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Mohammed Shahabuddin

Mohammed Shahabuddin ( 10 ) is a Bangladeshi and serving as the 16th since 24 2023. in , then part of , Shahabuddin participated as a in the uprising against and later joined the in as a freedom fighter. After independence, he pursued a legal career, rising to the position of district and sessions judge, the highest judicial rank in Bangladesh's district courts. Nominated by the Awami League-dominated , Shahabuddin was elected unopposed as , a largely ceremonial under Bangladesh's . During his tenure, he exercised presidential powers by vetoing the 2023, sending it back to for reconsideration. Following Sheikh amid protests in 2024, Shahabuddin assumed the of the country's sole top constitutional and administered the to as of the interim . His has faced , including demands for his over statements perceived as defending Hasina's tenure and downplaying related controversies, with protesters accusing him of historical toward actions during the . In , the directed the removal of his from 's foreign missions, highlighting tensions with the post-Hasina . Despite these challenges, he remains in as of , serving as of several and symbolizing in the .

Early life and education

Upbringing and family influences

Mohammed Shahabuddin was on 10 in the area of Shivrampur, , in what was then . His , Sharfuddin , and , Khairunnessa, provided a modest in rural , though specific on their professions or remain undocumented in . Shahabuddin's early exposure to the region's political turbulence, amid growing Bengali nationalism, likely shaped his initial inclinations toward activism, as was a hotbed of pre-independence organizing. From his school years, family support appears to have emphasized education and community involvement, enabling Shahabuddin to complete his Secondary School Certificate in 1966 from Radhanagar Majumdar Academy and Higher Secondary Certificate in 1968. He joined the Chhatra League, the student wing of the Awami League, as one of its earliest members in Pabna district during his youth, reflecting early familial or local influences toward political engagement rather than insular pursuits. This student activism extended to participation in the 1971 Liberation War, marking a formative shift influenced by the broader familial and societal context of East Pakistan's struggle for autonomy.

Academic background and early career aspirations

Mohammed Shahabuddin completed his examination from Radhanagar in . He subsequently passed his from Pabna . Shahabuddin obtained a Bachelor of Science (BSc) degree in 1971, with the examination held in 1972, from Government Edward College in Pabna. He then advanced to postgraduate studies at Rajshahi University, earning a Master of Science (MSc) in psychology in 1974 and a Bachelor of Laws (LLB) in 1975 from the same institution. Following his LLB, Shahabuddin joined the Lawyers Association, reflecting an early toward legal . In 1982, he entered the (Judicial Cadre) as a Munsif (Assistant ), signaling aspirations for a in the judiciary rather than private legal . This transition aligned with his qualifications and positioned him for subsequent roles in district courts.

Professional career

Civil service and judicial appointments

Shahabuddin entered the through the judicial cadre in , beginning his as a munsif (assistant judge). He progressed through various judicial positions, including roles as assistant registrar and deputy registrar in the High Court Division, before his promotion to district judge in 2000. In 1995, he was elected general secretary of the Judicial Service Association, reflecting his involvement in judicial administration. During his tenure, Shahabuddin was appointed by the of as for the trial of the Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman assassination case, overseeing aspects of the proceedings initiated in the late 1990s. He advanced to the position of district and sessions judge, serving in multiple districts until his retirement from the judiciary in 2006 after approximately 24 years of service. Post-retirement, Shahabuddin was appointed as a commissioner of the (), an independent statutory body under the civil service framework, serving from 2011 to 2016. In this , he addressed allegations of in major infrastructure projects, including countering international claims against the Padma Multipurpose development.

Key judicial investigations and roles

Mohammed Shahabuddin entered Bangladesh's judicial in , progressing through various postings to become a and sessions , a he held until his in 2006. In this , he adjudicated civil and criminal cases at the level, including matters related to labor disputes as chairman of a labour court. Specific judgments from his tenure as a are not widely documented in public records, reflecting the routine nature of such positions in Bangladesh's lower judiciary. Post-retirement from active judging, Shahabuddin chaired the Judicial Commission established after the 2001 general elections to widespread post-poll . The commission investigated incidents of , , , , and other atrocities, primarily targeting members and supporters by activists affiliated with the BNP-Jamaat . Known as the Shahabuddin , it documented over 400 and thousands of injuries, recommending actions against perpetrators, though faced political hurdles under the BNP . From 2011 to 2016, Shahabuddin served of the (), overseeing investigations into graft allegations against officials and politicians. During his , the ACC filed cases against figures including ministers and high-profile probes, such as those involving asset discrepancies and , amid from like the over the commission's internal processes. He also coordinated aspects of trials related to historical cases, contributing to the body's of prosecuting under Bangladesh's anti-graft laws.

