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Relative clause

A relative clause is a subordinate clause that modifies a noun or noun phrase, known as the antecedent or head, by providing additional information about it and functioning as an adjunct within the noun phrase.^[1] In linguistic structure, it typically contains a gap corresponding to the role of the modified noun in the clause, often introduced by a complementizer like that or a relative pronoun such as who, which, or where, though reduced forms may omit these elements.^[1] English relative clauses are broadly classified into two types: restrictive and non-restrictive. Restrictive relative clauses, which do not use commas, supply essential information necessary to identify the antecedent, as in "The book that I borrowed was fascinating," where the clause specifies which book.^[2] In contrast, non-restrictive relative clauses, set off by commas, offer supplementary details about a fully identified antecedent and can be omitted without altering the sentence's core meaning, for example, "My sister, who lives in Paris, visited last week."^[2] These distinctions affect punctuation, relative pronoun choice, and semantic integration, with restrictive clauses often using that or who without commas, while non-restrictive ones typically employ which or who with commas.^[2] Cross-linguistically, relative clauses demonstrate typological variation while adhering to universal syntactic principles, such as the positioning relative to the head noun based on the language's head-directionality.^[3] In verb-object languages like English, they follow the head noun postnominally, whereas in object-verb languages like Japanese or Turkish, they precede it prenominally, often without overt relative pronouns and relying on a gap strategy.^[3] This feature contributes to sentence complexity, influencing processing ease—subject relative clauses are generally acquired and comprehended more readily than object ones across languages—and highlighting hierarchies like the accessibility hierarchy, where subjects are more easily relativized than objects or obliques.^[4] In generative grammar, relative clauses involve movement operations, where the head noun originates within the clause and extracts to modify itself, underscoring their role in phrase structure and semantic composition.^[5]

Fundamentals

Definition

A relative clause is a dependent clause that functions as a modifier of a noun or noun phrase, known as the head or antecedent, by providing additional descriptive information about it. This modification typically involves the relative clause sharing a referential argument with the head, where the shared element serves as a variable that is bound by the antecedent, thereby linking the two structures semantically. The basic components of a relative clause include the head noun phrase, the subordinate clause itself—which contains its own predicate and arguments—and a grammatical device that connects the clause to the head while indicating the syntactic role of the shared argument within the relative clause. This linking device, often called a relativizer, can take forms such as a relative pronoun, a complementizer, or a resumptive pronoun, depending on the language's syntactic rules.^[5] Relative clauses are a near-universal feature of human languages, appearing in virtually all known linguistic systems, although their morphological and syntactic forms exhibit significant cross-linguistic variation. In contrast to independent clauses, which can stand alone as complete sentences, relative clauses are inherently dependent and embedded within a larger structure. Unlike adverbial clauses, which modify verbs, adjectives, or other adverbs to indicate circumstances such as time or condition, relative clauses are specifically adnominal, attaching directly to and restricting or elaborating on the reference of a noun phrase.

Syntactic Role

Relative clauses function as subordinate clauses that attach to a head noun, thereby embedding within a larger noun phrase to create a complex structure capable of serving as the subject, object, or complement in the main clause. This embedding process integrates the relative clause as a modifier, allowing it to expand the syntactic possibilities of the sentence by incorporating additional clausal information without disrupting the main clause's integrity.^[6] In terms of modification, relative clauses provide attributive information to the head noun, either restricting its reference to a specific subset—such as in restrictive clauses that narrow the denotation—or expanding it with supplementary details. This descriptive role enhances the noun phrase's precision, enabling the clause to delimit or enrich the head's referential scope within the sentence. Semantically, relative clauses contribute to the definiteness and specificity of the head noun by supplying attributes that clarify its identity or properties, often influencing whether the noun phrase refers to a unique entity or a more general category. Through this integration, they facilitate nuanced expression, such as marking a head as definite via restrictive modification that identifies a particular referent. Regarding position in phrase structure, relative clauses typically follow the head noun in head-initial languages, forming postnominal constructions, while they precede the head in head-final languages, thereby shaping the overall syntactic organization and word order patterns.^[7] This variation affects how the clause interacts with surrounding elements, influencing parsing and hierarchical embedding in the sentence.

