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Reed Smoot


Reed Smoot (January 10, 1862 – February 9, 1941) was an American politician, businessman, and religious leader who represented Utah as a Republican in the United States Senate from 1903 to 1933 and served concurrently as a member of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles in The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints from 1900 until his death.
Born in Salt Lake City to a prominent Mormon family, Smoot built a career as a successful entrepreneur and investor before entering politics, reflecting the integration of economic enterprise and faith in early 20th-century Utah society. His 1903 election triggered the Smoot hearings, a protracted Senate investigation spanning over three years that scrutinized his apostleship amid persistent national suspicions of Mormon theocracy and plural marriage, despite the church's 1890 manifesto disavowing polygamy; the probe produced thousands of pages of testimony but ended with Smoot's seating in 1907 by a Senate vote affirming his constitutional qualifications and religious liberty.
During his three-decade tenure, Smoot rose to chair the influential Senate Finance Committee from 1923 to 1933, where he championed protectionist policies, most notably co-authoring the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930, which elevated average import duties to historic highs in an effort to shield domestic industries but prompted retaliatory tariffs from trading partners and is credited by economic analyses with contracting global trade amid the onset of the Great Depression. Reelected four times, his long service underscored the political maturation of Utah and the LDS Church's accommodation to American pluralism, though his defeat in 1932 reflected shifting voter priorities during economic crisis. At his death, Smoot ranked third in seniority for the LDS church presidency, embodying the rare fusion of senatorial authority and ecclesiastical influence.

Early Life and Education

Birth and Family Background

Reed Smoot was born on January 10, 1862, in , . He was the son of Abraham Owen Smoot (1815–1895) and his second wife, Anne Kristina Morrison (also known as Anna Kirstine Mouritsen, 1828–1910), whom Abraham married in 1850 following Mormon practice of plural marriage. Abraham Smoot, born in Owen County, , converted to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in 1835 and became a key figure among , joining the migration westward and arriving in the [Salt Lake Valley](/page/Salt Lake Valley) in 1847 as part of Brigham Young's vanguard company. He held prominent church positions, including bishop of ’s Fifteenth Ward and later mayor of from 1882 to 1890, while also engaging in farming, , and freighting. Anne Morrison, a native of Brekke, (then part of Denmark-Norway), immigrated to the in 1848 after converting to and crossed the plains to Utah in 1849, enduring the hardships typical of converts during the pioneer era. The Smoot family exemplified early Mormon settler resilience, with Abraham fathering children across multiple wives—totaling 14 surviving offspring—and establishing economic foundations in through land ownership and community leadership amid territorial isolation and federal scrutiny of . , as one of Anne's five children, grew up in this polygamous household structure, which reflected the church's doctrines until their discontinuation in 1890.

Upbringing in Utah Territory

Reed Smoot was born on January 10, 1862, in , , during a period of ongoing settlement and federal tensions under Mormon leadership. He was the third child and eldest son of Abraham O. Smoot, a Mormon who had arrived in the in 1847 and served as mayor of from 1857 to 1862, and his fourth wife, Anne Kristina Morrison (also spelled Mouritsen or Mauritzen), a immigrant who converted to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in her teens before emigrating in 1851. The Smoot family exemplified the polygamous structure prevalent among early Mormon leaders, with Abraham having multiple wives and children, which shaped the household dynamics amid and self-reliant economy. The family's prominence in church affairs provided Smoot with early exposure to religious governance and community service, as Abraham held roles such as and mission president, fostering an environment of devout adherence to Mormon doctrines and practices during Brigham Young's theocratic influence over the territory. In 1872, at age ten, Smoot relocated with his family to , approximately 45 miles south of , after Brigham Young appointed Abraham as president of the Provo Stake, a key administrative unit in the church's hierarchical structure. This move immersed young Smoot in Provo's agrarian and ecclesiastical community, where family enterprises in farming and local trade supplemented the territorial economy strained by limited federal recognition and occasional conflicts over land and governance. Smoot's upbringing emphasized practical skills alongside , reflecting the Mormon emphasis on self-sufficiency in a setting marked by projects, cooperative ventures, and defense against perceived external threats. He began formal schooling in public institutions in before the Provo relocation, attending classes that combined basic literacy, arithmetic, and moral instruction aligned with territorial norms under church oversight, though records indicate no advanced preparatory studies until later. This early phase instilled values of industry and faith that later defined his career, amid Utah's push toward statehood and resolution of polygamy-related disputes with the U.S. government.

Formal Education and Initial Training

Smoot received his primary education in the public schools of prior to his family's relocation to in 1874. In , he attended the Timpanogos branch of the University of Deseret, a precursor to the . He enrolled in January 1876 as one of 29 inaugural students at Brigham Young Academy, studying commercial subjects in its academic department and secondary branch. Although originally part of the high school class scheduled to graduate in 1879, he received his diploma with the class of 1880. His initial professional training emphasized practical business experience rather than formal apprenticeships. During school vacations, Smoot worked at the Woolen Mills, rotating through departments to acquire comprehensive manufacturing knowledge. Upon graduation, he entered the Provo Co-operative Institution in entry-level roles, advancing to by September 1880 through demonstrated competence in operations. This on-the-job immersion laid the foundation for his subsequent roles, including management of the Woolen Mills from April 1884.

Business and Professional Development

Entry into Commerce and Manufacturing

Smoot's entry into business began with hands-on involvement in manufacturing through the Provo Woolen Mills, a textile operation established by his father, Abraham O. Smoot, and associates in . While pursuing commercial studies, he worked at the mills during vacations, gaining practical experience in woolen goods production. By 1885, at age 23, he assumed the presidency of the Provo Woolen Mills, leading its operations and contributing to its early success in local . After a brief interruption for a church mission in 1890, he resumed management in spring 1892, further advancing the mill's productivity under his superintendency. Transitioning into commerce, Smoot became a principal promoter of the Provo Commercial and Savings Bank, chartered to support local economic development in Utah County. He served as its inaugural president shortly after his woolen mills role, maintaining active leadership for years and helping establish it as a key in . These early ventures in and banking laid the foundation for his broader , including initial investments in , , , and , which positioned him as a prominent figure in Utah's emerging industrial landscape by the late 1880s.