Journalism and public commentary

Mohammed Shahabuddin worked as a journalist at the Daily Banglar Bani from 1980 to 1982, marking the initial phase of his professional engagement with media amid his concurrent involvement in student politics. In his public commentary, Shahabuddin authored the book Egiye Jabe Bangladesh (Bangladesh Will Go a Long Way), published in 2023, which articulates his vision for national advancement through sustained institutional reforms and economic progress. The English translation of the book was released on February 22, 2024, broadening its accessibility to discuss Bangladesh's potential for long-term development under principled governance.

Political affiliations and pre-presidential activities

Ties to BNP and period of imprisonment

Mohammed Shahabuddin was imprisoned for three years following the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1975, amid the political upheaval that ensued after the collapse of Mujib's Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL) one-party system. This detention occurred during a period of successive coups and military interventions, including the brief regime of Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad and the rise of Ziaur Rahman, reflecting Shahabuddin's early involvement in student activism that positioned him against the dominant Awami League forces post-independence. Although the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) was formally established in 1978 by Ziaur Rahman, Shahabuddin's pre-presidential political leanings have been associated with the nationalist opposition currents that underpinned the party's formation, stemming from his participation in independence-era student movements and subsequent imprisonment under Awami League-aligned governance. No records indicate formal BNP membership, but his background as a critic of post-1975 Awami League consolidation contributed to perceptions of alignment with BNP's anti-hegemonic stance. During his judicial and civil service career, Shahabuddin served under various administrations, including the 2001–2006 BNP-led coalition government, where he held roles such as district judge without partisan appointments. In public commentary prior to his 2023 presidency, Shahabuddin credited the BNP with driving key democratic reforms in Bangladesh, stating during his April 24, 2023, inauguration that "all major democratic reforms in Bangladesh came through BNP," highlighting a rhetorical affinity despite his nomination by the Awami League-dominated parliament. The BNP maintained a neutral stance on his unopposed election in February 2023, with party leaders expressing no particular interest in the presidency at the time. These elements, combined with his early opposition experiences, underscore the indirect ties that have fueled debates over his political neutrality under Awami League rule from 2009 to 2024.

Involvement in opposition politics under Awami League rule

During the Awami League's prolonged rule from 2009 to 2023, Mohammed Shahabuddin maintained an apolitical stance consistent with his roles in the judiciary and anti-corruption bodies, refraining from documented participation in opposition political activities such as rallies, party organization, or public advocacy against the government. Appointed as a commissioner of the Anti-Corruption Commission in 2011, he oversaw investigations into graft cases involving public officials, a period when the commission itself drew criticism from the World Bank for internal corruption allegations related to procurement irregularities, though Shahabuddin was not personally implicated. He served in this capacity until 2016, after which he returned to the bench as a district and sessions judge, focusing on judicial duties amid Bangladesh's polarized political environment where opposition figures like BNP leaders faced arrests and harassment. Civil service regulations barred overt political engagement, and available records show no violations or affiliations with the BNP or other opposition groups during this time, contrasting with his early student-era ties to the Awami League before the 1975 assassination of its founder. His eventual nomination by the Awami League for the presidency in February 2023 underscores a perception of neutrality or acceptability within ruling circles, rather than active opposition involvement. Speculation of underlying BNP sympathies emerged retrospectively, fueled by the party's defense of his post-2024 tenure, but lacks substantiation for the preceding period under scrutiny from state-aligned media and institutions.

Presidency

Nomination, election, and inauguration

Mohammed Shahabuddin, a retired judge and affiliate of the ruling Awami League, was nominated as the party's candidate for the presidency ahead of the scheduled 2023 election. His nomination papers were submitted to the Election Commission in early February 2023, following which Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina personally greeted him with a bouquet, signaling strong party endorsement. No opposition candidates emerged, as nominations closed without rivals, a common outcome in Bangladesh's parliamentary system where the presidency is elected indirectly by members of Parliament and local government representatives. On 13 February 2023, the Election Commission formally declared Shahabuddin the unopposed president-elect, bypassing the original polling date of 19 February due to the absence of contenders. This made him the 22nd president of Bangladesh, succeeding Mohammed Abdul Hamid whose term had extended beyond the standard five years amid prior political arrangements. Shahabuddin was inaugurated on 24 April 2023 at Bangabhaban, the in , in a administered by . He took the for a five-year term, pledging to uphold the constitution, with Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and cabinet members in attendance. The event occurred months before national parliamentary elections, positioning Shahabuddin as a ceremonial head of state under the Awami League government.

