Stepanakert
Stepanakert (Armenian: Ստեփանակերտ; Azerbaijani: Xankəndi), located in the Nagorno-Karabakh region internationally recognized as sovereign Azerbaijani territory, served as the capital and largest city of the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh from its declaration of independence in 1991 until Azerbaijani military forces retook control in September 2023, after which the ethnic Armenian population of approximately 100,000 from the broader region, including Stepanakert, fled to Armenia amid fears of reprisals.[1][2] The city originated as the village of Khankendi, likely established in the 18th or 19th century, and was renamed Stepanakert in 1923 by Soviet authorities to commemorate Stepan Shaumyan, an Armenian Bolshevik leader executed during the Russian Civil War.[3][4] As the administrative and symbolic heart of the Armenian separatist enclave, Stepanakert hosted key institutions such as the Artsakh National Assembly (demolished in 2024), government ministries, Artsakh State University (founded 1969), and cultural landmarks including the We Are Our Mountains monument (erected 1967) and Holy Mother of God Cathedral, while functioning as an economic hub with light industry, food processing, and markets amid ongoing conflict.[5] The city emerged as a focal point for ethnic tensions in the late Soviet era, with mass demonstrations in 1988 demanding unification with Armenia, escalating into the First Nagorno-Karabakh War (1988–1994), during which it endured a prolonged siege by Azerbaijani forces.[6] Post-2020 Second Nagorno-Karabakh War and the 2022–2023 blockade of the Lachin corridor, Azerbaijan's swift offensive in 2023 led to Artsakh's leadership dissolving all state structures effective January 1, 2024, shifting administration to Azerbaijan, which has since pursued reconstruction, resettlement of Azerbaijanis, and removal of Armenian political symbols in the now-renamed Khankendi.[7][5]Names and etymology
Historical origins and renaming
The settlement now known as Khankendi, or Stepanakert during the period of Armenian administration, originated in the late 18th century as a resting place and summer residence for the Karabakh khans, initially featuring a wintering house referred to as "Khanabakh." Archival records indicate it developed from this khan-related foundation into a village, with the name Khankendi deriving from Azerbaijani terms meaning "khan's village" or "the khan's own place," reflecting its association with local Muslim rulers of the Karabakh Khanate.[8][9][10] In 1923, following the establishment of Soviet authority in the region, the Central Executive Committee of the Azerbaijan SSR issued a decree on August 10 renaming Khankendi to Stepanakert, honoring Stepan Shaumyan, an Armenian Bolshevik leader and one of the 26 Baku Commissars executed by anti-Bolshevik forces in 1918. This change aligned with early Soviet efforts to commemorate revolutionary figures, despite Shaumyan's ethnic Armenian background and the town's location within the Azerbaijan SSR. The name Stepanakert translates from Armenian as "Stepan's city."[3][11][10] After Azerbaijan's military operation restored full control over Nagorno-Karabakh on September 19–20, 2023, the government reinstated the pre-Soviet name Khankendi, emphasizing its historical Azerbaijani roots and rejecting the Soviet-era designation as an imposed alteration. President Ilham Aliyev affirmed this restoration in public addresses, framing it as a return to the settlement's archival nomenclature.[11][10][9]Dispute over nomenclature
The city, originally settled in the 19th century, bore the name Khankendi in Azerbaijani usage, derived from Turkic roots meaning "khan's village," reflecting its historical association with local khanate governance following the conquest of the nearby Armenian village of Baghin Shen.[12] On August 10, 1923, the Central Executive Committee of the Azerbaijan SSR decreed the renaming to Stepanakert, honoring Stepan Shaumyan, an Armenian Bolshevik commissar executed in 1918, as part of Soviet efforts to integrate ethnic Armenian elements into the administrative structure of the newly formed Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast.[3] Azerbaijani authorities regard the 1923 renaming as a politically motivated Soviet imposition that obscured the city's pre-existing Turkic nomenclature and demographic context within Azerbaijan proper, a view reinforced in official statements protesting foreign media usage of Stepanakert post-2023.[13] In contrast, Armenian narratives emphasize Stepanakert as the legitimate designation during the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic's de facto governance from 1991 to 2023, viewing Khankendi as an ethnic Azerbaijani retrojection tied to irredentist claims over the region.[14] Following Azerbaijan's recapture of the area in September 2023, the government officially reinstated Khankendi as the administrative name, aligning with its pre-1923 usage and rejecting Stepanakert as a symbol of separatist legacy.[13] This reversion has fueled diplomatic friction, exemplified by Azerbaijan's July 2025 demand for an apology from Russia's TASS agency after it referred to the city as Stepanakert in reporting on regional events, interpreting the term as an endorsement of dissolved Armenian self-rule.[14] [13] The nomenclature contest thus encapsulates the unresolved ethnic-territorial antagonism, with nomenclature serving as a proxy for competing sovereignty assertions rather than neutral geographic reference.[14]Geography