Types

Restrictive and Non-restrictive

Relative clauses are classified into restrictive and non-restrictive types based on their semantic contribution to the identification of the head noun and their integration into the sentence structure. Restrictive relative clauses provide essential information that limits or defines the reference of the head noun, thereby restricting the set of possible referents to those satisfying the clause's predicate; for example, in "the students who studied passed," the clause identifies which students are meant.^[8] This essentiality means that removing a restrictive clause alters the sentence's truth conditions or presuppositions, as it affects the focus on the specific subset of the head noun's denotation.^[9] In contrast, non-restrictive relative clauses supply supplementary, non-essential information about an already identifiable head noun, assuming shared knowledge of the referent; for instance, in "the students, who studied, passed," the clause adds a descriptive fact without narrowing the reference.^[8] Semantically, non-restrictive clauses often function like parenthetical asides, conveying information with independent illocutionary force and presupposing the head's uniqueness, which shifts the discourse focus toward elaboration rather than identification.^[9] In written English, the distinction is marked by punctuation: restrictive clauses lack commas and integrate seamlessly with the head noun, while non-restrictive clauses are set off by commas to indicate their supplementary status.^[8] These commas correspond to prosodic cues in spoken language, where non-restrictive clauses typically feature intonational breaks or pauses at their boundaries, often with lengthened vowels or phrasing that separates them from the main clause, whereas restrictive clauses exhibit tighter prosodic integration with shorter pauses.^[10] Such prosodic differences aid in disambiguating meaning during speech, reinforcing the clause's role in discourse coherence for non-restrictive cases by signaling non-essential addition.^[11] Cross-linguistically, not all languages rely on punctuation for this distinction; for example, Russian employs intonational contours and specific relative pronouns like "kоторый" for non-restrictive clauses alongside commas, while restrictive ones use "что" without such marking.^[9] In Chinese, relative clauses modifying proper names are often interpreted as non-restrictive due to the heads' inherent uniqueness, with positioning (pre- or post-nominal) influencing restrictiveness without dedicated punctuation.^[9] Italian distinguishes two subtypes of non-restrictive clauses through syntactic integration, using "che" for more embedded forms and "il quale" for appositive ones, highlighting how particles or word choice can signal the distinction in place of English-style commas.^[9] These variations underscore that while the semantic opposition between essential restriction and supplementary description is widespread, its formal realization depends on language-specific mechanisms like intonation, particles, or syntax.^[8]

Bound and Free

Bound relative clauses modify an overt head noun in the main clause, with the shared argument between the main and relative clauses being the head noun itself.^[12] For example, in English, the structure "the girl who is standing is tall" features "the girl" as the explicit head modified by the relative clause "who is standing," which restricts or specifies the reference of the head.^[12] This dependency positions the relative clause as an adjunct to the head noun phrase, often adjacent to it or extraposed, and it can be either restrictive (intersecting the denotation of the head for identification) or non-restrictive (adding supplementary information without altering core reference).^[12] In contrast, free relative clauses lack an explicit antecedent or head noun, functioning independently as a complete noun phrase within the sentence.^[13] They are typically introduced by wh-words such as what, who, or whoever in English, allowing the clause to stand alone as the shared argument.^[12] A classic example is "Whoever is driving the tractor is laughing," where "whoever is driving the tractor" serves as the subject without an external head, effectively nominalizing the clause.^[12] Free relatives can act as subjects, objects, or complements in the main clause, and they frequently appear in nominalizations (e.g., "I saw what you were doing") or exclamatory constructions (e.g., "Look at what they’re doing!").^[14] Grammatically, free relative clauses often employ special pronouns or wh-elements that double as the head of the relative clause and the argument in the matrix clause, differing from bound relatives where the relativizer links back to a separate head.^[12] In some languages, such as German, they may lack a relativizer entirely or be treated as full clauses (CPs) rather than noun phrases, while in English, they integrate seamlessly as NPs with potential definite or generic semantics.^[12] For instance, in K'ichee', free relatives require complementizers like jas or determiners and involve wh-movement to the CP specifier, enabling them to function as standalone arguments without an overt head.^[14] Theoretically, free relative clauses pose challenges to traditional models of head-clause dependency, as their headless structure disrupts standard analyses that assume an explicit link between a head noun and the modifying clause.^[13] In frameworks like Lexical-Functional Grammar, they are often analyzed as projections that fill argument roles directly (e.g., as DP specifiers in correlative systems), rather than as adjuncts, which highlights cross-linguistic variations in how they encode quantificational or referential properties.^[12] This autonomy questions unified treatments of relative clauses, prompting specialized semantic accounts for their behavior in specificational or predicational contexts.^[14]

Formation Strategies

Gapped Construction

In the gapped construction, also known as the deletion or gap strategy, the relative clause omits the argument that is coreferential with the head noun, leaving an empty position (gap) whose interpretation is determined by the syntactic structure binding it to the head.^[15] This mechanism allows the relative clause to modify the head without explicit marking of the shared role, as seen in English examples like "the book [that] I read," where the object position after "read" is gapped.^[1] Subject gaps, where the head corresponds to the subject of the relative clause (e.g., "the man [that] left"), are universally attested across languages and represent the most common relativization strategy for subjects, occurring in 125 out of 166 sampled languages.^[16] In contrast, object gaps, where the head fills the direct object role (e.g., "the book [that] I read"), are easier to process in subject positions but vary cross-linguistically; while prevalent in languages like English and many Romance varieties, some languages prefer resumptive pronouns for object positions to avoid ambiguity.^[17]^[18] Gaps are subject to syntactic constraints, particularly island effects, which prohibit extraction or gapping from certain embedded structures like complex noun phrases or coordinate clauses, rendering sentences like "the report [which] the chapter [that] I wrote was about" unacceptable in standard English.^[19] These constraints, first systematically described by Ross (1967), ensure that gaps occur only in accessible positions to maintain grammaticality.^[20] The gapped construction offers advantages in economy and efficiency by avoiding redundancy through deletion of the repeated argument, making it a preferred strategy in analytic languages such as English and the Romance languages (e.g., French, Spanish), where it predominates in standard varieties.^[21] Historically, this strategy has become more prevalent in English as the language shifted from synthetic to analytic structures, reducing overt inflection and favoring omission over pronoun retention seen in earlier stages.^[22] In comparison to pronoun retention constructions, gapping provides a more streamlined form but may introduce processing challenges in object positions.^[19]