Ceremonial duties and initial tenure (2023–mid-2024)

Mohammed Shahabuddin assumed the ceremonial of following his , primarily involving constitutional formalities, addresses, and diplomatic receptions. On May 2023, shortly after taking , he directed all Bangabhaban officials to prioritize neutrality, , and in their duties. In December 2023, he invoked his under 80 of the by returning the Bangladesh Labour () , 2023, to without assent, citing potential inadequacies in protecting workers' interests amid economic challenges. On 31 December 2023, Shahabuddin issued a public message greeting the nation on the eve of the Gregorian New Year 2024, emphasizing unity, progress, and welfare for all citizens irrespective of background. Following the Awami League's victory in the 7 January 2024 parliamentary elections, he administered oaths of office and secrecy to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina for her fifth consecutive term and to 37 cabinet members on 11 January 2024 at Bangabhaban in Dhaka. He then presided over the inaugural session of the 12th Jatiya Sangsad on 30 January 2024, delivering the customary address outlining national priorities. Throughout early , Shahabuddin routinely received credentials from foreign envoys, formalizing diplomatic ties; on , he presentations from of seven , including high commissioners from nations. On 27 , he inaugurated Textiles Day at the Bangabandhu Conference Centre in , where he spoke on the sector's economic and awarded mementos to contributing institutions. In , he continued such receptions, including from Bahrain's on 8 . These activities underscored his largely non-executive functions under Bangladesh's , with during this .

Response to 2024 protests and Sheikh Hasina's resignation

Following Sheikh Hasina's resignation on August 5, 2024, amid widespread student-led protests against government job quotas and broader authoritarian measures, President Mohammed Shahabuddin invoked constitutional provisions to assume temporary executive authority as the head of state. He immediately ordered the release of imprisoned opposition leader Khaleda Zia, chairperson of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), along with thousands of other political detainees arrested during the unrest, framing the action as a step toward national reconciliation. On August 6, 2024, Shahabuddin dissolved the 12th (parliament), complying with an ultimatum from student protest coordinators who demanded fresh elections within 90 days and rejected military rule. This move vacated the legislative body dominated by Hasina's , paving the way for an interim administration. Earlier that day, he held consultations at with representatives of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, military chiefs, and other stakeholders to address the power vacuum and prevent further violence. Shahabuddin then appointed Nobel laureate as to lead the interim , a decision announced on August 6 following agreements with leaders and officials. was sworn in by Shahabuddin on August 8, 2024, in a attended by coordinators and marked by a minute of silence for protest victims, signaling a civilian-led transition amid demands to sideline the armed forces from . These steps, while stabilizing the immediate crisis that had claimed over 300 lives since July, drew mixed reactions: supporters viewed them as decisive in honoring protester demands for reform, whereas critics later questioned the process's adherence to constitutional norms given the absence of a formal resignation document from Hasina at the time.

Oversight of interim government transition

Following Sheikh Hasina's resignation on August 5, 2024, President Mohammed Shahabuddin convened an emergency meeting at with the chiefs of forces, leaders of , and student representatives to address the resulting and ensure a . During the meeting, Shahabuddin emphasized the need for an interim to stabilize the , release political prisoners, and prepare for fresh elections within constitutional timelines. On August 6, 2024, Shahabuddin formally dissolved the 12th , which had been elected in January 2024, thereby vacating the positions of the and under Article 57(2) of the , and directed the formation of an interim . He simultaneously ordered the unconditional release of , who had been imprisoned since 2018 on charges, as part of broader efforts to de-escalate political tensions. Shahabuddin appointed Nobel laureate as of the interim on , 2024, following consultations with leaders from the Anti-Discrimination Students' , who had driven the protests leading to Hasina's ouster. He administered oaths to Yunus and 16 initial advisers that day, including representatives Nahid and , with additional advisers sworn in subsequently, such as on , 2024. This adhered to constitutional provisions for non-partisan interim under 141C, aiming to hold elections within 90 days, though timelines were later extended amid demands. Throughout the transition, Shahabuddin's actions focused on preventing or , coordinating with the Waker-Uz-Zaman to maintain , and facilitating the without invoking powers. By mid-August 2024, the interim assumed , with Shahabuddin retaining ceremonial oversight as , including advisory appointments and legislative confirmations.