Leadership in the Sugar Industry

Smoot assumed significant leadership responsibilities in the Utah Sugar Company, a key enterprise in the territory's nascent beet sector, where he served as president and director. Formed in 1891 under the auspices of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints to promote economic independence through domestic , the company faced early financial strains from inefficient extraction technologies and market competition with imported cane . Smoot's management focused on restructuring debts and optimizing operations, transforming unprofitable ventures into viable concerns by the early 1900s. His efforts included securing capital infusions and leveraging his networks in banking and commerce to fund factory expansions, such as those in Lehi and Ogden, which processed local beet crops into refined sugar. By 1903, these initiatives had stabilized the company's output, with beet sugar production reaching approximately 1,000 tons annually in Utah facilities, bolstering rural economies dependent on . Smoot's personal investments in the industry underscored his commitment, as he held equity stakes that aligned his fortunes with the sector's success. Through hands-on financial oversight, Smoot advocated for technological improvements in beet processing, drawing on empirical assessments of yield efficiencies to prioritize blight-resistant strains and mechanized harvesting. This leadership not only rescued the Utah Sugar Company from insolvency but also laid groundwork for its evolution into the larger Utah-Idaho Sugar Company, which by the 1910s operated multiple refineries across the . His pre-political emphasized protectionist strategies against foreign imports, a principle he later advanced legislatively.

Financial Investments and Economic Contributions

Smoot founded the Provo Commercial and Savings Bank in 1890 and served as its first president, extending credit to businesses, farmers, and residents in the region to support commercial expansion amid Utah's territorial transition to statehood. He also acted as president of the Smoot Investment Company, which facilitated investments across multiple sectors, including banking and manufacturing, thereby channeling capital into Utah's nascent industrial base. Additionally, Smoot held directorships at institutions such as the and , the prominent Latter-day Saint cooperative mercantile enterprise, enhancing financial access and retail infrastructure for Mormon communities. In , Smoot invested heavily in the Tintic district's silver and lead operations, serving as of the Sioux Mine and Mill Company and as an original incorporator and vice of the Grand Central Mine, where his efforts drove development and extraction output in the late . These holdings diversified his beyond and , tapping into Utah's rich mineral deposits to generate revenue and spur related infrastructure like railroads and mills. Smoot's directorship in the Utah Sugar Company positioned him to advance beet sugar refining, an industry critical for providing a domestic to imported cane and enabling cash crop cultivation on arid Intermountain farmlands. His personal financial stake in sugar processing supported factory establishments and operational scaling, which by the early employed seasonal labor forces and stabilized rural economies dependent on diversified rather than solely or . Collectively, these investments elevated and 's economic profile, fostering self-sufficiency through integrated banking, resource exploitation, and agro-industrial growth.

Religious Role in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

Ordination as an Apostle


Reed Smoot was sustained as a member of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles during the April 1900 General Conference of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints on April 8, 1900. The following day, April 9, 1900, he was ordained to the apostleship by Church President Lorenzo Snow. At the time of his calling, Smoot was 38 years old and had established himself as a prominent businessman in Utah's sugar industry.
Prior to his ordination, Smoot held significant ecclesiastical positions within the church, including service as a counselor to Edward Partridge in the presidency of the Salt Lake Stake beginning in 1895. He had also completed a proselytizing mission to the in 1890. His selection to the followed the death of Apostle Franklin D. Richards on December 9, 1899, which left a vacancy.) Smoot's occurred amid the church's ongoing transition following the renouncing plural marriage, during which President Snow emphasized institutional stability and adherence to the declaration. Smoot's apostolic service spanned over four decades until his death in 1941, during which he balanced his religious duties with emerging political responsibilities. His calling reflected the church leadership's preference for individuals with proven administrative and economic expertise to guide the institution through modernization efforts.

Involvement in Church Governance and Doctrine

Smoot served in the presidency of the from approximately 1898 until his call to the apostleship. In this local leadership capacity, he contributed to stake-level administration, including oversight of wards, member welfare, and ecclesiastical discipline within the . On April 8, 1900, Smoot was ordained as a member of the Apostles, a position he held until his death in 1941. The Quorum serves as the second-highest governing body in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, functioning to assist the First Presidency in supervising church operations, including missionary work, temple ordinances, and global policy implementation. As an apostle, Smoot engaged in regular quorum meetings to deliberate on administrative matters, sustain church leaders, and address organizational challenges, often balancing these duties with his senatorial responsibilities. By 1941, his seniority placed him third in line for the church presidency, underscoring his entrenched role in succession governance. Smoot's governance efforts extended to bolstering the institutional standing, particularly in fostering better relations with authorities and improving the of Latter-day Saints amid lingering suspicions from the era. He participated in the strategic shifts toward reduced political entanglement and greater transparency in practices, aiding administrative reforms that emphasized compliance with U.S. laws. In matters of doctrine, Smoot primarily acted as a defender and articulator rather than an innovator, aligning with apostolic responsibilities to teach and sustain established revelations from church founders. In his 1926 publication "Why I Am a Mormon," he affirmed foundational tenets, including the prophetic calling of and the divine origin of the , based on personal testimony. His involvement reinforced doctrinal continuity, emphasizing and disavowal of past practices like plural marriage as official policy, without authoring new revelations or scriptural interpretations.

