a -like *ə (termed "schwa primum" or "secundum")—in daughter languages, thus explaining the emergence of vowels in otherwise consonantal environments and resolving exceptions to sound laws like the ruki rule, where laryngeal presence could block or modify palatalization processes. This mechanism ensured compliance with constraints such as the , providing a cohesive framework for PIE's phonological inventory.

Phonological inventory

The laryngeal theory posits a standard inventory of three laryngeal consonants in Proto-Indo-European (PIE), conventionally transcribed as *h₁, *h₂, and *h₃. These are reconstructed as a series of postvelar or pharyngeal fricatives that primarily functioned to condition vowel coloring and lengthening in adjacent positions. Specifically, *h₁ is characterized as neutral, exerting no coloring effect on the vowel *e, while *h₂ induces a-coloring (shifting *e to *a), and *h₃ triggers o-coloring (shifting *e to *o). This tripartite system resolves inconsistencies in ablaut patterns across Indo-European daughter languages by accounting for otherwise unexplained vowel qualities and lengths. Proposals for an expanded laryngeal inventory beyond the standard three have been advanced based on specific phonological alternations and comparative evidence, though they remain controversial and lack . Evidence for such extensions draws from Hittite alternations and typological parallels but is not universally accepted, with most scholars adhering to the minimal three-laryngeal set. Laryngeals in PIE exhibit flexible distribution, appearing in , intervocalic positions, and consonantal clusters, often as the final element in triconsonantal of the form C₁eC₂(h₃)-. For instance, the peh₂- 'protect' features h₂ in a final position, reflected in Hittite pa-aḫ-ša-an-zi and Latin pāscō, where it conditions vowel lengthening. Intervocalic occurrences are common, as in dʰugh₂ter- 'daughter', and clusters like s-h₂r- 'bind' (Hittite iš-ḫa-a-i, syáti) demonstrate laryngeals following or resonants. They could also initiate word-initially, though such cases are rarer, as in reconstructed h₁e- 'this' or h₂ster- ''. Phonotactic constraints governed laryngeal placement, with a noted avoidance in certain onsets—particularly complex initial clusters without resonants—and a preference for codas, where they frequently triggered or . Laryngeals were prohibited in four-consonant sequences like CHCC at boundaries, leading to deletion (e.g., dʰugh₂trés* > dʰuktrés), but permitted after resonants in RHC (e.g., kerh₂srom). In codas, they often functioned as extrasyllabic elements to adhere to the , as in mégh₂ '', influencing adjacent vowels without violating structure maxima of CCVCC. These rules ensured laryngeals integrated into the broader PIE phonological system, primarily adjacent to resonants (r, l, m, n, y, w) or in root-final positions.

Historical development

Early proposals

In the late 19th century, Ferdinand de Saussure proposed the existence of abstract "coefficients sonantiques" to account for irregularities in vocalic alternations observed across Greek, Latin, and Sanskrit. In his 1879 Mémoire sur le système primitif des voyelles dans les langues indo-européennes, Saussure suggested that certain long vowels in Proto-Indo-European (PIE) roots arose from combinations of a short vowel *a₁ with these coefficients, denoted as A and O̬, such as *a₁ + A yielding the long *Ā. He argued that these elements could replace or modify the short vowel, explaining discrepancies where Greek preserved distinct reflexes not matched in Latin or Sanskrit, thereby resolving issues in ablaut patterns without altering the basic vowel system. Building on such ideas in the early , Holger Pedersen examined Hittite evidence and hypothesized that its h represented a , potentially preserving traces of consonantal elements akin to Saussure's coefficients in uncontracted forms between resonants and these sounds. Pedersen's work in the , including analyses of Hittite , posited that stress influenced the retention of vowels adjacent to such glottal features, offering a mechanism for vowel preservation in otherwise irregular sequences. By 1939, advanced pre-formal concepts further in "Gedanken über das Indogermanenproblem," proposing a uvular as the phonetic realization of an element responsible for a-coloring in PIE vowels. This sound, articulated as a uvular, could account for the sporadic appearance of a-like qualities in daughter languages without positing a full PIE *a. These early proposals primarily targeted longstanding puzzles in PIE reconstruction, such as the origins of long vowels lacking evident short-vowel sources in ablaut and the scarcity of a as a stable phoneme despite occasional reflexes in Indo-European branches. Saussure's coefficients, for instance, provided a way to derive "original long vowels" like *ē and *ō from consonantal interactions rather than independent vowel grades. Pedersen's glottal stop idea similarly addressed vowel stability near resonants, while Trubetzkoy's uvular fricative explained a-coloring without overcomplicating the vowel inventory. Such tentative hypotheses laid groundwork for the formalized laryngeal theory in subsequent decades.

Key advancements

The laryngeal theory received crucial empirical support in 1927 when Jerzy Kuryłowicz identified reflexes of the laryngeals in Hittite, appearing as ḫ, which corresponded to irregularities in ablaut patterns predicted by Saussure's coefficients. This discovery provided direct evidence for consonantal elements that influenced quality and length, shifting the theory from speculation to a testable . Further formalization occurred in the 1930s through the work of , who in 1935 proposed the distinction between multiple laryngeals (*h₁, *h₂, *h₃) based on their differing effects on coloring (e.g., *h₂ inducing a-coloring, *h₃ inducing o-coloring) observed in , Indo-Iranian, and other branches. Benveniste's analysis integrated Hittite data with comparative evidence, establishing the standard three-laryngeal system and resolving additional morphological issues. By the 1940s, the theory had gained widespread acceptance among Indo-Europeanists. Refinements continued in later decades, including intersections with the of PIE stops, as proposed by Tamaz Gamkrelidze and Ivanov in 1972. This integration suggested typological coherence by linking laryngeal articulations to the stop series in root structures. In the 1980s and 2000s, some scholars explored extended laryngeal sets beyond the core three, drawing on subtle reflexes in Anatolian and , though these remain debated. Computational models have also supported the theory by simulating laryngeal effects on vowel systems and ablaut.