Foreign policy engagements and visits

President Mohammed Shahabuddin, in his capacity as ceremonial head of state, engaged in limited foreign policy activities, primarily attending regional summits and undertaking medical visits abroad during his early tenure. His most notable diplomatic engagement occurred in September 2023, when he traveled to Jakarta, Indonesia, to participate in the 43rd ASEAN Summit and the 18th East Asia Summit held from September 5 to 7. During the East Asia Summit, Shahabuddin urged a "durable solution" to the Myanmar crisis, emphasizing the need to address delays in Rohingya repatriation and humanitarian funding shortfalls amid ongoing regional instability. Accompanied by his wife, Rebecca Sultana, he was welcomed by Indonesian officials upon arrival on September 4, highlighting Bangladesh's observer status in ASEAN-related forums. Following the summits, Shahabuddin proceeded to Singapore on September 8 for a routine health check-up, marking the first leg of a combined itinerary that blended diplomacy with personal medical needs; he returned to Dhaka on September 16 after approximately eight days in Singapore. A subsequent standalone medical trip to Singapore occurred in October 2023, where he underwent cardiac bypass surgery on October 18 at the National University Hospital, followed by recovery and return to Bangladesh on November 1. These visits underscored a pattern where official travel often incorporated health consultations, with no reported bilateral meetings or policy outcomes from the Singapore sojourns beyond routine courtesies. Post-2024, amid domestic political upheaval following Sheikh Hasina's resignation and the establishment of an interim government, Shahabuddin's international engagements diminished significantly, with no outbound policy-focused visits recorded through 2025. He hosted incoming dignitaries, such as of in 2024 at the invitation of , but deferred to ceremonial without advancing substantive initiatives. In 2025, Shahabuddin exchanged congratulatory messages with marking the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations between and , reaffirming mutual and but without in-person . This exchange reflected continuity in bilateral ties, though analysts noted it occurred against a backdrop of 's internal transitions limiting the president's diplomatic maneuverability.

Controversies and criticisms

Questions over political neutrality and BNP sympathies

President Mohammed Shahabuddin's decision to order the release of () chairperson from on , , immediately following Sheikh Hasina's , drew over his as . Zia had been incarcerated since on charges of and other offenses pursued by the () , making her a of opposition to BNP supporters. Shahabuddin announced the move after consulting chiefs and leaders involved in the protests that ousted Hasina, describing it as a unanimous advisory council decision to foster national reconciliation. Critics, including voices from the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, argued that the swift pardon—without awaiting formal legal processes or broader political consensus—signaled favoritism toward the BNP, potentially prioritizing opposition interests over constitutional neutrality. This perception intensified amid Shahabuddin's subsequent role in dissolving parliament on August 6, 2024, and appointing an interim government led by , actions that facilitated BNP-aligned figures' influence in the transition. The timing and unilateral nature of Zia's release, enacted via presidential prerogative under Article 55 of the constitution, were cited by detractors as evidence of underlying sympathies, especially given Shahabuddin's earlier AL-backed nomination in February 2023. Compounding these concerns, BNP leaders' vocal opposition to Shahabuddin's removal in October 2024—amid student-led protests over his conflicting statements on Hasina's resignation—highlighted a perceived mutual alignment. BNP Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed stated on October 23, 2024, that the party sought to avoid a constitutional crisis and did not want the presidency vacant, contrasting with demands from protesters who viewed Shahabuddin as a remnant of the AL era. Senior BNP Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi emphasized the presidency's stabilizing role, implicitly defending Shahabuddin's tenure despite past BNP skepticism of his neutrality due to AL ties. Such positions fueled allegations that Shahabuddin's actions reciprocated BNP goodwill, eroding trust in his non-partisan mandate as outlined in Article 49 of the constitution, which requires the president to remain above politics. These episodes underscore broader debates on the presidency's ceremonial in Bangladesh's polarized landscape, where Shahabuddin's judicial background—spanning district judgeships and a stint as Anti-Corruption Commission commissioner from 2011 to 2016—did little to dispel perceptions of partisan leanings amid rapid political shifts. No formal investigations into bias have been launched, but the interplay of his decisions and endorsements has persisted as a point of contention in evaluations of his interim oversight.