Personal Stance on Polygamy and Church Reforms

Reed Smoot maintained a monogamous marriage throughout his life, wed to Alpha Eldredge since January 11, 1883, and explicitly denied any involvement in plural marriage. In a February 19, 1907, address to the U.S. Senate amid challenges to his seating, Smoot declared, "I am not and never have been a polygamist," and presented church statistics demonstrating a sharp decline in plural marriages following the 1890 Manifesto by Wilford Woodruff, underscoring his personal opposition to the practice. Contemporaries and defenders, including Senator John L. Hopkins, described Smoot's lifelong conduct as a consistent protest against polygamy, distinguishing him from earlier church figures who had practiced it. As an ordained on October 10, 1900, Smoot aligned with the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints' official position established by the , which renounced new plural marriages to comply with U.S. law, though some post-Manifesto unions authorized by select leaders persisted until 1904. Smoot adamantly opposed ongoing , advocating for strict adherence to civil anti-bigamy statutes as essential for the church's integration into American society. His position contributed to internal church pressures during the Smoot hearings, culminating in President Joseph F. Smith's on April 6, 1904, which imposed for any member contracting or performing new plural marriages, effectively purging remaining proponents and marking a decisive reform. Smoot's stance extended to broader church reforms, emphasizing loyalty to the U.S. Constitution over any perceived theocratic elements in Mormon doctrine, as he affirmed in Senate testimony that church teachings required obedience to national laws, including those prohibiting polygamy. This reflected a pragmatic shift toward secular accommodation, with Smoot viewing full abandonment of plural marriage not merely as legal compliance but as aligned with divine will under changed circumstances, thereby facilitating the 's transition from isolationist practices to mainstream participation in governance and commerce.

Entry into Politics and Senate Election

Rise in Republican Party Circles

Smoot's entry into Republican politics occurred during Utah's territorial era, when he was appointed director of the Territorial Insane Asylum on March 15, 1894, by Caleb W. West, a position he held until statehood in 1896. This role marked his initial official involvement in under Republican governance, reflecting trust in his organizational capabilities demonstrated through prior business management. Following Utah's in 1896, Smoot continued to receive appointments from leaders, including service on the Semi-Centennial Commission in 1897 under Governor Heber M. Wells to organize the Pioneer Jubilee celebrations. His stature grew alongside his ecclesiastical roles, such as presidency of the Stake beginning in 1895 and ordination as an apostle of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in 1900, which amplified his influence within Utah's predominantly Mormon population aligned with the post-statehood. By the early 1900s, Smoot had emerged as a prominent figure in circles, leveraging his leadership in banking—such as presidency of the Commercial & Savings Bank—and manufacturing to foster economic ties that bolstered party support among business interests. His unassuming yet effective style, combined with never actively seeking office but accepting honors, positioned him as the de facto leader of the , wielding considerable sway over state political figures and policy directions. This influence stemmed from the party's dominance in after the church's renouncing , which shifted Mormon loyalty toward s as a signal of national integration.

1903 Election to the U.S. Senate

The Utah State Legislature convened in January 1903 to select a successor to Democratic Senator Joseph L. Rawlins, whose term expired on March 4, 1903. Republicans held majorities in both the state House and following the elections, positioning them to choose the new senator under the constitutional method of legislative election prior to the Seventeenth Amendment. In the Republican caucus on January 14, 1903, attended by most party members, emerged victorious on the first ballot with 35 votes, defeating Congressman who received 20 votes, along with lesser support for other candidates including state officials. , a prominent businessman and president of the Provo Commercial and Savings Bank, had recently been ordained as an in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in 1900, which did not hinder his selection within Utah's circles. On January 21, 1903, the full legislature conducted the formal election in separate sessions of the and , resulting in Smoot's unanimous support and overall victory over Democratic nominee William H. King. Smoot received 46 votes to King's 16 in the joint tally, securing the seat without significant local opposition at the time. Following his declaration as elected, Smoot addressed the legislature, affirming his commitment to constitutional duties. Smoot presented his credentials to the U.S. on February 23, 1903, and took the on March 5, 1903, in accordance with Senate policy allowing provisional seating for senators with properly certified elections pending any challenges. This election marked the first time a sitting apostle had been chosen for the Senate, setting the stage for subsequent national scrutiny.

Initial Challenges to Legitimacy

Reed Smoot's election to the by the on January 23, 1903, prompted swift protests challenging his eligibility to serve, primarily due to his recent ordination as an in The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in 1900. Critics, including Protestant ministers and non-Mormon businessmen in , argued that Smoot's high-ranking ecclesiastical role created inherent conflicts of loyalty, potentially subordinating his duties to the U.S. to church authority. These opponents viewed Mormon economic dominance in —through church-affiliated enterprises—as a threat to free enterprise and feared that seating an would enable undue theocratic influence in politics. The Utah Ministerial Association responded almost immediately, announcing on January 23, 1903, its intent to dispatch a committee to , to oppose Smoot's seating on grounds that his apostleship disqualified him from oath-bound civil office. Upon Smoot's arrival in the capital in late February 1903, he encountered public demonstrations and accusations of personal involvement in , though he refuted these claims by affirming his monogamous and the church's renouncing plural . Despite the unrest, procedure allowed provisional seating; on March 5, 1903, Smoot presented his credentials and took the . Formal protests soon followed, including one filed by J.F. McAusland and associates alleging Smoot had sworn an oath of obedience to church leaders that superseded constitutional obligations, violating Article VI's prohibition on religious tests for office while raising fidelity concerns. A second petition from nineteen prominent citizens echoed these themes, questioning whether an could prioritize national law over ecclesiastical directives. These challenges reflected broader national suspicions of lingering from the church's polygamous past, despite empirical evidence of compliance with federal anti-polygamy laws post-1890, and highlighted tensions between and secular governance. The protests, though initiated by a minority, escalated into a investigation, testing the boundaries of religious freedom under the First Amendment.