Topography and location
Stepanakert, known as Khankendi under Azerbaijani administration, is located in the Nagorno-Karabakh region of southwestern Azerbaijan, within the Karabakh Economic Region, at coordinates 39°49′N 46°45′E.[15] The city serves as the administrative center of the Khankendi District and lies approximately 280 kilometers west of Baku, Azerbaijan's capital.[16] The topography of Stepanakert consists of a plateau landscape in the Lesser Caucasus mountains, with the city situated at an average elevation of 813 meters above sea level on the Karabakh Plateau.[17] Surrounding terrain includes rugged hills, valleys, and eastern slopes of the Karabakh Range, contributing to a varied elevation profile ranging from about 700 to 900 meters within the urban area.[18] This mountainous setting has historically influenced settlement patterns, providing natural fortifications while posing challenges for infrastructure development due to steep gradients and seismic activity common in the region.[19] The city's layout adapts to the undulating ground, with neighborhoods extending along contours and rivers like the Khachinchay shaping lower-lying areas amid higher plateaus.[20] Proximity to the Karabakh Range to the west exposes it to continental influences moderated by elevation, while the plateau facilitates moderate drainage toward surrounding basins.[17]Climate and environment
Stepanakert lies at an elevation of approximately 825 meters (2,707 feet) in the Karabakh Mountains, contributing to a temperate climate characterized by distinct seasons, with warm summers and cold winters influenced by its position in the Lesser Caucasus range.[21] The city experiences a humid continental climate (Köppen Dfb), featuring moderate precipitation distributed throughout the year, averaging around 505 mm (19.9 inches) annually across 85 rainy days. Winters are chilly, with January averages hovering near 1 °C (34 °F) and occasional snowfall, while summers are mild to warm, peaking at about 23 °C (73 °F) in July; extreme temperatures have historically ranged from -15 °C (5 °F) to 35 °C (95 °F).[21] [22] Precipitation is highest in May (around 102 mm or 4 inches) and lowest in summer months, supporting a landscape of deciduous forests, subalpine meadows, and rivers such as the Hakari, which flows through the city. The surrounding environment forms part of the Caucasus mixed forests ecoregion, with oak-dominated woodlands and diverse wildlife including Caucasian deer and birds of prey, though biodiversity has been impacted by historical deforestation and agricultural expansion. Recent conflicts have exacerbated environmental stresses, including landmines contaminating soil and water resources, hindering ecological recovery and posing risks to habitats.[23] Air quality in Stepanakert is generally moderate, influenced by seasonal inversions trapping pollutants from urban heating and vehicle emissions, though data post-2023 Azerbaijani control remains limited; prior monitoring indicated PM2.5 levels occasionally exceeding WHO guidelines during winter inversions. The region's water security faces challenges from upstream dam constructions and reduced rainfall projections, potentially decreasing supplies by up to 52% by 2040 due to climate variability.[24]History
Pre-Soviet era settlement
The settlement that would later become known as Stepanakert originated in the late 18th century within the Karabakh Khanate, established as a summer residence and recreational area for the khans and their retinue. Archival records indicate it was initially referred to as "Khanyn kendi," translating to "khan's village" in Azerbaijani, reflecting its role as a private khanate estate rather than a major urban center.[8][9][10] Following the Russian Empire's conquest of the Karabakh Khanate through the Treaty of Gulistan in 1813, which formalized control over the region after initial occupation in 1805, the settlement was incorporated into the Russian administrative framework as part of the Shemakha Governorate and later the Elizavetpol Governorate.[25] It functioned in part as a military camp for Tsarist forces, underscoring its strategic position near Shusha, the regional stronghold.[25] In 1847, Russian authorities officially mapped and named the village Khankendi, emphasizing its khanate-era origins over local Armenian designations such as Vararakn, which purportedly meant "swift spring" and persisted in Armenian oral tradition.[10][4] The village remained small-scale, with rudimentary infrastructure suited to a rural outpost, and its population—primarily ethnic Armenians engaged in agriculture and herding—numbered in the low hundreds by the early 20th century, lacking significant industrialization or expansion prior to Soviet intervention.[9] During the brief period of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (1918–1920), it continued as a minor administrative point in the Shusha uezd, without notable political or economic prominence.[26]Soviet establishment and development