Management of the 2024 constitutional crisis

Following Sheikh Hasina's resignation and flight from on , , Mohammed Shahabuddin assumed the of acting head of the executive under 123 of the , which vests temporary powers in the president during a prime ministerial vacancy. On , , he dissolved the (parliament) in response to demands from student protest coordinators, paving the way for an interim administration amid ongoing unrest that had claimed nearly 300 lives. Shahabuddin chaired consultations with army chiefs and political leaders on , announcing the formation of an interim government to restore order and prepare for elections. On August 8, 2024, Shahabuddin administered the oath to Nobel laureate as chief adviser of the interim , formalizing the and delegating substantive to Yunus while retaining ceremonial . This move stabilized the immediate but highlighted Shahabuddin's limited de jure role, as the envisions the president as a non-executive elected by . Critics, including student activists from the , argued that his ties—stemming from his 2023 election by a Hasina-dominated —compromised neutrality, though supporters noted his actions prevented military rule or dominance. Tensions escalated into a secondary constitutional standoff in October 2024 when Shahabuddin stated in an October 19 that he had not received Hasina's formal , only learning of it through media announcements and accepting it on that basis. This remark, interpreted by protesters as retroactively questioning the revolution's legitimacy, prompted the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement to demand his on October 22, citing risks to transitional reforms and fears of revival. Clashes ensued in , with protesters blocking roads and accusing Shahabuddin of enabling "genocide" by Hasina's regime earlier. In managing the fallout, Shahabuddin did not publicly retract his statement, while the interim government under Yunus deferred action, opting for consultations with including the BNP, which warned that his removal without parliamentary —requiring a two-thirds majority impossible under dissolution—could trigger deeper instability. By late October 2024, no or occurred, with Yunus's advisory council emphasizing consensus to avoid vacuum, though pressure persisted from student groups advocating constitutional overhaul. This approach preserved institutional continuity but fueled debates over the presidency's viability in reform agendas, as calls grew for an apolitical constitution-drafting body.

Post-transition role and 2025 sidelining

Following the resignation of on August 5, 2024, and the subsequent formation of an interim government led by Chief Adviser on August 8, 2024, Mohammed Shahabuddin's role transitioned to a predominantly ceremonial one, with substantive executive authority vested in the Chief Adviser under the provisions of the constitution during periods without an elected parliament. Shahabuddin retained formal responsibilities such as assenting to the on August 6, 2024, and appointing Yunus, but real decision-making power shifted to the interim administration amid ongoing reforms and preparations for elections. Throughout late 2024, Shahabuddin's public actions drew scrutiny, including controversial statements on , 2024, questioning the circumstances of Hasina's departure, which prompted protests by student leaders and demands for his from figures associated with the uprising. Despite these pressures, no formal occurred, as it would require a two-thirds parliamentary vote absent under the interim setup, leaving him in office but increasingly marginalized as the Yunus government pursued institutional reforms. In 2025, Shahabuddin's sidelining intensified, manifesting in symbolic and practical restrictions. On August 17, 2025, the interim government's Foreign Ministry directed missions abroad to remove his portraits, a move signaling diminished official recognition and alignment with efforts to distance from the prior era, though most had already been taken down since August 2024. By October 2025, reports indicated a confined existence within , the presidential residence, governed by rigorous security measures that curtailed personal and public movements, rendering him a of isolation amid political transitions and security concerns tied to his Hasina-era appointment. This persisted without resignation or removal, reflecting the interim government's control while avoiding constitutional upheaval.

Personal life

Family background and relationships

Mohammed Shahabuddin was born in 1949 in , then part of , to Sharfuddin Ansari and Khairunnessa. His family background reflects modest rural origins in the region, with limited public details available on siblings or extended relatives beyond his parents. Shahabuddin married , a former joint secretary in the and current professor, in November 1972. The couple has one son. has been involved in and , though specific contributions to Shahabuddin's career remain undocumented in primary sources. No reports indicate additional marriages or significant familial political ties influencing his ascent.