The Smoot Hearings and Seating Controversy

Origins of the Protest

The protests against Reed Smoot's seating originated in shortly after his election by the on , 1903, as a Republican U.S. senator, amid lingering national suspicions toward the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints following its disavowing . A protesting his qualifications was presented to the on February 23, 1903, coinciding with the filing of his credentials, drafted by local opponents including Protestant ministers and businessmen who viewed Mormon church leaders' authority over members' temporal affairs as a threat to secular governance and individual allegiance. These early objectors, centered in the Ministerial comprising about 15 Protestant clergy, initiated public attacks as early as November 1902 during Smoot's campaign, accusing him of potential involvement in secret plural marriages despite his monogamous personal life and emphasizing church temple oaths that demanded obedience to apostolic authority, which they argued conflicted with the senatorial oath under Article VI of the prohibiting religious tests while raising doubts about undivided loyalty to the . The opposition quickly expanded beyond due to broader concerns over the church's historical interference in politics, its economic dominance in the state—which protesters claimed suppressed non-Mormon businesses—and fears that seating an would legitimize a theocratic influence in affairs, potentially enabling Mormon expansion in Western territories. By March 1903, following Smoot's provisional swearing-in on March 5 despite the mounting complaints, over 3,100 petitions flooded the from Protestant denominations, women's organizations, and civic groups nationwide, filling 11 feet of shelf space in the and citing persistent polygamous practices among church members as evidence of ongoing un-American doctrines. These documents, often coordinated by anti-Mormon networks, alleged that Smoot's high rank bound him to prioritize prophetic directives over national law, echoing past territorial conflicts where church leaders had wielded power over civil matters. The Senate's initial response adhered to procedural norms by seating Smoot temporarily on March 5, 1903, but deferred deeper scrutiny until January 27, 1904, when the Committee on Privileges and Elections was directed to investigate his eligibility, marking the formal onset of what became extended hearings probing church doctrines and Smoot's fitness. This delay allowed protests to intensify, with figures like Reverend J.L. Leilich publicly charging Smoot with divided loyalties tied to alleged covert adherence, though such claims lacked direct evidence against him personally and reflected broader Protestant anxieties over Mormonism's divergence from mainstream Christian orthodoxy.

Key Testimonies and Arguments

The Smoot hearings featured testimonies from over 100 witnesses across more than three years, generating a record exceeding 3,500 pages that scrutinized Latter-day Saint doctrines, practices, and potential conflicts with civic loyalty. Central arguments against seating Smoot centered on the church's historical and alleged ongoing endorsement of , despite the renouncing new marriages; critics highlighted evidence of approximately 25 post-Manifesto plural unions between 1890 and 1903, alongside continued by church leaders. Additional concerns focused on endowment ceremonies, including the "oath of vengeance," which required participants to bind themselves to pray for against those who shed the blood of prophets, interpreted by opponents as fostering or divided allegiance to the U.S. government. Protesters also alleged a theocratic fusion of church and state in , where apostolic authority might supersede constitutional oaths, potentially enabling ecclesiastical control over political decisions. Joseph F. Smith, of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, provided one of the most extensive testimonies over six days in early 1904, affirming rather than swearing on the due to doctrinal objections. He defended the as binding but acknowledged his own with multiple wives post-1890, resulting in 11 children born after that date, prioritizing familial duties over strict legal compliance. maintained that the church did not sanction new plural marriages systematically, yet his admissions fueled perceptions of doctrinal inconsistency and incomplete disavowal of , prompting the issuance of a stronger in 1904 that treated new plural marriages as grounds for . Reed Smoot testified emphatically on his personal , having married Alpha Eldredge in 1884 with no additional spouses, and minimized the endowment's political implications, noting he had received it at age 18 primarily at his father's urging. He asserted primary to the U.S. over directives, stating that any divine command conflicting with national law would require him to resign his seat or face relocation rather than violate his senatorial oath. Defenders, including Senator , countered that Smoot had actively opposed within the and that religious practices did not inherently disqualify him under constitutional qualifications, emphasizing precedents of Mormon congressional service without interference. Critics introduced ex-Mormon and apostate witnesses to describe temple rituals as inculcating hostility toward non-Mormons and the government, including penalties mimicking throat-slitting gestures symbolizing for grave sins, though proponents argued these were symbolic and not literal mandates for violence. The committee's majority report in concluded that evidence showed the church persisted in polygamous practices since Smoot's 1900 apostleship, yet Smoot's seating prevailed in 1907 by a 42-28 vote, reflecting arguments that no direct oath barred him and that church influence on elections had waned since statehood.

Senate Resolution and Implications for Religious Freedom

On February 20, 1907, the U.S. concluded the three-year by voting 42 to 28 against the Committee on Privileges and Elections' recommendation that Smoot was not entitled to his seat, thereby affirming his right to serve as a senator from . The committee had proposed a resolution declaring Smoot ineligible due to his apostleship in The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church), arguing it involved oaths and doctrines incompatible with U.S. requirements, but the full rejected this by a after establishing that a two-thirds vote would be needed for expulsion. An initial vote on outright expulsion failed 27 to 43, underscoring the body's reluctance to bar Smoot solely on religious grounds. This outcome established a significant for religious freedom under Article VI of the U.S. Constitution, which prohibits religious tests for federal officeholders, by ruling that Smoot's role did not inherently violate his senatorial oath or allegiance to the . The decision emphasized that personal religious beliefs or affiliations, absent proven criminal acts or direct conflicts with civil duties, could not disqualify an elected , even amid concerns over the LDS 's historical practices—officially renounced in 1890 but still practiced by some members. Senators like argued during debates that expelling Smoot would erode principles, potentially opening the door to scrutiny of other faiths' doctrines, such as Catholic papal allegiance or Protestant . The resolution's implications extended to broader , signaling tolerance for non-Protestant minorities in public life during the Progressive Era, when anti-Mormon sentiment remained strong due to perceptions of the faith as un-American. By seating Smoot, the implicitly validated the Church's post-1890 reforms, including excommunications for , as sufficient to align with national laws, thereby reducing the "Mormon problem" as a barrier to political integration. However, the narrow margin reflected ongoing tensions, with critics like Senator T. Dubois warning of theocratic risks, yet the vote ultimately reinforced causal limits on federal power over individual conscience absent legal violations. This framework influenced future cases, affirming that religious leadership alone does not preclude civic participation, provided constitutional oaths are upheld.