In July 1923, the Soviet government established the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO) as an administrative unit within the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic, comprising territories with a predominantly Armenian population.[27] [28] The pre-existing settlement of Khankendi, located in a strategic position amid the region's mountains, was selected as the oblast's administrative center due to its central location and existing infrastructure from the Russian imperial era.[29] On August 10, 1923, by decree of the Central Executive Committee of the Azerbaijan SSR, Khankendi was officially renamed Stepanakert in honor of Stepan Shaumyan, a prominent Armenian Bolshevik revolutionary and leader of the 26 Baku Commissars executed in 1918.[3] This renaming reflected Soviet efforts to commemorate revolutionary figures while integrating the area into the broader Bolshevik narrative, though it also sowed seeds of ethnic nomenclature disputes that persisted beyond the USSR's dissolution. As the NKAO capital, Stepanakert assumed roles in regional governance, with early Soviet administrative buildings and party headquarters constructed to support oblast-level operations.[29] Under Soviet rule, Stepanakert underwent planned development as the oblast's primary urban center, focusing on light industry, agriculture processing, and infrastructure to bolster economic self-sufficiency within the Azerbaijani republic's framework. Capital investments in the NKAO, including Stepanakert, escalated significantly in later decades; between 1971 and 1985, 483 million rubles were allocated—2.8 times the amount from the prior 15 years—funding expansions in housing, roads, and utilities that transformed the city from a modest settlement into a regional hub with schools, cultural institutions, and industrial facilities like silk and dairy plants.[29] Population growth mirrored this urbanization, with Stepanakert's residents increasing amid internal migration and Soviet policies promoting Armenian settlement in the autonomous area, though exact city-level figures varied due to fluid rural-urban shifts in the oblast.[30] By the late Soviet period, the city served as a focal point for cultural and educational activities, including the establishment of pedagogical institutes that later evolved into higher education centers.[29]Escalation of ethnic tensions (1980s)
In the context of Mikhail Gorbachev's reforms of glasnost and perestroika, which encouraged public expression of long-suppressed grievances, ethnic Armenians in the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO)—administratively centered in Stepanakert—began voicing demands for unification with the Armenian SSR, citing perceived cultural erosion and administrative discrimination under Azerbaijani oversight. Petitions from Armenian villages reached Soviet authorities as early as late 1987, but organized action escalated in Stepanakert in early 1988, with public meetings commencing on February 11 and the first major demonstration occurring on February 13, drawing crowds calling for secession from Azerbaijan.[31][32] These events reflected underlying demographic realities, where Armenians comprised the regional majority, fueling aspirations for closer ties to Armenia amid fears of Azerbaijanization policies.[27] The pivotal moment came on February 20, 1988, when the NKAO Regional Soviet convened in Stepanakert and passed a resolution—supported by 110 Armenian deputies against 17 opponents—urging unification with Armenia and subordination to the Armenian SSR, while retaining oblast status.[31] This vote, leveraging the soviet's Armenian-dominated composition, represented a direct challenge to Azerbaijani territorial integrity and ignited reciprocal mobilizations, including Azerbaijani marches from Aghdam toward Stepanakert that clashed with Armenian counter-protests in nearby Askeran on February 27, resulting in the conflict's first fatalities—two Azerbaijanis killed by Armenian villagers.[33] Moscow's swift rejection of the resolution on March 24, deeming it unconstitutional, failed to quell unrest; instead, it prompted sustained demonstrations and a general strike in Stepanakert by spring 1988, paralyzing factories and public transport as protesters pressed their case.[34] Tensions in Stepanakert sharpened ethnic fault lines, transforming routine interactions into markers of division, particularly between Armenians and the Azerbaijani minority in the city and adjacent Shusha, where previously mixed communities polarized amid rumors of reprisals.[35] By mid-1988, the influx of Armenian fedayeen from Armenia and Azerbaijani reinforcements escalated protests into low-level armed skirmishes around Stepanakert, including blockades and raids, as Soviet internal troops struggled to maintain order.[27] These developments, unaddressed by effective central intervention, eroded inter-ethnic trust and foreshadowed broader pogroms in Azerbaijan proper, such as Sumgait in late February 1988, which displaced thousands of Armenians toward Stepanakert and intensified the city's role as a flashpoint.[36] The Azerbaijani Supreme Soviet's counter-resolution on June 26 reaffirming control over NKAO only heightened defiance in Stepanakert, where local authorities increasingly aligned with the unification drive.[34]First Nagorno-Karabakh War (1988–1994)