Reconstruction of laryngeals

Basic laryngeal set

The basic laryngeal set in the laryngeal theory consists of three phonemes reconstructed for , conventionally notated as *h₁, *h₂, and *h₃. This notation follows the traditions established in early 20th-century and was standardized in influential works such as those by Antoine Meillet and later by Winfred P. Lehmann, who adopted the subscript numbering to distinguish the laryngeals based on their distinct behaviors in vowel alternations and reflexes across daughter languages. These laryngeals exhibit core phonological functions related to their interaction with vowel system, particularly the ablaut vowel *e. The laryngeal *h₁ is , preserving an adjacent *e without altering its quality and vocalizing to a (often transcribed as *) when occurring between consonants without a preceding vowel. In contrast, *h₂ colors a preceding *e to *a and contributes to of vowels upon its loss, while *h₃ similarly colors *e to *o but without the a-coloring effect of *h₂. All three laryngeals can induce vowel lengthening in certain positions, such as when following a short vowel in a closed . These functions resolve irregularities in vowel correspondences across , such as the explanation of apparent *a and *o vowels in roots where only *e is otherwise expected. Illustrative examples of these behaviors appear in basic PIE roots. For *h₁, the root *h₁ed- 'eat' shows neutral preservation of *e, yielding reflexes like Latin edō 'I eat' and ἔδω 'I eat' without coloring. The root *peh₂- 'protect' demonstrates *h₂'s a-coloring, as seen in pāti 'protects' (from *péh₂-ti) and Latin pāscō 'feed' (with *a from *eh₂). Similarly, *peh₃- 'drink' exemplifies *h₃'s o-coloring, reflected in Latin pō- (as in bibō 'I drink', from perfect *pi-bʰ₃-e) and pā́ 'drinks'. For a case involving apparent lengthening, the root *bʰeh₂- 'speak' (related to Latin fārī 'to speak') involves *h₂ following *e, contributing to long vowel developments in some branches. These roots highlight the minimal set's role in unifying disparate vocalic outcomes without invoking additional phonemes. The laryngeals were lost entirely in most Indo-European branches through processes of , deletion, or into adjacent vowels, often leaving only indirect traces in length or quality. However, like Hittite preserve partial evidence, where *h₂ and *h₃ appear as the ḫ (a ), as in Hittite paḫḫur '' from *péh₂ur, while *h₁ is typically lost without trace. This partial retention in Anatolian supported the theory's validation in the mid-20th century.

Extended laryngeal sets

Proposals for extended laryngeal sets in extend beyond the widely accepted three laryngeals (*h₁, *h₂, *h₃) by positing additional phonemes to resolve irregularities in vowel coloring, , and initial vowel correspondences across Indo-European branches. One such extension involves a fourth laryngeal, *h₄, proposed to account for palatal effects or specific *a-coloring not fully explained by *h₂. For example, Edgar Howard Sturtevant suggested four laryngeals in total to better align Anatolian and non-Anatolian evidence, while Jerzy Kuryłowicz introduced *ə₄ (equivalent to *h₄) to explain initial *a- in and Latin forms where no standard laryngeal reflex suffices. Evidence for *h₄ draws from comparative correspondences, such as Indo-Iranian aspiration patterns alongside Hittite zero reflexes, which Kuryłowicz argued required an additional laryngeal that colored *e to *a but vanished without trace in Anatolian. In Balto-Slavic, *h₄ has been invoked for palatalization in certain environments, though this remains debated due to overlapping effects from *h₁. A separate proposal for a fifth laryngeal, sometimes denoted *h₀ and interpreted as a , aims to capture neutral or pre-glottalized effects in early PIE stops, but lacks robust Anatolian attestation and is largely speculative. Debates surrounding these extensions center on overcomplication of the phonological , with critics arguing that irregularities can be resolved through refined rules for the basic three laryngeals rather than multiplying phonemes. Eichner's 1973 analysis of vocal notation and laryngeal diagrams proposed *h₄ specifically for initial *a- effects, linking it to non-standard coloring, but this has faced for unnecessary proliferation, as later models by Ronald I. Kim and others favor minimalist reconstructions emphasizing *h₂/*h₃ distinctions. evidence, including aw/awe alternations (e.g., in forms suggesting o-coloring distinct from *h₃), has been cited to support extra laryngeals for additional vowel shifts, yet such data is often reanalyzed under standard laryngeal rules without extension. In modern scholarship, extended sets remain a minority view, employed selectively in targeted reconstructions like Narten's analysis of long-vowel presents (Narten presents), where additional laryngeals help explain ablaut anomalies in verbal roots without altering the core three-laryngeal framework. The consensus prioritizes parsimony, with extensions deemed ad hoc unless supported by broader comparative data from Anatolian or Tocharian.

Pronunciation hypotheses

Characteristics of *h₁

The laryngeal *h₁ is most commonly reconstructed as a voiceless glottal fricative or a glottal stop [ʔ], distinguished from the other laryngeals by its lack of articulatory backing that would affect adjacent vowels. This neutral quality is evident in its failure to induce qualitative changes in neighboring *e, as opposed to the a-coloring effect of *h₂ or the o-coloring of *h₃. A key behavioral trait of *h₁ is its absence of vowel coloring in roots such as *h₁es- 'to be', where reflexes appear as ásti, estí, and Latin est without alteration to *a or *o. In environments involving syllabic resonants, *h₁ vocalizes to a schwa-like (*ə), yielding forms like *Cr̥h₁C > CərC, which helps explain vowel insertions in daughter languages without qualitative shifts. This vocalization occurs particularly when *h₁ is trapped between consonants, contributing to the resolution of complex clusters in Proto-Indo-European . Evidence for *h₁ derives primarily from its lack of direct reflexes in most Indo-European branches, where it typically disappears without trace, unlike *h₂ and *h₃ which leave discernible effects in Anatolian. However, its presence is inferred from in and Latin, where *h₁ loss between a vowel and resonant or consonant results in vowel prolongation. Computational analyses of reconstructed forms further support this neutrality, showing *h₁ in environments with minimal coarticulatory influence on surrounding segments. *h₁ appears frequently in Proto-Indo-European roots, often in initial position (e.g., *h₁ér- '') or following resonants (e.g., *pr̥h₁- 'forward'), reflecting its role in expanding the phonological inventory to account for ablaut and patterns. Its distribution underscores the laryngeal theory's explanatory power for otherwise irregular vocalic developments across the family.