Senate Career and Legislative Record

Committee Assignments and Influence

Smoot's initial Senate committee assignments included the Committee on Public Lands, where he advocated for conservation measures such as the establishment of national forests and parks in Utah, reflecting his background in the state's resource-dependent economy. He contributed to legislation protecting natural resources, including support for the Forest Reserve Act expansions, but increasingly prioritized fiscal matters as his tenure progressed. Following his 1908 reelection, Senate Finance Committee Chairman Nelson Aldrich appointed Smoot to that influential body, recognizing his expertise in and from prior roles in banking and . The Finance Committee, responsible for taxation, tariffs, and appropriations, amplified Smoot's legislative reach; by 1923, Republican control and the Senate's seniority system elevated him to chairmanship, a position he held until 1933. As Finance Committee chair, Smoot exerted significant influence over revenue policies, steering debates toward to shield American industries from foreign competition, which aligned with his advocacy for domestic manufacturing interests in and nationwide. He also served on the Appropriations Committee, influencing spending priorities with a focus on fiscal restraint, often opposing expansive budgets during economic expansions. His chairmanship facilitated key revisions, including the 1922 Fordney-McCumber Tariff, and positioned him centrally in subsequent trade policy formulations. In 1924, Smoot resigned from the Public Lands Committee to concentrate on Finance Committee duties, underscoring his growing emphasis on national economic strategy over regional resource issues. His committee roles enhanced his reputation as a methodical , leveraging and party loyalty to block measures he viewed as fiscally imprudent, such as certain New Deal precursors in the late 1920s. This influence persisted through his 30-year career, though it drew criticism from free-trade advocates for prioritizing amid shifting global dynamics.

Advocacy for Protectionist Policies

Reed Smoot entered the committed to protectionist principles, aligning with the Republican Party's longstanding emphasis on high tariffs to shield domestic industries from foreign competition. He regarded protective duties as essential for preserving American manufacturing, , and labor, arguing that they prevented undercutting by lower-wage foreign producers. Upon his appointment to the Senate Finance Committee in 1908, Smoot rapidly developed expertise in tariff schedules, particularly those affecting Utah's key sectors like beet and production. He supported the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act of 1909, which sustained elevated protective rates across numerous goods despite Democratic calls for reductions, and actively opposed downward revisions through exhaustive legislative efforts and speeches. In the , as a senior member and eventual chairman of the Finance Committee from to , Smoot championed further tariff increases. He backed the Fordney-McCumber Tariff Act of 1922, which raised average duties to approximately 38.5% and included higher rates on Cuban sugar to protect Utah's beet from imported . Smoot's rationale centered on elevating import prices to render American products more competitive domestically, thereby sustaining employment and in vulnerable sectors. Smoot's protectionist stance extended to farm bloc priorities, endorsing duties on agricultural imports to bolster rural economies, while critiquing as detrimental to national self-sufficiency. His mastery of details enabled him to negotiate provisions favoring specific industries, solidifying his reputation as a leading advocate for high- orthodoxy.

Support for Fiscal Conservatism and Other Reforms

As chairman of the Senate Finance Committee from 1923 onward, Smoot championed tax reductions aligned with Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon's supply-side proposals, including substantial cuts to individual income taxes enacted in and 1926 that lowered the top marginal rate from 46% to 25% by . These measures reflected his belief in stimulating through lower taxation rather than reliance on high wartime rates, contributing to federal surpluses averaging over $600 million annually in the late . In response to emerging fiscal pressures during the early , Smoot advocated for a balanced federal budget by June 30, 1933, arguing it would best serve business recovery and national stability amid declining revenues. He opposed expansive spending initiatives, notably aligning with President Hoover against the 1931 Soldiers' Adjusted Compensation Bill, which sought $2.4 billion in veteran bonuses through borrowing or taxation, warning it would undermine fiscal discipline and exacerbate deficits already projected at $800 million. This stance reinforced his reputation for safeguarding taxpayer interests against inflationary pressures and government overreach. Beyond core fiscal restraint, supported reforms curbing federal involvement in utilities, opposing public operation of projects like the dam to prevent expanded government competition with private enterprise. He also backed enforcement through revenue-focused policies, viewing temperance as integral to moral and economic order, though his votes occasionally favored targeted subsidies in and when tied to protective tariffs rather than open-ended .