Relative Pronoun Construction

In relative pronoun construction, a relative pronoun such as who, which, or that in English replaces the shared argument (the head noun) from the relative clause and typically moves to the clause-initial position, thereby linking the relative clause to the head noun while indicating the role of the shared argument within the relative clause.^[23] This mechanism is prevalent in Indo-European languages, where the pronoun serves as an explicit marker of the syntactic dependency, distinguishing it from strategies like gapping that rely on omission in more analytic languages.^[24] For instance, in the English sentence "The book that I read was interesting," the pronoun that replaces the head noun book as the object of read and fronts to initiate the relative clause.^[25] Relative pronouns in synthetic languages often inflect for case to agree with the grammatical role of the shared argument, such as nominative for subjects, accusative for objects, or genitive for possessives, ensuring morphological harmony between the pronoun and its function in the relative clause.^[23] In languages like German or Latin, this case marking is obligatory and reflects the inherited Indo-European system, where pronouns carry rich inflectional paradigms to convey syntactic relations precisely.^[26] English retains vestiges of this in forms like who (nominative) versus whom (accusative/objective), though usage has simplified in spoken varieties.^[23] A distinction exists between wh-pronouns (e.g., who, which) and invariant pronouns like that in English: wh-pronouns are typically used in non-restrictive relative clauses, which provide additional information set off by commas, while that predominates in restrictive clauses that define the head noun.^[23] This pattern aligns with broader Indo-European tendencies, where wh-forms derive from interrogative roots and favor formal or appositive contexts, whereas that-like markers (from demonstratives) suit defining, integrated clauses in spoken registers.^[23] Pied-piping occurs when the relative pronoun triggers the fronting of a larger containing phrase, rather than moving alone, to satisfy syntactic movement requirements.^[25] For example, in "The professor with whom I spoke," the preposition with and its object pied-pipe along with whom to the clause-initial position, preserving the phrase's integrity under wh-movement constraints.^[25] This phenomenon, observed across Germanic and Romance languages, relies on feature percolation from the pronoun to the host phrase, allowing displacement to Spec,CP while adhering to locality and island constraints.^[24] Historically, relative pronouns in Indo-European languages evolved from demonstratives (so-/to-) and interrogatives (kwi-/kwo-) in proto-forms, with parallel developments across branches like Anatolian (interrogative-based) and Indo-Iranian (deictic yo- with correlatives).^[27] In Proto-Indo-European, these sources provided the basis for relative marking, though reconstructions vary due to the absence of direct evidence for full relative clauses; innovations like the English that trace to demonstrative origins, while wh-pronouns stem from interrogative paradigms.^[27] This etymological duality underscores the construction's adaptability, with interrogative-to-relative shifts appearing in Iranian and contact-influenced evolutions.^[27]

Pronoun Retention Construction

In the pronoun retention construction, also known as resumptive pronoun strategy, a pronoun is retained in the position where a gap would typically occur in a relative clause, serving to mark coreference between the head noun and the clause's argument without movement or deletion. This mechanism aids in resolving long-distance dependencies by explicitly indicating the antecedent, particularly in complex syntactic environments where parsing ambiguity might arise. Resumptive pronouns thus function as a syntactic "last resort," filling positions that resist gapping due to structural constraints, such as subjacency violations. This construction is commonly employed for object and oblique roles within relative clauses, and in certain languages, it becomes obligatory in "island" configurations or long-distance extractions that block standard gapping. For instance, in Hebrew, resumptive pronouns are mandatory in embedded relative clauses involving prepositional objects or specific island types, ensuring grammaticality where gaps would otherwise render the sentence ill-formed. Similarly, in Irish, they appear systematically in non-subject positions of relative clauses, especially those crossing clause boundaries, to maintain interpretability. Unlike relative pronoun constructions, which front a dedicated pronoun to initiate the clause, retention keeps the pronoun in situ for direct coreference resolution.^[28] The advantages of pronoun retention include reduced syntactic ambiguity and enhanced processing efficiency, particularly for long-distance subject relative clauses, as evidenced by experimental data showing faster comprehension times with resumptives compared to gaps in challenging contexts.^[29] It also permits relativization of arguments lower on the accessibility hierarchy, such as obliques, which are harder to gap in many languages. However, in languages like English that prefer gapping, resumptives are often perceived as stylistically less elegant and are typically restricted to informal or dialectal speech, marking non-standard usage.^[30] Typologically, pronoun retention is prevalent in Semitic languages like Hebrew and Arabic, where it is a core feature of relative clause formation, and in Celtic languages such as Irish and Welsh, often as an obligatory strategy for certain positions. It appears optionally in English dialects and sporadically in other Indo-European varieties, but is rarer in languages favoring wh-movement without resumption.^[28] This distribution highlights a trade-off between syntactic economy and explicitness across language families.