Characteristics of *h₂

The laryngeal *h₂ in Proto-Indo-European (PIE) is hypothesized to have been a back consonant, with proposed realizations including a , a [ħ], or a [ʁ]. Alternative reconstructions suggest it originated as a voiceless uvular stop *[qː] in Proto-Indo-Anatolian, which later fricativized in Anatolian branches. This sound was distinct from the neutral *h₁ and the o-coloring *h₃, primarily due to its strong backing effect on adjacent vowels, lowering *e to *a in various environments. A defining phonological trait of *h₂ was its a-coloring effect, where a preceding *e combined with *h₂ to yield long *ā in many daughter languages, as in the development *eh₂ > ā. For instance, the PIE root *peh₂d- 'to protect' is reflected in Latin pāscō 'I feed/protect', where the initial *e is colored and lengthened by the following *h₂. Similarly, in Indo-Iranian, sequences like *eh₂ regularly produced ā, as seen in Sanskrit ā́śman 'stone' from PIE *h₂éḱmōn. Additionally, *h₂ induced aspiration on preceding stops in Indo-Iranian, affecting both voiced and voiceless consonants; for example, the second-person plural active ending *-th₂e- developed into Sanskrit -tha with aspirated [tʰ]. Evidence for *h₂'s realization comes prominently from , where it is preserved as a . In Hittite, *h₂ appears as (a ), particularly in clusters like *s + *h₂ > šḫ, as in išḫai- 'to bind' from *sh₂oi-. This contrasts with its loss to zero in non-Anatolian branches, where only indirect traces remain through coloring and lengthening, such as the ā in Indo-Iranian reflexes. In other environments, *h₂ vocalized between consonants to * or disappeared without trace, underscoring its consonantal yet unstable nature outside Anatolian.

Characteristics of *h₃

The laryngeal *h₃ is commonly reconstructed as a labiovelar or rounded pharyngeal fricative, such as [ɣʷ] or [χʷ], distinguished from *h₂ by its lip-rounding feature that accounts for the raising of adjacent *e to *o. This phonetic proposal stems from its consistent o-coloring effect in pre-vocalic and post-vocalic positions, setting it apart from the a-coloring typically associated with *h₂. In contrast to *h₂'s pharyngeal articulation [ħ], *h₃'s labialization is posited to explain the specific vowel shift without invoking additional mechanisms. A key behavior of *h₃ is its transformation of *eh₃ sequences into *ō, as seen in the root *deh₃- 'give', which yields dṓron 'gift' from *deh₃-róm and the perfect dédōka of didōmi. This effect is particularly evident in perfect formations, where *h₃ often appears in endings or extensions, producing o-grade alternations that highlight its role in raising *e. Such instances underscore *h₃'s function as an o-coloring agent, distinct from neutral or a-specific influences. Evidence for *h₃ includes patterns in and Indo-Iranian vocalism, illustrating the laryngeal's on ablaut patterns. In Indo-Iranian, *h₃'s effects contribute to the confusion of ā reflexes, where o-coloring merges with a-coloring outcomes from *h₂e and *oe, obscuring distinctions in long vowels. These patterns, drawn from comparative forms across branches, confirm *h₃'s o-raising property while noting its subtler traces compared to other laryngeals. The relative rarity of *h₃ is evident in fewer attestations across Indo-European roots, with o-coloring less frequent than a-coloring, possibly due to its specialized distribution in certain morphological contexts like perfects. This scarcity has led to proposals of merger with *h₂ in branches like Indo-Iranian, where both yield similar ā outcomes, reducing independent evidence for *h₃. Despite this, Anatolian reflexes, such as Hittite ḫ-, preserve traces supporting its distinction in early stages. All proposed phonetic realizations of the laryngeals remain hypothetical and subject to ongoing debate, with recent studies (as of ) evaluating alternatives like uvular stops and using computational models to test traditional hypotheses.

Internal evidence from Proto-Indo-European

Ablaut and vowel alternations

In Proto-Indo-European (), the laryngeal theory elucidates the integration of laryngeal consonants with the ablaut system, a graded series of vowel alternations that underpin morphological patterns. Ablaut primarily involves e-grade and o-grade as full-grade variants, alongside zero-grade forms lacking an overt , and occasionally lengthened grades. Laryngeals (*h₁, *h₂, *h₃) play a crucial role by coloring adjacent vowels and filling syllabic nuclei in zero-grade contexts, thereby generating the a-grade as a distinct from the primary e/o system. This interaction resolves longstanding puzzles in vowel variation, such as the origin of *a and long vowels, without requiring phonemes in the PIE inventory. The a-grade emerges specifically from sequences involving *h₂ in combination with the ablaut vowel *e, where the zero-grade equivalent *eh₂ produces an a-like vocalism. In zero-grade forms, a structure like *Ceh₂C develops into *CH₂C, ultimately yielding *CaC through laryngeal and coloring effects. A representative example is the root for '', reconstructed as *péh₂ur in the full e-grade, whose zero-grade variant *ph₂ur demonstrates this process internally within PIE . Similarly, the full-grade *CeH₂C simplifies to *CāC, accounting for long a-vowels in certain derivations. These patterns confirm that *a was not a primitive but a secondary outcome of laryngeal activity adjacent to ablaut zeros or e-grades. Lengthened grades, such as *ēh₁, arise through laryngeal insertion or preservation in specific morphological contexts, extending the e-grade while maintaining the neutral coloring of *h₁. This mechanism appears in derivations like the nominative singular *méh₁ns 'month', where the laryngeal supports the prolonged vocalism without altering quality. Such forms highlight how laryngeals facilitate quantitative alternations beyond the standard e/o/zero paradigm, often in nominal or verbal stems requiring emphasis or derivation. A key insight from the laryngeal framework is the resolution of the triple reflex in vowel outcomes from *eH sequences, distinguishing them from simple *ē. Internally, *eh₁ yields ē (neutral lengthening), *eh₂ produces ā (a-coloring with lengthening), and *eh₃ results in ō (o-like rounding), as evidenced in reconstructed Greek correspondences that inform PIE ablaut. This differentiation underscores the phonologically distinct behaviors of the laryngeals, enabling precise modeling of ablaut variations like: \text{Zero-grade: } *C e h_2 C \to *C H_2 C \to C a C \text{Full-grade: } *C e H_2 C \to C \bar{a} C These developments affirm the laryngeals' systematic role in unifying disparate vowel alternations under a coherent set.