The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act

Background and Drafting Process

The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act originated amid agricultural distress in the late , where U.S. farmers faced declining prices due to and competition from European imports, prompting calls for protective tariffs during the 1928 election campaign. President , upon taking office in March 1929, advocated for a limited revision of existing tariffs under the 1922 Fordney-McCumber Act to specifically aid agriculture by raising duties on farm imports, aiming to stabilize domestic prices without broad escalation. This reflected longstanding , which Senator Reed Smoot had championed as a means to safeguard American industries, including 's and sectors vulnerable to foreign competition. Drafting began in the , where the , chaired by Representative (R-Oregon), prepared the initial bill focused primarily on agricultural relief but incorporated increases on industrial goods amid lobbying pressures. The House passed the measure on May 28, 1929, by a vote of 264 to 147, setting the stage for consideration. In the , the Finance Committee under Smoot's chairmanship assumed control, extensively revising the bill from September 1929 through early 1930 by adding thousands of amendments through among senators representing diverse industries, transforming it into a comprehensive upward adjustment affecting over 20,000 imported items and elevating average duties to approximately 53 percent—the highest in U.S. history. Smoot, leveraging his decades of tariff expertise since joining the Finance Committee in 1908, directed these expansions to protect and sectors, viewing the resulting as a pinnacle of his protectionist advocacy despite initial intentions for agricultural focus. The Senate initially approved its version in March 1930, but prolonged debates and conference reconciliation with the delayed final passage until June 13, 1930, by a narrow 44-42 margin, after which the House concurred. This process exemplified the influence of special interests, as protections for one sector invited reciprocal demands from others, broadening far beyond its origins.

Economic Rationale and Debates

The economic rationale for the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act emphasized protectionism to shield American farmers and industries from foreign competition amid post-World War I agricultural surpluses and the 1929 stock market crash. Proponents argued that elevating import duties—initially focused on agricultural goods under President Hoover's call for limited revisions to boost sagging farm prices—would support domestic producers facing bankruptcies and foreclosures by countering cheap European imports restored after wartime disruptions. This approach extended to manufacturing through congressional logrolling, with over 20,000 tariff lines revised upward, raising the average rate on dutiable imports to nearly 60 percent, under the belief that it would preserve jobs, stimulate production, and insulate the U.S. economy from global downturns. Critics, including business leaders and a broad coalition of economists, contended that the tariffs would inflate consumer prices without net gains for protected sectors, as higher costs for inputs and retaliatory measures from trading partners like and would erode U.S. export markets, particularly for . A pivotal opposition came in the form of a May 5, 1930, petition to President Hoover, signed by 1,028 economists—including , who drafted it—warning that the bill would fail to aid farmers substantially, impose undue burdens on American households through elevated living costs, invite foreign reprisals diminishing volumes, and impede by contracting . Debates highlighted tensions between short-term sectoral relief and broader efficiency losses, with protectionists prioritizing domestic welfare over free-trade ideals, while opponents invoked principles, asserting that barriers distort and provoke cycles of escalating restrictions. Despite empirical precedents like the Fordney-McCumber Tariff's limited success in aiding recovery, congressional majorities—driven by regional interests—dismissed these cautions, reflecting a prevailing mercantilist sentiment that tariffs equated to national strength amid perceived foreign threats.

Passage, Implementation, and Long-Term Effects

The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act culminated in congressional passage after prolonged debate, with the approving the final version on June 13, 1930, by a narrow margin of 44 to 42 votes, largely along party lines with support. The had initially passed an earlier version in May 1929, but after Senate amendments and conference reconciliation, it concurred with the Senate bill on June 14, 1930. President signed the legislation into law on June 17, 1930, despite widespread opposition, including a from over 1,000 economists who urged a to avert retaliatory trade barriers and economic harm. By September 1929, the administration had received formal protests from 23 trading partners warning of reciprocal measures. Implementation began immediately upon enactment, applying higher duties to approximately imported goods and affecting over items in total, which raised the average ad valorem tariff rate on dutiable imports from about 40 percent to nearly percent—one of the highest levels in U.S. history. The act empowered the to negotiate adjustments but prioritized protection for domestic industries, particularly and , by classifying goods into schedules with specific rates determined through congressional . In the long term, the tariff prompted retaliatory tariffs from multiple nations, with responding countries reducing U.S. imports by 28 to 33 percent on average, contributing to a collapse in global volumes and exacerbating the . U.S. imports fell by over 40 percent in the two years following enactment, while exports also declined sharply due to foreign countermeasures, amplifying deflationary pressures and reducing through resource misallocation. Scholarly analyses, including quantitative assessments, indicate the intensified economic contraction rather than mitigating it, marking a shift away from high-tariff orthodoxy in subsequent U.S. via reciprocal agreements starting in 1934.

Electoral Defeat and Retirement

1932 Campaign and Loss

In the 1932 United States Senate election for , held on November 8, incumbent Reed Smoot, aged 70 and seeking a sixth term after nearly 30 years in office, faced Elbert D. Thomas, a professor and former missionary. The campaign occurred amid the , with voters nationwide rejecting policies associated with President , including the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930, which Smoot had sponsored and which many blamed for exacerbating economic hardship through retaliatory trade barriers. In , agricultural distress and business stagnation further eroded support for Smoot, compounded by his perceived inaction on remonetizing silver—a key issue for the state's mining interests. Smoot mounted a vigorous defense, emphasizing his long record of securing federal projects for and warning against Democratic fiscal experimentation, but polls and primary results indicated early weakness, with Thomas outperforming him in September contests. Thomas campaigned on the need for responsive government to address Depression-era and failures, pledging alignment with D. Roosevelt's emerging agenda. Internal divisions within 's Mormon community added pressure; prominent church figure Anthony W. Ivins, a rival faction leader, actively opposed Smoot and backed Thomas, reflecting longstanding tensions over Smoot's alignment with national Republican orthodoxy. This opposition, combined with the national Democratic landslide—FDR carried by 25 points—sealed Smoot's fate despite his efforts to close the gap in the campaign's final weeks. Thomas secured victory with 116,909 votes (56.7 percent) to Smoot's 86,066 (41.7 percent), a margin of over votes in a state that flipped Democratic across most races. Smoot conceded promptly, marking the end of his tenure and attributing the loss in part to the overwhelming anti-Republican tide, though he expressed bitterness over personal attacks and perceived ingratitude from constituents he had long served. The defeat reflected broader voter repudiation of protectionist policies Smoot championed, which economic historians link to deepened global trade contraction during the .