Nonreduction Construction

In the nonreduction construction, the head noun of a relative clause appears as a full-fledged noun phrase within the relative clause itself, without deletion (gapping) or substitution by a pronoun or other reduced form. This strategy maintains the complete syntactic structure of the relative clause, explicitly repeating the antecedent to link it to the main clause, thereby avoiding any form of argument reduction. As described in typological surveys, this approach contrasts with more common reduction-based methods and is particularly noted for preserving the head's full morphological and semantic properties inside the modifying clause.^[16] The mechanism often involves correlative structures, where the repeated head in the relative clause is resumed by a determiner, pronoun, or similar element in the main clause, or internally headed variants where the head resides entirely within the relative clause without external projection. Parataxis plays a key role in many instances, linking the clauses through juxtaposition rather than subordination markers, a pattern observed in polysynthetic and isolating languages where embedding is minimized. Full repetition of the head noun within the relative clause can also serve functions of emphasis or disambiguation, ensuring referential clarity in complex utterances.^[16]^[31]^[32] Theoretically, the nonreduction construction challenges standard generative models of relative clauses that emphasize filler-gap dependencies or movement operations, instead aligning more closely with appositional or topic-comment structures that treat the relative clause as a loosely attached elaboration. It is less dominant in modern Indo-European languages, appearing more frequently in archaic texts, oral narratives, or non-Indo-European typologies, where it mitigates potential issues of syntactic dependency and processing load. Unlike pronoun retention constructions, which involve partial substitution of the head, nonreduction relies entirely on unreduced, explicit forms to establish the coreference.^[32]^[16]

Clause Linking Methods

Relative clauses are attached to the main clause through various linking methods that signal subordination and attribution, distinct from coreference strategies within the relative clause itself. These methods include dedicated relativizers, morphological markings, particles or adpositions, and cases of zero linking, with cross-linguistic variations influenced by the language's typological profile.^[33] Relativizers are specialized words or affixes that explicitly mark the relative clause as subordinate and link it to the head noun, often functioning as anaphoric elements to indicate the connection. In English, the invariable particle "that" serves as a relativizer in constructions like "the book that I read," signaling the clause's attributive role without inflecting for case or gender. Similarly, in Persian, the complementizer "ke" (meaning 'that') introduces relative clauses, as in "ketâbi ke xândam" ('the book that I read'), where it obligatorily precedes the verb to denote subordination. In Bamileke languages like Fe'fe', a relativizer such as "REL" prefixes the relative clause in adjoined positions, as in examples where it marks the clause's relation to a pronominal correlate in the main clause.^[33]^[34]^[33] Morphological marking, including affixes, circumfixes, and agreement, integrates the relative clause more tightly by altering the verb or clause elements to indicate relativity, common in synthetic languages. For instance, in Turkish, the verb in prenominal relative clauses bears a nominalizing suffix like -DIK (past) or -ECEK (future), as in "okuduğum kitap" ('the book that I read'), where the suffix converts the clause into a modifier without a separate linker. In Yaqui (a Uto-Aztecan language), agreement affixes on the verb match the head noun's features, replacing pronouns for linking, as seen in external-head constructions where the relative clause's verb agrees in person and number with the antecedent. Circumfixes or clitics may enclose the clause in some systems, though they often overlap with nominalization processes that downgrade the clause hierarchically.^[35]^[33] Adpositions or particles can precede or follow the relative clause to establish the link, particularly in languages with flexible clause orders. In Hittite, an Indo-European language, a relativizer particle marked for case (e.g., "REL:ACC:SG:INAN") appears at the clause's edge to subordinate it, as in postposed constructions where it signals attribution without full nominalization. Turkish occasionally employs particles in genitive constructions for subject relatives, but more typically relies on morphology; analogous particles in other Turkic languages link via postverbal elements that indicate the clause's modifying function. These particles often derive from demonstratives or subordinators, facilitating integration in analytic contexts.^[33]^[35] Zero linking occurs when no overt marker is used, with attachment relying on word order, intonation, or contextual cues, prevalent in languages with rigid syntax. In Modern Greek postnominal relative clauses, the connection is implicit, as in "to vivlio pu agapisa" ('the book that I loved'), where position alone suffices without a relativizer, though pronouns may be omitted. This strategy is efficient in head-initial languages but demands clear structural cues to avoid ambiguity.^[33] Cross-linguistically, analytic languages like English or Persian favor word-based relativizers and particles for explicit linking, allowing greater flexibility in clause complexity, while synthetic languages such as Turkish or Japanese employ morphological affixes for compact integration, often limiting the range of relativizable positions due to nominalization demands. This variation reflects a continuum of clause linkage tightness, from loose adjoined structures to tightly embedded ones.^[33]