The conflict in Stepanakert escalated from ethnic demonstrations in February 1988, when thousands gathered in the city to demand unification of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast with Soviet Armenia, sparking initial clashes between Armenians and Azerbaijanis.[32] Violence intensified in late 1989 and early 1990, with intercommunal fighting displacing nearly all of the city's Azerbaijani population—estimated at around 15,000 prior to the unrest—amid reports of targeted attacks and forced expulsions documented by observers on both sides. By 1991, as the Soviet Union dissolved and Nagorno-Karabakh declared independence from Azerbaijan on 2 September, Stepanakert emerged as the de facto capital of the self-proclaimed republic, serving as a hub for Armenian self-defense forces amid growing militarization.[27] Azerbaijani forces responded by imposing a blockade on the region and initiating shelling of Stepanakert from September 1991, launching artillery and rocket attacks from Shusha (Shushi) and adjacent positions that isolated the city and cut off supplies.[33] The bombardment escalated in January 1992 with the use of Grad multiple-launch rocket systems, described by eyewitness accounts as indiscriminate strikes on civilian areas, destroying homes, hospitals, and infrastructure while causing acute shortages of food, water, and fuel during the severe winter.[37] Residents, numbering around 50,000 Armenians at the time, took shelter in basements without electricity or heating, with daily shelling reported to average hundreds of rounds; Human Rights Watch investigations confirmed violations of international humanitarian law through these attacks, estimating at least 169 civilian deaths in Stepanakert from the siege between late 1991 and mid-1992.[37][38][39] The siege's immediate threat ended on 9 May 1992, when Armenian forces captured Shusha after intense fighting, neutralizing Azerbaijani artillery positions overlooking Stepanakert and opening a supply corridor via Lachin.[40] Stepanakert thereafter functioned as the administrative and logistical center for Armenian operations in the war, which saw broader Armenian advances into surrounding Azerbaijani territories by 1993–1994, culminating in a Russian-brokered ceasefire on 5 May 1994 that left the city firmly under Armenian control.[27] The war's toll on Stepanakert included extensive urban damage—over 60% of buildings reportedly affected—and contributed to the region's overall estimated 30,000 military and civilian deaths, though precise local figures remain contested due to limited independent verification amid partisan reporting from both Armenian and Azerbaijani sources.[41][27]Period of Armenian de facto control (1994–2020)
The Bishkek Protocol ceasefire of 12 May 1994 halted the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, establishing Armenian forces' control over Stepanakert and surrounding territories, which became the capital of the unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (renamed Republic of Artsakh in 2017).[27] The city, scarred by a two-year siege from 1988 to 1992 that caused significant civilian hardship and infrastructure damage, prioritized reconstruction of administrative, residential, and public facilities. Local authorities developed key government institutions, including the presidential office and legislative assembly, consolidating Stepanakert as the political hub despite lacking international recognition and facing Azerbaijani claims.[42] Population figures from Nagorno-Karabakh Republic censuses, conducted under de facto control, indicated steady growth driven by ethnic Armenian influx from Azerbaijan and natural increase, though disputed by Azerbaijan as inflated for legitimacy purposes. The 2005 census tallied the region's total at 137,737, predominantly Armenian (over 99%), with Stepanakert comprising a substantial share as the primary urban agglomeration.[43] By the 2015 census, the regional population reached approximately 150,000, reflecting modest expansion amid economic constraints and isolation.[43] [44] Economic conditions in Stepanakert relied on Armenian financial transfers, diaspora remittances, and limited local sectors like agriculture processing, mining support, and services, with growth projections occasionally reaching double digits before setbacks from clashes.[45] Infrastructure initiatives included road links such as the Goris-Stepanakert highway and efforts to revive the Soviet-era Stepanakert Airport for civilian use, announced for operations around 2012 but curtailed by Azerbaijani aerial threats and lack of airspace agreements.[46] [47] Educational expansion featured Artsakh State University, originating as a pedagogical institute in 1969 and growing into the region's main higher education center.[48] Governance evolved through referendums, including a 2006 constitution and 2017 amendments enhancing presidential authority, with elections held periodically under Stepanakert's oversight until 2020.[43] The period maintained fragile stability, enabling basic urban development but vulnerable to sporadic violence, such as the 2016 April clashes.[45]Second Nagorno-Karabakh War (2020)