Factors Contributing to Defeat

Smoot's defeat in the 1932 Utah Senate election stemmed primarily from the overwhelming national backlash against the amid the . Voters across the punished incumbents associated with President Herbert Hoover's administration, leading to Democratic gains of twelve seats, including Smoot's. In , Franklin D. Roosevelt carried the state decisively, mirroring the broader anti-Republican wave that favored candidates promising economic relief and government intervention. A key vulnerability was Smoot's prominent role in the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930, which raised duties on over 20,000 imported goods and was widely criticized for provoking retaliatory tariffs from trading partners, thereby contracting global trade and exacerbating the . Economists and contemporaries, including over 1,000 economists who petitioned against it in 1930, argued the measure deepened unemployment and agricultural distress, issues acutely felt in export-dependent . Smoot's defense of the tariff as protective for American industries failed to sway voters, who linked it directly to prolonged economic hardship; both Smoot and co-sponsor lost reelection in 1932 as a result. Challenger Elbert D. Thomas, a professor and , capitalized on demands for responsive , portraying Smoot's 30-year tenure as out of touch with crisis needs. Thomas secured 116,909 votes (56.66%) to Smoot's 86,066 (41.71%), a margin reflecting Utah's shift toward Democrats amid farm and business woes. Smoot's and resistance to expansive federal relief programs further alienated constituents seeking immediate aid. Intra-church dynamics within the LDS community added marginal pressure, as Anthony W. Ivins, a former counselor in the First Presidency and Smoot rival, quietly backed Thomas and criticized Smoot's Senate prayers as inappropriate. Smoot accused Ivins of betrayal, but historical analysis indicates this opposition was not decisive, given the national tide; Smoot likely would have lost regardless.

Post-Senate Activities

After his electoral defeat in 1932, Smoot returned to Utah and ceased involvement in national politics. He devoted his remaining years primarily to ecclesiastical responsibilities within The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, continuing as a senior apostle in the Quorum of the Twelve, a position he had held since his ordination on April 8, 1900. In this capacity, Smoot participated in church governance, doctrinal discussions, and administrative duties, including contributions to general conferences and leadership succession deliberations, while maintaining a low public profile outside Mormon affairs. He also retired from his prior business interests in banking, mining, livestock, and woolen manufacturing, which had formed the basis of his pre-senatorial wealth estimated at over $1 million by the 1920s.

Death and Personal Legacy

Final Years and Health Decline

Following his electoral defeat in 1932, Smoot retired from the upon the expiration of his term on March 4, 1933, returning to to focus on his ecclesiastical duties as an in The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Having amassed considerable wealth through prior business ventures in sugar manufacturing, banking, and railroads, he withdrew from commercial and political pursuits, dedicating his time to church administration and leadership within the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles. Smoot divided his residence between and , maintaining an active role in religious affairs without evident diminishment in his conservative principles or commitment to apostolic service. Public records provide limited details on Smoot's personal health trajectory in , with no documented accounts of chronic or debilitating conditions prior to his death. The loss of his wife, Alpha Eldredge Smoot, in November 1928 following a prolonged illness had profoundly affected him emotionally, as evidenced by his private correspondence expressing deep grief, but he continued senatorial duties for several years thereafter. By the late , at age 77 upon , Smoot remained engaged in church matters, holding third seniority in the , which positioned him third in line for the church presidency. Smoot died on February 9, 1941, at the age of 79, while visiting , at the residence of his stepson, Dr. W. T. Sheets. Contemporary reports described the passing as occurring early that afternoon, with funeral services subsequently held in City's Tabernacle before burial in ; no specific medical cause was detailed in primary obituaries, though his advanced age aligns with natural mortality risks.

Family Life and Philanthropy

Reed Smoot married Alpha May Eldredge on September 17, 1884, in , . The couple had six children: Harold Reed Smoot (born 1887), Chloe Smoot (born 1888), Harlow Eldredge Smoot, Annie K. Smoot, Zella Esther Smoot, and Ernest Winder Smoot. Alpha Smoot died on November 7, 1928. Smoot remarried widow Alice Taylor Sheets on July 2, 1930, in the , with the ceremony performed by LDS Church President . Smoot's philanthropic efforts centered on educational and religious institutions aligned with his LDS Church leadership. He served for years on the Board of Trustees of Brigham Young Academy in Provo, Utah, including as a member of its executive committee, contributing to the school's growth into . As a church and businessman, Smoot adhered to practices, directing a portion of his substantial earnings from banking, , and industries toward LDS Church operations, though specific donation figures remain undocumented in public records.

Burial and Memorials

Reed Smoot died on February 9, 1941, in St. Petersburg, Florida, at the age of 79, following a period of declining health. His body was returned to Utah for interment in the Provo City Cemetery, located at 610 South State Street in Provo, Utah County. Smoot's grave is situated in Block 3, Lot 75 of the cemetery, a site recognized for interring notable local and national figures, including other Mormon leaders and politicians. The Provo City Cemetery, established in the 19th century, holds historical significance for preserving the resting places of pioneers and public servants from Utah's early statehood era, with Smoot's plot reflecting his ties to the community where he resided from 1874 onward. No dedicated public memorials, such as statues, plaques, or named structures beyond his gravesite, have been erected in Smoot's honor, though his legacy is commemorated through historical markers at related sites like his former residence, the Reed O. Smoot House in , listed on the . The absence of additional monuments aligns with the restrained commemorative practices common among leaders of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, emphasizing personal and ecclesiastical remembrance over elaborate civic tributes.