Personal interests and public persona

Mohammed Shahabuddin, affectionately known by the nickname Chuppu—a term connoting quietude and restraint—projects a public persona characterized by reticence and dedication to , rooted in his early involvement in Bangladesh's 1971 Liberation War. As a student activist, he served as convener of the Chhatra League and participated in hoisting the at Town Hall Maidan on March 23, 1971, an act symbolizing early defiance against Pakistani rule. This has shaped his image as a patriotic figure aligned with traditions, yet during the 2024 political upheaval, he adopted a measured, interim stabilizing role, accepting Hasina's resignation on August 5 and administering the oath to as chief adviser the following day, which some observers attributed to his low-key disposition avoiding overt partisanship. Shahabuddin's personal interests reflect a preference for introspective pursuits, including , reading books, and listening to music, which align with his reserved public style rather than flamboyant displays. Throughout his career as a and civil servant, he has eschewed media spotlight, with contemporaries noting his unassuming demeanor even in high office, contrasting with more assertive political figures in Bangladesh's landscape. This persona has garnered perceptions of reliability in ceremonial contexts but drawn scrutiny for perceived limitations in assertive leadership during crises.

Legacy and evaluation

Achievements in stabilizing transitions

Shahabuddin's prompt on , 2024, following Sheikh Hasina's resignation amid widespread protests, facilitated the establishment of an interim government under Chief Adviser , sworn in on August 8, 2024, thereby preventing an immediate in a nation facing acute political unrest. This action aligned with constitutional provisions for non-partisan oversight during crises, enabling the interim administration to prioritize economic stabilization, reforms, and electoral preparations, which contributed to a relative calming of street violence that had claimed over 300 lives in the preceding weeks. As the sole constitutional authority post-Hasina, Shahabuddin initiated dialogues with student leaders—who had spearheaded the uprising—and opposition figures, including the release of chairperson from house arrest on August 7, 2024, fostering inclusivity across political factions and reducing partisan tensions during the transitional phase. These steps supported the interim government's early efforts to restore public order, with violence subsiding sufficiently by late August to allow focus on governance reforms rather than sustained chaos. His appeals for cross-party cooperation, issued publicly on August 8, 2024, emphasized unity to resolve the crisis, which helped legitimize the transitional framework amid international scrutiny from entities like the and , ultimately aiding Bangladesh's avoidance of deeper institutional collapse comparable to prior regional upheavals. However, these contributions were ceremonial in nature, with substantive stabilization driven primarily by the Yunus-led advisors, reflecting Shahabuddin's limited executive powers under the .

Criticisms regarding efficacy and influence

Shahabuddin's presidency, largely ceremonial under Bangladesh's , has been criticized for demonstrating limited efficacy in exerting meaningful influence over political developments, particularly during and after the 2024 uprising that ousted Prime Minister . Appointed by Hasina's in April 2023, he lacked the independent authority to drive substantive reforms or mediate factional conflicts, rendering his role symbolic rather than decisive in stabilizing the transitional period. Analysts have noted that his actions, such as dissolving on August 6, 2024, and appointing as chief adviser, followed student protesters' directives rather than originating from his initiative, underscoring a reactive rather than proactive stance that failed to assert presidential leverage amid escalating violence and institutional vacuum. A key point of contention arose from Shahabuddin's October 2024 statements questioning the formal validity of Hasina's resignation, claiming he had not received her letter despite announcing her departure and the government's formation on August 5, 2024. This contradiction fueled accusations of undermining the very transition he facilitated, with student activists interpreting it as an implicit challenge to the interim government's legitimacy and a signal of lingering allegiance to the deposed regime. Such remarks provoked a political storm, including protests demanding his ouster and attempts to storm the presidential palace, highlighting his perceived ineffectiveness in de-escalating tensions or upholding constitutional clarity during a fragile post-uprising phase. Further criticisms center on Shahabuddin's diminished influence post-transition, as the Yunus-led interim government assumed control over reforms, security, and electoral timelines, sidelining the presidency. By late 2024, leaders of the July uprising, including student coordinator Hasnat Abdullah, demanded his for failing to embody the revolution's anti-authoritarian ethos, viewing him as a Hasina-era holdover whose neutrality was compromised. This pressure persisted into 2025, exemplified by the interim government's verbal directive in August 2025 to remove Shahabuddin's portraits from Bangladesh's 82 foreign missions—a move most embassies had preemptively executed after the uprising—signaling his marginalization and the erasure of symbols tied to the prior administration ahead of planned 2026 elections. Critics, including environmental lawyer Syeda Rizwana Hasan, argued this reflected a broader failure to adapt to the uprising's demands for accountability, with Shahabuddin's oath-bound impartiality questioned amid perceptions of sympathy toward ousted elites. While some political figures, such as leader Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, cautioned against hasty removal to avert a absent a functioning , the episode underscored his constrained ability to shape outcomes in a power shift dominated by extra-constitutional actors.

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