The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War erupted on September 27, 2020, when Azerbaijani forces launched a major offensive along the line of contact in the disputed region, prompting immediate artillery and rocket shelling of Stepanakert, the de facto capital of the self-proclaimed Republic of Artsakh.[27] Azerbaijani strikes targeted areas claimed to house Armenian military positions, but resulted in significant damage to civilian infrastructure, including residential neighborhoods, a maternity ward at the Republican Medical Center on October 28, School Number 10, and facilities like the Artsakh Energo control building and an electrical substation.[49] The bombardment employed unguided munitions such as Grad and Smerch rockets, as well as cluster bombs, which Human Rights Watch documented as indiscriminate and in violation of international humanitarian law due to their wide-area effects in populated zones.[49] Civilian casualties in Stepanakert mounted rapidly, with at least 13 killed and 51 injured from Azerbaijani strikes between September 27 and November 10, 2020, according to on-site investigations by Human Rights Watch; broader regional civilian deaths reached at least 146 on both sides, per Amnesty International estimates, amid mutual shelling that also struck Azerbaijani cities like Ganja and Barda.[49] [50] The attacks caused widespread blackouts, water and gas disruptions, and destruction of homes and businesses, exacerbating a mass evacuation; by early October, most of the city's estimated 55,000 residents had fled, primarily to Armenia via the Lachin corridor, leaving streets deserted and essential services strained.[49] Azerbaijani ground advances progressed swiftly in southern districts like Fuzuli and Hadrut by mid-October, encircling parts of Nagorno-Karabakh and bringing forces within approximately 25 kilometers of the Lachin corridor by October 26, heightening fears of encirclement for Stepanakert.[51] Armenian defenses held the core territory around the city, bolstered by reinforcements, but the offensive's momentum—enabled by Azerbaijan's superior drone and artillery capabilities—forced tactical retreats and increased the city's vulnerability to long-range fire. Failed humanitarian ceasefires on October 10 and 17, mediated by Russia and France, did little to halt the escalation. The war concluded with a Russia-brokered ceasefire agreement signed on November 9-10, 2020, by the leaders of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Russia, which halted Azerbaijani advances short of capturing Stepanakert and preserved Armenian control over the remaining Nagorno-Karabakh enclave, including the city.[52] Under the deal, Russian peacekeepers deployed to a 5-kilometer-wide corridor along the Lachin road and key districts, stabilizing the situation around Stepanakert but leaving underlying territorial disputes unresolved; Azerbaijan retained gains outside the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast, reducing the enclave's size by about 40%.[27] Post-ceasefire, some residents returned to Stepanakert amid ongoing repairs, though the conflict's toll—estimated at over 6,000 military deaths overall—underscored the fragility of the truce.[53]Blockade and 2023 Azerbaijani offensive
On December 12, 2022, Azerbaijani civilians, organized under the pretext of environmental protests against alleged illegal mining, blocked the Lachin corridor, the sole road linking Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia.[27][54] This action severed commercial and civilian traffic, leading to severe shortages of food, medicine, and fuel in the region, including Stepanakert, exacerbating a humanitarian crisis that persisted for nine months.[52][55] The International Court of Justice issued provisional measures on February 22, 2023, ordering Azerbaijan to take effective steps to ensure unimpeded humanitarian access via the corridor, though compliance was contested amid reports of continued disruptions.[56] Tensions escalated as Azerbaijani forces conducted localized advances and established checkpoints, further restricting movement and supplies to the Armenian-populated enclave.[57] In Stepanakert, the administrative center, residents faced acute fuel rationing, with only limited Russian peacekeeping convoys providing intermittent aid under the 2020 ceasefire agreement.[58] Azerbaijani authorities maintained the blockade addressed security concerns and illegal activities by the unrecognized Artsakh authorities, while international observers noted the disproportionate impact on the civilian population.[27] On September 19, 2023, Azerbaijan initiated a large-scale military offensive, termed an "anti-terrorist operation," targeting Armenian separatist positions across Nagorno-Karabakh, including areas around Stepanakert.[59][60] Azerbaijani forces employed artillery barrages and rapid advances, overwhelming defenses weakened by the prolonged blockade and prior losses in the 2020 war.[61] By September 20, after approximately 24 hours of combat, the Artsakh leadership capitulated, agreeing to disarm and integrate under Azerbaijani sovereignty, with Azerbaijani troops encircling Stepanakert but encountering minimal resistance in the city itself.[62][63] Casualties from the offensive included at least 192 Azerbaijani soldiers killed, according to official reports, alongside civilian deaths in Stepanakert from shelling, such as children en route from school.[52] The swift operation ended three decades of de facto Armenian control, prompting an immediate exodus of over 100,000 ethnic Armenians from the region, including Stepanakert, amid fears of reprisals despite Azerbaijani assurances of safety and rights.[64] This recapture aligned with Azerbaijan's internationally recognized territorial integrity, though humanitarian fallout drew criticism from Armenian-aligned sources and some Western outlets.[65]Restoration of Azerbaijani sovereignty (2023–present)