Syllabic resonants and laryngeal effects

In , syllabic resonants such as *r̥, *l̥, *m̥, and *n̥ occurred in zero-grade contexts where no overt was present to form a . When followed by a laryngeal consonant (*h₁, *h₂, or *h₃), these sequences underwent vocalization, with the laryngeal providing a transitional vocalic element that developed into schwa (ə) or a colored , preventing impermissible consonant clusters. This process is exemplified in the formation of syllabic laryngeals, where *r̥h₁ evolved to *rə, inserting a neutral schwa supported by the neutral *h₁. A representative case appears in the kinship term *méh₂tēr ('mother'), whose zero-grade form *m̥h₂tēr developed into *matēr through similar vocalization, reflecting the laryngeal's role in syllabification before the resonant's full breaking in daughter languages. Specific breaking rules governed these interactions based on the laryngeal's coloring properties. For instance, *l̥h₂ yielded *lah, where *h₂ imposed an a-coloring on the emergent , while *m̥h₃ produced *moh, with *h₃ inducing an o-like quality. These developments ensured well-formedness in clusters like CR̥C ( + syllabic resonant + ), transforming abstract syllabic resonants into pronounceable forms with laryngeal-derived vowels. Such rules operated within ablaut patterns but were distinct in their reliance on resonant-laryngeal adjacency. Evidence for these effects is drawn from root alternations, such as the kinship term *bʰréh₂tēr ('brother'), where the zero-grade *bʰr̥h₂ter- resolved to *bʰrahtēr, illustrating how the laryngeal facilitated the resonant's while preserving integrity across Indo-European branches. This pattern underscores the laryngeals' function as "vocalic supports" in CR̥C environments, where they temporarily syllabified as glides or schwas before final vocalization, contributing to the phonological stability of zero-grade forms. Overall, these interactions highlight the laryngeals' versatility in bridging consonantal sequences, a key innovation explained by the laryngeal theory.

Reflexes in Indo-European branches

Direct traces in Anatolian and Tocharian

The Anatolian branch of Indo-European, attested earliest among the family, preserves direct consonantal reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) laryngeals *h₂ and *h₃, primarily as the voiceless velar or pharyngeal fricative /ḫ/ in Hittite and related sounds in other Anatolian languages. This survival provides crucial evidence for the laryngeal theory, as these sounds appear in positions where laryngeals are reconstructed for PIE on the basis of correspondences elsewhere. For instance, Hittite pahhur 'fire' (nominative singular) reflects PIE *peh₂wr̥, with *h₂ realized as /h/ before the syllabic resonant. Similarly, Hittite ḫuḫḫa- 'grandfather' derives from PIE *h₂eu̯h₂o/eh₂-, showing *h₂ as initial /ḫ/ and intervocalic /ḫḫ/. In Luwian, a close relative, ḫutarlā- 'servant' corresponds to PIE *h₂u-dh-ro-, again with initial *h₂ > /ḫ/. Reflexes of *h₃ follow a parallel pattern in Anatolian. Hittite ḫuwai- 'run away' stems from PIE *h₃u̯ei-, where the initial *h₃ appears as /ḫ/. Luwian offers comparable evidence, such as trq(u)δ- 'Storm God' from PIE *Perkʷu̯nós or related forms involving *h₃, reflected as /ḫ/ in Luwic contexts. These examples illustrate how *h₂ and *h₃ conditioned pharyngeal or velar fricatives without merging entirely, distinguishing them from *h₁, which lacks clear consonantal traces in Anatolian beyond possible weak effects. In the southern Lycian and Carian, laryngeal reflexes undergo further shifts but retain traces of the original *H (Proto-Anatolian for *h₂/*h₃). Lycian preserves /h/ directly in some forms, as in χu- '' potentially linked to laryngeal-initial , while Milyan (a Lycian ) shows qetbeleimi- < Hwitwalāimi-, with *H > /q/ or /h/. Carian exhibits a where Proto-Luwic *H develops into /q/ (uvular or velar stop), seen in forms like qrds 'build' from PIE with *h₂, and Trqqñt- from *h₃-influenced sequences like tr̥h₂u̥nt-. These developments suggest a progressive weakening or of the in southern Anatolian, yet they confirm the laryngeal origin through positional and comparative correspondences. Tocharian, another early-branching Indo-European , shows no consonantal survival of laryngeals but direct traces via and coloring effects, particularly *h₂ inducing /a/-like vowels. A representative case is Tocharian B pacer '' (A pacar), derived from PIE *ph₂tḗr, where *h₂ vocalizes between *t and the ending, yielding Proto-Tocharian pätär with *a from the laryngeal. More securely, laryngeals cause /a/-coloring in roots like kʷerh₂- 'grow', reflected as /är/ sequences. These vocalic outcomes align with the basic laryngeal set, where *h₂ consistently lowers preceding *e to *a in pre-resonant or final positions. The preservation of laryngeals in Anatolian and their vocalic effects in Tocharian demonstrate that these sounds were inherited from , predating the split of these branches, and were not Anatolian or Tocharian innovations. This strengthens the laryngeal theory by anchoring reconstructions to attested across divergent early languages.