Head Noun Positioning

In relative clauses, the positioning of the head noun with respect to the clause is a key typological parameter that determines the overall structure of the noun phrase and interacts with the language's syntactic organization. Languages exhibit four primary configurations: postnominal, where the head precedes the relative clause; prenominal, where the relative clause precedes the head; head-internal, where the head is embedded within the relative clause; and correlative, where the head appears in a separate main clause linked by pronouns. These positions reflect varying degrees of nominalization and integration, with external-headed structures (post- and prenominal) forming a tight nominal constituent, while correlative and head-internal types allow greater independence.^[33]^[7] Postnominal relative clauses, in which the head noun precedes the modifying clause, are the most common type worldwide and predominate in Indo-European languages such as English, where the structure "the dog that barked" places the head "dog" before the clause "that barked." This positioning facilitates weak nominalization of the clause, allowing for a moderate range of relativizable functions (averaging 5.7 positions on the accessibility hierarchy). Postnominal clauses often rely on relative pronouns or gaps to link the head, and they are typical in verb-object (VO) languages, aligning with head-initial directionality.^[33]^[7] In contrast, prenominal relative clauses position the modifying clause before the head noun, resulting in structures like Japanese "[inu ga hoeta] inu" (the dog [that barked]), where the clause precedes "inu" (dog). This configuration requires stronger nominalization, often through participial verb forms, and limits relativization to fewer positions (averaging 3.5), typically excluding pronouns in accessible roles. Prenominal clauses are prevalent in head-final languages, such as those with object-verb (OV) order, including Turkish and many Asian languages.^[33]^[7] Head-internal relative clauses embed the head noun directly within the clause, as seen in languages such as Navajo and Japanese, where the head is embedded directly within the relative clause (e.g., in Navajo, constructions like "[I saw the person yesterday] went home," with the head "person" internal to the clause). This type avoids externalization of the head, treating the entire unit as a full clause with minimal nominalization, and it occurs in a small minority of languages, often requiring contextual disambiguation due to potential scope issues. Head-internal positioning is attested sporadically across families, including in some Amerindian and Asian languages, but remains typologically marginal.^[33] Correlative constructions separate the relative clause from the head by using matching pronouns or determiners in each, as in Indo-Aryan languages like Hindi, where a structure such as "jo kutta bhayka, vah bhaunkega" (the dog that barked [jo kutta], it [vah] will bark) links a fronted relative clause to the head in the main clause. This adjoined type dispenses with nominalization altogether, enabling full relativization across all grammatical functions, and is characteristic of South Asian languages, where the relative clause often precedes the correlative main clause. Correlatives provide flexibility in long-distance dependencies but can complicate parsing in embedded contexts.^[33]^[36] Typologically, head noun positioning correlates strongly with a language's overall head-directionality: prenominal and head-internal clauses tend to occur in head-final (OV) languages, while postnominal clauses align with head-initial (VO) structures, reflecting broader Greenbergian word-order universals. This pattern holds across a global sample of over 800 languages, with only about 10% showing both post- and prenominal options, often due to contact or historical change. Correlatives, however, show weaker correlations and are more evenly distributed, frequently co-occurring with other types in polysynthetic or isolating languages.^[7]^[36]

Typological Features

Accessibility Hierarchy

The Accessibility Hierarchy, also known as the Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy (NPAH), is a typological model proposed by Edward L. Keenan and Bernard Comrie that ranks grammatical roles within a clause according to their relative ease of functioning as the head of a relative clause across languages. The hierarchy orders these roles as follows: Subject (SU) > Direct Object (DO) > Indirect Object (IO) > Oblique (OBL) > Genitive (GEN) > Object of Comparison (OCOMP). This ranking reflects a universal tendency where higher positions are more accessible for relativization, meaning they can more readily be extracted or referenced without disrupting grammatical structure.^[37] The model predicts that if a language permits relativization of a given position using its primary strategy (such as gapping), it will also allow relativization of all higher positions with the same strategy; conversely, lower positions often require more complex or marked strategies, such as pronoun retention or nonreduction, to maintain grammaticality. For instance, many languages gap the subject in relative clauses but insert pronouns for obliques or genitives. This implicational universal accounts for observed asymmetries, such as the greater frequency and simplicity of subject relatives compared to object relatives in diverse language families. The hierarchy was derived from an analysis of approximately 50 languages, providing empirical support for these patterns through comparative data on relativization strategies.^[37]^[38] While the hierarchy holds as a strong generalization, exceptions occur in languages that relativize all positions equally using identical strategies, bypassing accessibility constraints, or in those where lower positions are unexpectedly accessible due to specific morphological features. Nonetheless, the model influences strategy choice even in such cases, often leading to hybrid forms for lower roles.^[38] Theoretically, the Accessibility Hierarchy bolsters functional typology by illustrating how syntactic universals arise from cognitive and discourse-functional pressures rather than purely formal rules, offering a framework for understanding variation in relative clause formation. It also impacts language acquisition research, where learners consistently prioritize higher positions (e.g., subjects before objects), and psycholinguistic studies, where processing difficulty increases down the hierarchy due to greater syntactic dependencies.