Historical Assessment

Contributions to American Protectionism

Reed Smoot, serving as a U.S. Senator from Utah from 1903 to 1933, emerged as a pivotal figure in American tariff policy through his long tenure on the Senate Finance Committee, to which he was appointed in 1908. He quickly mastered the intricate tariff schedules, positioning himself as a leading advocate for protectionist measures designed to shield domestic industries from foreign competition. Smoot's approach emphasized raising import duties to elevate the relative price of foreign goods, thereby bolstering American manufacturers and agricultural producers. A key early contribution came with the Fordney-McCumber Tariff Act of 1922, which Smoot supported vigorously, particularly provisions increasing duties on imported sugar to protect Utah's beet against competitors. The act raised average tariff rates on dutiable imports to approximately 38.5 percent, reflecting Republican efforts to revive domestic production post-World War I. Smoot's backing of farm bloc demands within the legislation underscored his commitment to sector-specific protections that he viewed as essential for sustaining American labor and economic self-sufficiency. As chairman of the Finance Committee from 1923 onward, Smoot co-sponsored the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, introduced in 1929 and enacted on June 17, 1930, after passage on June 13. This legislation elevated average duties on over 20,000 imported items to a record 53 percent, targeting agricultural and industrial goods amid declining farm prices and early Depression-era pressures. Smoot defended the bill against widespread criticism, including a from over 1,000 economists urging veto, arguing it would safeguard U.S. jobs and revenues without provoking retaliatory measures on a scale that would harm exports. Smoot's tariff advocacy embodied a first-principles defense of as a tool for national economic resilience, prioritizing empirical observations of domestic vulnerabilities over free-trade ideals. His policies, rooted in on competition's on U.S. wages and output, contributed to the interwar peak of American barriers before the shift toward reciprocal trade agreements in the 1930s.

Defense of Religious Liberty

Reed Smoot's most prominent defense of religious liberty occurred during the Senate hearings challenging his seating following his election on January 21, 1903. Protests filed on February 23, 1903, argued that his apostleship in The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints disqualified him due to the church's historical endorsement of polygamy, alleged oaths of allegiance superseding U.S. law, and perceived church control over Utah politics, despite the church's 1890 Manifesto renouncing plural marriage. Smoot testified extensively, affirming his monogamous personal life, his exclusive loyalty to the U.S. Constitution, and the church's abandonment of practices conflicting with national law, emphasizing that religious belief alone could not constitutionally bar him from office. Supporters, including non-Mormon senators, contended that expulsion would establish a religious test prohibited by Article VI of the Constitution, framing the case as a broader test of American tolerance for minority faiths. The hearings, spanning from January 16, 1904, to June 1906 in committee and culminating in debate, generated over 3,000 pages of testimony examining Mormon doctrines and practices, yet Smoot maintained provisional seating throughout, allowing him to participate in legislative duties. On February 20, 1907, the Senate voted 43-27 against expulsion, falling short of the two-thirds majority required, thereby affirming Smoot's eligibility and rejecting disqualification on religious grounds. This outcome, while not without controversy over lingering post-Manifesto cases, established a that mere office or doctrinal differences do not inherently violate senatorial oaths, bolstering protections against faith-based political exclusion. Smoot's vindication contributed to the normalization of Latter-day Saints in American public life, prompting internal church reforms like the 1904 to excommunicate persistent polygamists and facilitating Mormon political participation without systemic barriers. Historians note the hearings as a pivotal moment in expanding U.S. , underscoring that scrutiny of illegal practices must not devolve into blanket discrimination against believers, though critics at the time viewed the decision as insufficiently addressing church influence. Smoot later referenced this experience in advocating for constitutional fidelity over sectarian priorities, reinforcing his commitment to religious liberty as compatible with civic duty.

Criticisms and Modern Re-evaluations

Criticisms of Reed Smoot during his tenure centered on his as a Mormon and U.S. senator, sparking fears of divided loyalties and theocratic influence. Opponents argued that his religious to the of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints conflicted with his to the , potentially disqualifying him from office, while the church's historical endorsement of —despite its 1890 disavowal—fueled protests against his 1903 election. The ensuing hearings from 1904 to 1907 exposed church practices under scrutiny, with critics like Senator Julius C. Burrows highlighting alleged ongoing plural marriages among Mormon leaders as evidence of un-American allegiance. Smoot defended his positions by emphasizing the church's separation from politics and its compliance with U.S. law, but the controversy reflected broader nativist anxieties over Mormon insularity. Policy-wise, Smoot faced sharp rebuke for co-authoring the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930, which elevated average U.S. import duties to approximately 60% on dutiable goods, ostensibly to shield domestic industries amid the Depression's onset. Economists and contemporaries, including over 1,000 petitioners like and the , warned it would provoke retaliatory tariffs and contract global trade; indeed, U.S. imports fell by 4-8% directly attributable to the act, exacerbating in export-dependent sectors. Critics, such as banker , later faulted Smoot's for heightening international on the eve of , while the legislation's passage defied Hoover's veto threats and petition opposition, underscoring Smoot's rigid advocacy for agricultural and manufacturing safeguards. Modern re-evaluations portray the Smoot hearings as a pivotal of , with Smoot's seating in 1907—after four years of testimony—easing Mormon integration into American public life and diminishing perceptions of the faith as a political threat. Historians credit his stoic testimony and legal defenses with normalizing officeholders in governance, influencing later Mormon political ascendance despite initial bigotry. On the tariff, quantitative analyses temper earlier blame for the Depression's depth, estimating its contraction effects as secondary to monetary failures and banking collapses, though holds it amplified retaliatory barriers from and , reducing world by up to 66% from 1929-1934 levels. Recent scholarship views Smoot's as emblematic of interwar , effective for short-term industry preservation but ultimately counterproductive, prompting the 1934 Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act's shift toward liberalization.

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