Indirect effects in centum languages

In the centum languages, which include , Italic, , and Germanic branches, the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) laryngeals (*h₁, *h₂, *h₃) left no direct consonantal traces but exerted significant indirect influences on vowel quality, length, and , as well as interactions with accent and consonant shifts. These effects arose from the laryngeals' tendency to color adjacent vowels (*h₂ and *h₃ induced *a-like and *o-like qualities, respectively) and to vocalize or lengthen vowels upon their loss, typically before the common Indo-European period. This contrasts with the direct preservation of laryngeals in like Hittite, where *h₂ appears as ḫ. A prominent example occurs in Greek, where sequences of *e followed by a laryngeal exhibit a "triple reflex": *eh₁ > ē, *eh₂ > ā, and *eh₃ > ō, reflecting the distinct coloring properties of each laryngeal before their disappearance, often with . For instance, the PIE root *ph₂tḗr 'father' (with *eh₂ in the suffix) yields πατήρ (patḗr) with ā, while parallel forms show ē from *eh₁ (e.g., *ph₁tḗr variants in other contexts) and ō from *eh₃ (e.g., related to *ph₃tḗr in some reconstructions). Additionally, laryngeals between consonants or resonants in Greek produced epenthetic vowels in clusters like *Cr̥hC > CraC (e.g., *mr̥h₂tḗr > mḗtēr 'mother' with ā). These patterns, first systematically analyzed by scholars like and later supported by Hittite evidence, resolved pre-laryngeal inconsistencies in Greek vowel alternations. Laryngeals affect vowel quality but do not cause aspiration in Greek. In , particularly Latin, the effects are characterized by consistent ā reflexes from *eh₂ and lengthening in various positions, with laryngeals generally lost without . The *deh₃- 'give' developed into Latin dō 'I give' (1sg. present), where *eh₃ > ō via intermediate lengthening and merger due to *h₃'s o-coloring, though more typically *eh₂ > ā as in *péh₂us- > pāscō 'I feed' (contrasting with Hittite paḫš- 'protect'). Lengthening is especially evident in compounds, where a laryngeal in the second element could trigger compensatory extension of the preceding vowel; for example, in ad-stō 'I stand to' from *ad-steh₂-, the laryngeal *h₂ causes ō-lengthening beyond simple , a explained by the laryngeal theory's resolution of Brugmann's law issues. These developments, refined by linguists like Jerzy Kuryłowicz through comparative Anatolian data, highlight how laryngeals regularized Latin's ablaut patterns. Celtic and show indirect laryngeal effects primarily through the "schwa indogermanicum" (*ə), a reduced arising from the of *h₁ (or any laryngeal) in consonantal positions, especially between resonants or in unaccented syllables, often yielding epenthetic a-like vowels. In (representing ), prefixes like a- 'out of' derive from PIE *h₁e-, where *h₁ vocalizes to and merges with *e > a (e.g., air 'before' < *h₁er- with initial a from *h₁); syllabic resonants with *h₁ similarly produce aR sequences, as in athir 'father' < *ph₂tḗr with /a/ from *h₂. Germanic reflexes are analogous, with *h₁R > əR > aR or iR in unaccented positions (e.g., more clearly in roots like *steh₂- > *stō- with schwa traces in compounds). This , proposed by Hermann Hirt and integrated into the laryngeal theory by , accounts for irregular short vowels in centum roots that pre-laryngeal reconstructions left unexplained. In Germanic specifically, laryngeals interacted with —the secondary voicing of fricatives (from ) in post-accent contexts—by influencing the PIE movable pitch that conditioned the shift. Laryngeals, often accented in roots (e.g., *h₁éḱwos '' > *ēkʷos with initial accent preserved), could delay or alter accent retraction, thereby exempting certain fricatives from voicing or introducing laryngeal features like that phonologized as voicing contrasts; for instance, in roots with final laryngeals like *bʰeh₂- 'eat' > Proto-Germanic *fō- (unvoiced f, accent on root preventing Verner voicing), the laryngeal's role in accent paradigms ensured regular outcomes. This integration, explored in phonological models by scholars like Karl Verner and later Donca Steriade, demonstrates how laryngeals contributed to the systematicity of Germanic consonant alternations without direct survival.