Cross-Linguistic Variations

Reduced relative clauses, also known as participial or adjectival relatives, omit the relative pronoun and auxiliary verb, resulting in a more compact structure where the verb appears in a non-finite form such as a participle.^[15] In English, examples include phrases like "the man seen by the dog," where "seen" functions as a past participle modifying the head noun without an overt relativizer.^[15] Latin similarly employs reduced forms through participles, as in "vir a canibus visus" (the man seen by the dogs), which integrates participial agreement to modify the head noun directly.^[39] Cross-linguistically, these constructions are common in Indo-European languages but vary in availability; for instance, they are common in languages like Turkish, where prenominal participial relatives predominate.^[40] Island constraints represent syntactic barriers that prohibit extraction of elements from within certain embedded clauses, including relative clauses, a phenomenon observed universally across languages in generative syntax theories.^[41] For example, in English, extraction from a relative clause island is blocked, as in the ungrammatical "*What did Wallace meet a woman [that hates ___]?" where the wh-element cannot be pulled from the embedded relative.^[41] These constraints extend to complex noun phrases, wh-islands, and subject islands, with Ross's 1967 formulation positing them as innate properties of Universal Grammar, though processing-based accounts suggest they arise from cognitive limitations.^[41] While largely universal, variations exist; Italian permits certain extractions absent in English, and East Asian languages like Japanese circumvent relative clause islands via major subject constructions.^[41] Relative clauses modifying multiple heads, such as coordinated nouns, exhibit typological variation in agreement and structure, often resolving features across conjuncts. In Polish, conjoined heads like "book and paper" trigger either resolved agreement (feminine plural on the relative verb, e.g., "przyjechały") or first conjunct agreement (feminine singular, e.g., "przyjechała") in the relative clause.^[42] The relative pronoun in such constructions favors resolved agreement (e.g., "które" plural), while determiners prefer first conjunct agreement (e.g., "ta" singular).^[42] This pattern aligns with broader Indo-European tendencies but contrasts with languages like English, where coordination requires plural resolution without specialized relative marking.^[42] In languages with serial verb constructions (SVCs), relative clauses may embed verb chains that function as a single predicate, a feature prevalent in African and Asian languages. In Ewe (West African, Niger-Congo), SVCs within relatives share a single relativizer, as in "é-ku tsi ve" (she fetched water and brought it), where the sequence acts cohesively under one nominalizer.^[43] Similarly, in Cantonese (Sinitic, Asian), relatives incorporate SVCs for aspectual nuance, such as "keoi jap heoi co" (he went in and sat down), marked once for the entire chain.^[43] These structures treat serialized verbs as a unified unit, differing from isolating languages where each verb requires separate relativization.^[43] Recent research post-2020 highlights processing asymmetries in relative clause comprehension among bilinguals, influenced by task and language dominance. In late Turkish-English bilinguals, self-paced reading reveals a preference for low attachment (second noun phrase) in ambiguous subject relatives, mirroring native English patterns, while translation tasks amplify L1 transfer effects.^[44] Eye-tracking studies in Spanish-English bilinguals demonstrate that relative clause attachment is modulated by semantic cues, with bilinguals showing delayed integration compared to monolinguals due to cross-linguistic interference.^[45] Studies on creole genesis post-2020 underscore the role of relative clauses in substrate convergence during multilingual acquisition. In Reunion Creole, "sak-" relatives blend light-headed and free forms, reflecting French substrate simplification and Malagasy influence in clause embedding.^[46] Experimental work on adult multilinguals acquiring creole-like systems shows that congruent relative clause strategies across input languages accelerate subordination emergence, supporting congruence effects in creole formation.^[47]