Indirect effects in satem languages

In the Indo-Iranian branch of the satem languages, the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals do not survive as consonants but exert indirect influence through vowel coloring and lengthening, particularly in sequences involving *h₂ and *h₃. These laryngeals cause an a-coloring effect on preceding *e or *o, resulting in long ā after their loss, a development shared across Indo-Iranian but distinct from the merger of short vowels in other positions. For instance, ahura 'lord, spirit' derives from PIE *h₂éns-u-, where *h₂ colors the vowel to *a before the syllabic nasal, yielding ā upon laryngeal deletion and nasal vocalization. Similarly, Sanskrit mātā 'mother' reflects PIE *méh₂-tēr, with *eh₂ > ā. In some contexts, laryngeals also contribute to sibilant developments, where *h₃ or *h₂ before *s may yield s or z reflexes in , preserving sibilants that might otherwise palatalize. The exhibit laryngeal effects primarily in prosodic and nasal features, with no direct consonantal traces but clear indirect impacts on vowel quality and intonation. Sequences such as *e(n)h₁ develop into nasalized long vowels, as evidenced by Lithuanian ã in forms like kãnti 'to sing' from PIE *kʷenh₁- 'to sing', where the laryngeal promotes before its loss. More prominently, laryngeals are the key source of the acute intonation in Balto-Slavic, a rising or glottalized tone on long vowels or diphthongs arising when a laryngeal occupied the of a , distinguishing it from the (falling) tone of inherited long vowels. This acute register, preserved in Lithuanian and Latvian, underlies paradigmatic mobility and is reconstructed as a direct reflex of any PIE laryngeal in syllable-final position, such as in Lithuanian akmuõ 'stone' < PIE *h₂éḱmōn. Armenian, another satem language, shows laryngeal influences in specific diphthongal developments, particularly the reflex aw from sequences involving *o + h₃ or a vowel + laryngeal. This arises through rounding and lowering effects of *h₃ after back vowels, merging with other *Vh outcomes to form aw before the laryngeal's disappearance. A representative example is Armenian awj 'to drive', derived from PIE *h₃eugʰ-, where initial *h₃ before *eu yields aw via intermediate *ow after vowel shift and laryngeal loss. Such formations highlight Armenian's retention of rounded diphthongs as an indirect laryngeal marker, contrasting with its general loss of laryngeals to zero or a in other environments. Albanian, an independent satem branch, preserves indirect laryngeal effects, notably initial *h₂ > /h/ in some verbs, such as hedh 'throw' < PIE *gʷeh₂-, where the laryngeal conditions aspiration without full consonantal survival, alongside vowel lengthening in other positions. This provides unique evidence among satem languages for partial preservation of laryngeal features. Across satem languages, the laryngeal theory accounts for irregularities in the ruki rule, which palatalizes *s to ś/š after *r, *u, *k, or *i in Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic. Exceptions where *s remains unpalatalized are explained by intervening laryngeals, which alter the phonetic context and delay or block retraction until after the rule's primary operation. In Indo-Iranian, for example, syllabic laryngeals *H̥ vocalize to *i, potentially triggering ruki, but cases with *sH or *CHs preserve s if the laryngeal's loss creates a non-ruki environment post-palatalization. This resolution integrates laryngeal presence into satem sibilant evolution without invoking ad hoc exceptions.

External comparative evidence

Interactions with Kartvelian languages

The laryngeal theory receives external support from interactions between Proto-Indo-European (PIE) and Proto-Kartvelian, particularly through ancient borrowings that preserve traces of laryngeal effects in Kartvelian phonology and morphology. These contacts, situated in the Caucasus region, suggest that PIE laryngeals influenced Kartvelian forms during early language exchange, providing independent corroboration beyond Indo-European internal reconstruction. Further evidence appears in pharyngeal correspondences, where PIE *h₂ develops into Kartvelian pharyngeals, consistent with the areal phonetics of the Caucasus. Such patterns indicate that laryngeals functioned as pharyngeal fricatives in PIE, facilitating adaptation into Kartvelian systems rich in pharyngeal sounds. The directionality of these borrowings is predominantly from PIE to , reflecting PIE speakers' expansion into the Caucasus contact zone around the 4th millennium BCE, where typological parallels in glottalics and pharyngeals emerged through prolonged interaction. Although the corpus of such loans is limited—the number of securely identified Indo-European borrowings in Proto-Kartvelian varies from a few to around 50–70 in scholarly estimates—the consistency of laryngeal reflexes strengthens the theory, particularly by supporting the pharyngeal realization of *h₂ and *h₃ in a non-Indo-European context.

Borrowings into Uralic languages

The analysis of borrowings from (PIE) into provides indirect evidence for the laryngeal theory, as these early loans often exhibit traces of laryngeal effects on vowels and consonants that align with patterns observed in other Indo-European branches. Scholars such as have identified several etymologies where PIE laryngeals (*h₁, *h₂, *h₃) influenced Uralic phonology, typically through vowel coloring, lengthening, or loss without direct consonantal reflexes. These borrowings, primarily lexical items related to basic vocabulary, suggest close contacts between speakers of early Indo-European dialects and Proto-Uralic communities, with laryngeals adapting to Uralic's simpler vowel system and lack of initial h-sounds. Representative examples illustrate how laryngeals manifested in Uralic forms. For instance, Proto-Uralic *keśä 'summer' (reflected in Finnish kesä) derives from PIE *h₁es-en-, where the initial *h₁ is lost, and the following *e remains uncolored, consistent with *h₁'s neutral effect; this loan preserves the laryngeal's role in preventing initial vowel anlaut in Uralic. Similarly, Proto-Uralic *kaski 'burnt-over clearing' (Finnish kaski) comes from PIE *h₂esgʰ-, with *h₂ coloring the vowel to *a in the source but adapting to Uralic *a via lengthening or glide formation, as *h₂ often produced ā or compensatory length in contact scenarios. Another case is Proto-Uralic *pexi-/*peša- 'to cook' (e.g., Finnish paistaa) from PIE *pekʷ-, showing adaptation with potential laryngeal effects in related forms, with later *x > š substitution indicating phonetic adaptation. In Hungarian, hét 'seven' reflects Proto-Ugric *säptä < PIE *sépti-m̥, where the syllabic resonant *m̥ in a laryngeal environment (possibly *septíh₁m̥ or similar) explains the unexpected front vowel shift and length without direct Indo-European parallels in non-laryngeal forms. These adaptations highlight laryngeals converting to length or glides, such as *h₂ > ā in select contexts, rather than preserving a consonantal trace. The chronology of these borrowings points to early interactions in the Pontic-Caspian steppe region during the pre-satem phase of Indo-European (circa 3000–2500 BCE), before the satem-centum split, as evidenced by the retention of archaic features like palatovelars and laryngeals in the loans. This timing aligns with archaeological models of Indo-European expansion into Uralic territories. Such evidence supports the by accounting for anomalous long vowels in Uralic (e.g., *ā or *ē) that lack internal Uralic explanations but match PIE laryngeal-induced ablaut and coloring, providing external validation beyond Indo-European .