Examples Across Languages

Indo-European Languages

Indo-European languages exhibit a range of relative clause constructions, often relying on relative pronouns that inflect for case, gender, and number to agree with their antecedents, alongside strategies involving gapping or resumptive elements. These structures typically modify nouns in restrictive or non-restrictive ways, with variations in word order and relativizer forms reflecting the family's synthetic and analytic tendencies.^[48] In English, relative clauses frequently use the relativizer that for gapped objects in restrictive constructions, as in "the book that I read," where the object position within the clause is left empty. Non-restrictive clauses, set off by commas, employ who for people or which for things, such as "my sister, who lives in London," providing additional information without restricting the antecedent.^[49]^[50] French relative clauses commonly employ the invariant relativizer que for direct objects, with gapping of the relativized element, as seen in "le livre que j'ai lu" ("the book that I read"), where que replaces the object. Restrictive clauses like this lack commas, distinguishing them from non-restrictive ones introduced by qui or lequel, which provide supplementary details.^[51] German utilizes relative pronouns like das for neuter antecedents, agreeing in gender, number, and case, in constructions such as "das Buch, das ich gelesen habe" ("the book that I have read"), featuring verb-final order in the subordinate clause due to the language's subordinate clause syntax. The comma separates the relative clause, and the pronoun inflects to match the relativized role, such as nominative or accusative.^[52] In Spanish, the relativizer que introduces gapped relative clauses, as in "el libro que leí" ("the book that I read"), where the object gap follows the invariant que. Non-factual or hypothetical relatives may trigger subjunctive mood in the verb, for example, "el hombre que venga" ("the man who comes," implying uncertainty), contrasting with indicative for factual descriptions.^[53] Latin relative clauses feature pronouns like quem, which agree in gender and number with the antecedent while taking the case required by the relative clause's function, as in "liber quem legi" ("the book that I read"), with quem in the accusative as the object of legi. This agreement ensures precise syntactic linking, and the clause follows the head noun without punctuation.^[54] Ancient Greek employs nominative relative pronouns such as hos for masculine antecedents in constructions like "ho anthrōpos hos eiden" ("the man who saw"), where hos links the clause and often participates in correlative structures emphasizing the relationship, such as ho...hos ("the one...who"). The relative pronoun inflects fully and may precede or follow the verb in flexible word order.^[55] Serbo-Croatian relative clauses use inflected pronouns like koju in the accusative feminine, as in "knjiga koju sam pročitao" ("the book that I read"), where the pronoun agrees with the antecedent knjiga and the gap represents the object, often accompanied by clitic pronouns or auxiliaries in the clause. This strategy highlights the language's rich case system for relativization.^[56] In Irish, a Celtic language with verb-subject-object (VSO) order, relative clauses are marked by the particle a followed by a gap, as in "an fear a chonaic mé" ("the man that I saw"), where a introduces the clause and the verb chonaic precedes the subject due to VSO influence, adapting the gapped construction to the language's head-initial syntax.^[57]

Semitic Languages

In Semitic languages, relative clauses are typically postnominal and marked by dedicated particles or pronouns that introduce the modifying clause, often reflecting the family's verb-subject-object (VSO) basic word order, where the relative clause mirrors the main clause's structure without altering the verb's initial position.^[58] This VSO influence ensures that the relative verb precedes its subject and object, maintaining syntactic parallelism, as seen across branches from Akkadian to modern Arabic dialects.^[59] Genitive constructions, which express possession, frequently interact with relative clauses through construct states, where the head noun links directly to the relative modifier without additional particles.^[60] In Biblical and Modern Hebrew, the primary relativizer is the particle še- (or archaic ʾăšer), which introduces the clause with a gap strategy for subjects and direct objects, as in ha-sefer še-karāʾtī ("the book that I read"), where the relativized position leaves an unexpressed gap.^[61] Resumptive pronouns appear obligatorily in indirect object or oblique positions to avoid gaps, particularly in embedded or complex clauses, yielding forms like ha-sefer še-hūʾ karāʾtī ʾōtō ("the book that I read it"), a strategy that resolves syntactic islands and is more prevalent in spoken dialects. This resumptive use highlights Hebrew's tolerance for pronominal repetition in relativization, contrasting with stricter gap requirements in simpler structures.^[62] Arabic employs the relative pronoun ʾalladī (with gender and number agreement) in both Classical and Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) for definite antecedents, as in al-kitāb alladī qaraʾtuhu ("the book that I read it"), where the pronoun agrees with the head and the clause includes a resumptive pronoun for the object.^[63] In MSA, ʾalladī primarily introduces subject relatives, while object relatives may use resumptives more consistently, reflecting continuity from Classical Arabic but with dialectal simplifications in spoken varieties.^[64] General Semitic patterns include prefixed particles like ša- in Akkadian for relativization, as in constructions marking the clause with ša before the verb, and occasional head-internal relatives in ancient dialects where the head noun appears within the clause itself, bound by case agreement.^[59] Dialectal variation across Semitic branches, such as in Aramaic or Bedouin Arabic, often mandates resumptive pronouns in embedded relative contexts to maintain referential clarity, especially for non-subject gaps.^[65]