Parallels with Semitic languages

The laryngeal theory for Proto-Indo-European (PIE) has drawn typological parallels with Proto-Semitic phonology, particularly in the behavior of consonants that affect adjacent vowels, a phenomenon known as "coloring." In PIE, the laryngeals *h₂ and *h₃ are reconstructed as causing *e to shift to *a and *o, respectively, while *h₁ has neutral effects but vocalizes in certain positions. Proto-Semitic features similar emphatic and pharyngeal consonants, such as *ḥ (voiceless pharyngeal fricative) and *ʿ (voiced pharyngeal fricative), which lower vowels toward a-quality and sometimes induce backing or rounding, analogous to PIE *h₂. These shared coloring properties were first highlighted by Hermann Møller in his 1917 work on Semitic-pre-Indo-European laryngeals, where he proposed that such consonants originated in a common Indo-Semitic protolanguage. Further comparisons align PIE *h₁ with Proto-Afroasiatic (including ) *ʔ (), PIE *h₂ with *ḥ or *ʕ, and PIE *h₃ potentially with a rounded variant like *ʕ, based on vowel rounding effects observed in where voiced pharyngeals influence lip position and o-like qualities. For instance, Václav Blažek's analysis identifies over 80 lexical correspondences supporting these alignments, such as correspondences involving '' or 'pour' roots with initial laryngeals. Hypothetical areal contacts via the or are invoked to explain these features, as PIE speakers in proposed homelands (e.g., ) would have neighbored and Afroasiatic groups, potentially leading to phonetic convergences without direct genetic descent. Reduction patterns also show parallels: Semitic laryngeals and pharyngeals often weaken to zero or glottal stops in daughter languages (e.g., *ḥ > Ø in ), mirroring the loss of PIE laryngeals outside Anatolian and Tocharian. These typological similarities extend to broader external evidence from Uralic and in the , suggesting regional phonetic influences. Criticisms emphasize that the parallels may reflect universal typological tendencies in consonants rather than borrowing or genetic ties, as pharyngeals are common in Afroasiatic but absent in core IE branches beyond early stages. No direct loanwords preserving unambiguous laryngeal correspondences have been proven, and proposals under the controversial Nostratic macrofamily (linking IE and Afroasiatic) face objections for over-reliance on long-range comparison. Allan Bomhard's typological studies underscore the consonantal nature of these elements but caution against assuming direct influence without further Anatolian evidence.

Role in morphology and derivation

Laryngeals in root structure

In Proto-Indo-European (PIE), laryngeals could occupy initial, medial, or final positions within root structures, influencing vowel coloring and while maintaining the typical biconsonantal or triconsonantal shape of . Initial laryngeals, such as *h₃- in *h₃erǵʰ- 'swell' (reflected in *orkhḗs 'testicle' from a ), often appear before resonant-initial roots to explain vowel-initial forms in daughter languages without violating onset constraints. Medial laryngeals, like *h₂ in *steh₂- 'stand' (seen in tiṣṭhati and Latin stō), typically occur between consonants or adjacent to vowels, where they trigger a-coloring effects in subsequent developments. Final laryngeals, exemplified by *h₂ in *bʰeh₂- 'shine, gleam' (underlying forms like bhāti 'shines'), contribute to root-final vowel lengthening or aspiration in reflexes across Indo-European branches. Biconsonantal roots incorporating laryngeals, such as *h₂el- 'grow, nourish' (evident in Latin alō 'I nourish'), resolve discrepancies in apparently monovocalic or short roots by positing the laryngeal as a consonantal element that vocalizes under certain conditions, thereby expanding the inventory of simple root types beyond traditional CV(C) patterns. These structures highlight the laryngeals' role in stabilizing root phonotactics, particularly where daughter languages show unexpected vowel qualities or lengths without an overt consonant. Laryngeals integrate into the Caland system, an archaic derivational pattern linking verbal to adjectival formations via suffixes like *-nt- or *-eh₂-, where roots containing laryngeals exhibit patterned shifts in derivatives. For instance, the *h₃reǵ- 'straight' (with final h₃) forms Caland adjectives like *h₃reǵ-w-ós 'straight' in orektós, demonstrating how the laryngeal conditions o-coloring in participial-like adjectives. This system underscores the laryngeals' contribution to derivational , tying root-internal to broader word-formation processes. Laryngeals feature in a significant portion of reconstructed PIE roots, underscoring their systemic importance in the lexicon. Their distribution interacts briefly with ablaut, where laryngeal presence can affect grade alternations in root vowels.

Effects on nominal and verbal forms

In Proto-Indo-European nominal inflection, laryngeals significantly influenced case endings and stem formations, particularly in genitive singulars where the ending *-eh₁es is reconstructed for certain paradigms, with the *h₁ laryngeal ensuring the preservation of the *e vowel quality without coloring it to *a or *o. For instance, the genitive form *h₂ówyos of the stem *h₂ówi- 'sheep' reflects laryngeal influence in the stem, where *h₂ appears in most branches but accounts for vowel developments like the initial *a in some descendants such as Latin *ovis. Laryngeals also affected thematic vowels in nominal stems; a following *h₂ or *h₃ would color an adjacent *e to *a or *o, as seen in o-stem genitives where laryngeals induce vowel shifts in reflexes. Derivational suffixes incorporating laryngeals further shaped nominal morphology, with *-h₂ serving as a key feminine marker that derived animate nouns from verbal or nominal , often individualizing the and assigning feminine in later systems. This suffix, typically in the form *-eh₂ for thematic stems, produced forms like PIE *gʷénh₂ 'woman, ', yielding *jánī-, *gynḗ, and Tocharian B *ñāre, where the *h₂ colors the preceding *e to *a in non-Anatolian branches and contributes to the long vowel in some cases. Similarly, *-h₃ functioned in resultative derivations, forming nouns denoting the outcome of an action, such as *mn̥h₃-tó- 'thought' from *men- 'think', reflected in *mṇ-ā́ 'mind' with o-coloring from *h₃. Turning to verbal forms, laryngeals played a crucial role in tense-aspect systems, notably in the perfect, where an initial *h₃e- prefix is posited in some reconstructions to form stative or perfects, as in *h₃e-bʰugʰ-é 'has fled' from the root *bʰeh₂g- 'flee', accounting for o-grade effects in *péphuga and *bhébhūg-a. The augment, reconstructed as *h₂e-, introduced a marker that colored following vowels, evident in forms like the sigmatic *h₂e-steh₂- 'stood' > *éstē, where *h₂ induces *a-quality in Anatolian and some other branches. In reduplicated verbal stems, particularly si-stems (s-aorists), laryngeals integrated into the reduplicant or stem to maintain syllabicity and vowel quality, as exemplified by *h₁si-stéh₂-mi 'I stand' from *steh₂- 'stand', where initial *h₁ prevents vowel coloring and ensures the reduplicated *si- form appears in Sanskrit *tiṣṭhámi without aspiration loss. The *-h₃ suffix also appeared in verbal derivation for resultative or perfective aspects, such as in *-éh₃- formations yielding intransitive resultatives like *ǵenh₃- 'is born' > Sanskrit *jāyate, with *h₃ providing o-coloring and stative semantics in Indo-Iranian and Greek reflexes.