Japonic and Other Asian Languages

In Japanese, a Japonic language, relative clauses are strictly prenominal, meaning they precede the head noun they modify, and they employ a gapping strategy without any relativizer or relative pronoun.^[66] For instance, the construction watashi ga yonda hon translates to "the book that I read," where watashi ga yonda ("I read") forms the relative clause with a gap in the object position, and the verb-final structure allows multiple modifiers to stack before the noun.^[66] This head-final order aligns with Japanese's overall SOV syntax, enabling complex nesting of clauses without additional linking particles.^[67] Korean, another head-final language closely related typologically to Japanese, constructs relative clauses in a similar prenominal manner, using adnominal verb endings such as -eun to mark the clause boundary instead of a dedicated relativizer. A representative example is naega ilgeun chaek, meaning "the book that I read," where naega ilgeun ("I read") includes the subject particle -ga and the past adnominal -eun to link the gapped clause to the following head noun chaek ("book").^[68] This structure supports subject-object-verb ordering within the clause, with particles aiding role identification and permitting stacked modifications. Mandarin Chinese, an isolating Sino-Tibetan language, forms prenominal relative clauses through a serial verb-like construction, relying on the nominalizer particle de to convert the verb phrase into a modifier, while omitting relative pronouns and using gapping.^[69] The example wǒ kàn de shū ("the book that I read") illustrates this, with wǒ kàn ("I read") followed by de and the head shū ("book"), maintaining head-final positioning in the noun phrase.^[70] This approach avoids pronominal retention, emphasizing the paratactic integration of the clause into the noun phrase.^[69] In contrast, Thai, a Kra-Dai language, employs postnominal relative clauses, where the head noun precedes the marker thîi ("that/which"), followed by the gapped clause in a structure that resembles English more closely in positioning.^[71] For example, khon thîi chǎn rák means "the person that I love," with khon ("person") as the head, thîi introducing the relative clause chǎn rák ("I love"), and a gap for the object.^[72] The optional use of thîi in some contexts highlights Thai's isolating morphology, though it typically signals the clause boundary explicitly.^[71] Across these Asian languages, particularly the isolating ones like Mandarin Chinese and Thai, relative clauses often convey a paratactic quality due to minimal morphological marking, creating a chained or serial feel in noun phrases, while relativization patterns generally prioritize subjects over objects for ease of processing.^[69]^[73]

Austronesian and Other Languages

In Austronesian languages, relative clauses exhibit diverse strategies, often involving relativizers, gaps, or voice marking to link the clause to the head noun. In Indonesian, a Malayo-Polynesian language, relative clauses are typically postnominal and formed using the relativizer yang, which introduces a gapped structure where the relativized element is omitted. For example, Buku yang saya baca translates to "the book that I read," with yang functioning as a complementizer and the gap indicating the position of the head noun buku within the clause.^[74] This construction parallels English in its head-initial positioning but relies on yang for both subject and object relativization, though non-subject relatives may show asymmetries in frequency and complexity.^[75] Tagalog, another Austronesian language from the Philippines, employs a focus system where verbal morphology marks the relativized argument, often resulting in head-final or internally headed relative clauses with a prominent gap strategy. A canonical example is Ang aklat na binasa ko, meaning "the book that I read," where the verb binasa (passive voice form focusing on the theme) precedes the actor ko, and na serves as a relativizer; the head ang aklat can appear externally or internally depending on syntactic prominence.^[76] This voice-marked approach coordinates with case marking to highlight the focused element, making subject relatives easier to process than object ones due to alignment with the language's ergative tendencies.^[77] Hawaiian, a Polynesian Austronesian language, uses a linker ai to indicate the gap in non-subject relative clauses, often yielding ergative-like patterns where subjects are fronted or pronominalized. For instance, Ka puke a'u i heluhelu ai means "the book that I read," with ai resuming the gap position of puke, and the clause embedded postnominally after aspect markers.^[78] Subject relatives may omit ai and use gaps directly, while non-subject ones favor pronouns for clarity, reflecting the language's VSO order and avoidance of overt subjects in embedded contexts.^[79] Beyond Austronesian families, Caucasian languages like Georgian demonstrate agglutinative relative clause formation with case-inflected pronouns and postnominal positioning. In Georgian, the relative pronoun romelsac (nominative form) introduces the clause, as in vits'er, romelsac gamoart'iva, meaning "the letter that was sent," where romelsac agrees in case and number with the head vits'er and the gap follows the verb.^[80] This structure integrates with the language's split ergativity, allowing flexible positioning of the relative clause within the left periphery while maintaining polypersonal verb agreement.^[81] Andean languages such as Aymara employ suffixal marking for relative clauses, often adjoining them through dedicated relativizing suffixes on the verb rather than forming tight noun phrases.^[82] This agglutinative strategy avoids external relativizers, relying instead on evidential and focus suffixes to delimit the clause's scope in head-final structures.^[83] Creole languages blending Austronesian and other substrates show simplified relative clause strategies, often retaining English-like relativizers but with reduced pronouns and omissions. In Hawaiian Creole English, constructions mirror English postnominally but omit relative pronouns frequently, as in Da buk dat I red ("the book that I read"), where dat introduces the clause and gaps or null subjects prevail due to substrate influences from diverse plantation languages.^[84] Similarly, Gullah, an Atlantic Creole with African substrates, uses who, dat, or null complementizers in factive relatives, exemplified by De man who I see ("the man who I saw"), retaining common English patterns but favoring zero-relativization in non-factive purposive clauses influenced by West African serial verb structures.^[85] Across these creoles, relativization blends gapping with circumfix-like marking, adapting superstrate forms to substrate clause-linking preferences for efficiency.^[86]

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