Criticisms and alternatives

Major objections

One major objection to the laryngeal theory is its perceived over-reliance on solutions to account for exceptions in Indo-European sound correspondences, which undermines its as a scientific . Critics contend that the theory posits laryngeals to resolve irregularities in ablaut patterns and qualities without sufficient , often adjusting reconstructions to fit disparate data from daughter languages. This approach, they argue, explains too many anomalies through a small set of abstract phonemes, leading to a of unsubstantiated rules rather than a unified explanatory framework. Inconsistencies within , particularly Hittite, form another key criticism, as the reflexes of supposed laryngeals do not consistently align with expectations. For instance, Hittite ḫ (often interpreted as a laryngeal reflex) appears in only a limited number of examples—26 initial and 28 medial positions—raising doubts about its reliability as evidence for the entire Proto-Indo-European system. Orthographic variations, such as between single ḫ and geminate ḫḫ, obscure distinctions among the proposed laryngeals, and these sounds are preserved only in specific phonetic environments (e.g., adjacent to resonants like r, l, m, n or semivowels), suggesting possible independent developments like rather than uniform laryngeal inheritance. Critics further note that not all instances of Hittite ḫ can be attributed to laryngeals, with some attributable to influences or later innovations. The lack of direct evidence for laryngeals beyond Anatolian languages is frequently cited as a fundamental weakness, rendering the theory's reliance on indirect reflexes potentially circular. While Anatolian provides the primary attestation (e.g., in Hittite and Luwian), the scarcity of unambiguous examples—coupled with no clear survival in other branches—means that reconstructions in non-Anatolian languages depend on assuming laryngeal presence to explain vowel colorations or lengthenings, which in turn justifies the initial assumption. This circularity is exacerbated by the absence of laryngeals in well-attested languages like Greek, Sanskrit, or Latin, where their effects are inferred rather than observed, leading skeptics to question whether the theory imposes an unprovable layer on Proto-Indo-European phonology. Finally, the theory's complexity, particularly the reconstruction of three or more distinct laryngeals (h₁, h₂, h₃), is viewed as unnecessarily multiplying entities in , violating principles of . Proponents differ on the exact inventory—ranging from two to as many as twelve in some proposals—yet the standard system introduces intricate rules for their differential behaviors (e.g., h₂ coloring s to /a/, h₃ to /o/), which critics argue could be simplified through alternative or analyses without invoking lost phonemes. This added intricacy, they maintain, generates more interpretive challenges than it resolves, especially given the limited empirical support.

Competing theories

Ferdinand de Saussure's original formulation of the coefficients sonantiques in 1878 posited abstract symbols, denoted as *A and *O, to account for irregularities in Indo-European vowel alternations without assigning them specific phonetic values, treating them as algebraic entities rather than sounds. These coefficients were intended to explain phenomena like the lengthening of vowels in certain positions and the o-coloring in and , but Saussure explicitly avoided phonetic speculation, viewing them as structural placeholders in the ablaut system. This approach was later largely abandoned following Jerzy Kuryłowicz's 1927 identification of the coefficients with Hittite laryngeal-like sounds, which provided concrete phonetic reflexes. Pre-laryngeal reconstructions of Proto-Indo-European incorporated a indogermanicum (*) as a distinct reduced to explain short, indistinct vowels appearing between consonants, word-initially before consonants, or in other positions where no full was expected. This was posited independently of any consonantal influence, serving as a separate element in the system to account for alternations like those in and without invoking additional consonants. Unlike the laryngeal theory, which derives such schwas from laryngeal vocalization (e.g., *h₁ between consonants yielding *), the schwa approach treated it as an inherent, non-contrastive quality that merged with full vowels under . The , primarily developed by Thomas Gamkrelidze and Vyacheslav Ivanov, reinterprets the Proto-Indo-European stop series by replacing traditional voiced stops with ejectives (*p', *t', *k'), arguing that this shift better explains typological constraints on root structure and the scarcity of voiced labials in affixes. This approach competes with the laryngeal framework by emphasizing consonant-driven innovations over additional laryngeal phonemes, though it primarily targets the inventory rather than vocalism directly. Modern minimalist approaches to seek to reduce the number of laryngeals to two or fewer, often retaining only *h₁ () and *h₂ (a-coloring) to explain coloring and lengthening, while attributing o-coloring effects to contextual factors or deriving the third laryngeal from these. Proponents like Frederik Otto Lindeman and Bammesberger argue that evidence from Hittite supports just two laryngeals, with and data reanalyzable without a distinct *h₃, minimizing the inventory to avoid over-reconstruction. Some variants propose a single glottal corresponding to all traditional laryngeals, treating variations as allophones influenced by adjacent vowels rather than separate phonemes. These models contrast with the standard three-laryngeal system by prioritizing , though they face challenges in fully accounting for diverse reflexes across Indo-European branches.