On September 19, 2023, Azerbaijan launched a military offensive against Armenian separatist forces in Nagorno-Karabakh, described by Baku as an "anti-terrorist operation" to eliminate remaining armed groups and restore constitutional order.[61] Azerbaijani forces advanced rapidly, surrounding the regional capital Stepanakert (known as Khankendi in Azerbaijani) by September 20 and prompting the surrender of the self-declared Republic of Artsakh's military leadership after less than 24 hours of intense combat.[63] [27] The offensive resulted in Azerbaijani casualties of 192 soldiers killed, according to official Baku reports, while separatist sources claimed higher figures for both sides without independent verification.[66] In the wake of the military victory, Artsakh President Samvel Shahramanyan signed a decree on September 28, 2023, dissolving all state institutions of the unrecognized republic effective January 1, 2024, effectively ending three decades of de facto Armenian control over the territory.[67] Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev formalized the restoration of sovereignty on October 15, 2023, by raising the national flag in Khankendi's central square and declaring the reintegration of the city and surrounding areas into Azerbaijan's administrative structure.[68] [69] This act symbolized the culmination of Azerbaijan's efforts to reclaim territories lost in the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, with Aliyev emphasizing territorial integrity and the return of displaced Azerbaijanis in his address.[70] The restoration process triggered a mass exodus of the ethnic Armenian population, with over 100,000 residents—nearly the entire pre-offensive population of Nagorno-Karabakh—fleeing to Armenia by early October 2023, citing fears of persecution despite Azerbaijani assurances of citizenship rights and safety for those who remained.[71] [72] A small number of Armenians, estimated in the hundreds, chose to stay under Azerbaijani administration, though reports of incidents, such as detentions for alleged separatist activities, have surfaced without large-scale verified violence.[73] Post-control measures in Khankendi focused on demining, infrastructure repair, and urban redevelopment to facilitate Azerbaijani resettlement. In March 2024, authorities demolished the former National Assembly building of Artsakh and adjacent structures in Renaissance Square, framing the action as necessary for modernizing the cityscape and removing symbols of separatism, though critics alleged cultural erasure.[74] [5] Similar demolitions continued, including the Nagorno-Karabakh Foreign Ministry in September 2025, as part of broader reconstruction plans investing billions in housing and utilities.[75] Resettlement of Azerbaijani internally displaced persons (IDPs) commenced in September 2024, with President Aliyev announcing the return of families to Khankendi and nearby districts like Aghdara and Khojaly.[76] By October 2025, 1,040 families totaling 4,064 individuals had been resettled in these areas, contributing to a local population of around 22,000, including ongoing returns and infrastructure projects aimed at accommodating up to 40,000 by 2026.[77] [78] Events such as the Eurasian Cooperation Organisation Summit held in Khankendi in July 2025 underscored the city's reintegration into regional diplomacy and economic frameworks.[7] , 853 (29 July 1993), 874 (14 October 1993), and 884 (12 November 1993), explicitly reaffirm the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Azerbaijan within its internationally recognized borders inherited from the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic, which encompassed the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast including Khankendi.)))) The resolutions demand the immediate withdrawal of occupying forces from Azerbaijani territories, labeling the occupation illegal and a threat to regional peace, without endorsing any alteration to Azerbaijan's borders through secession or self-determination claims by the ethnic Armenian population.[79] The self-proclaimed Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh Republic), which administered Stepanakert as its de facto capital from 1994 until its dissolution on 1 January 2024, lacked recognition as a sovereign entity by any United Nations member state, including Armenia, rendering its claims to the territory legally void under principles of statehood requiring effective control, defined territory, permanent population, and broad international acceptance.[80] International mediators, such as the OSCE Minsk Group co-chaired by France, Russia, and the United States, consistently framed negotiations around preserving Azerbaijan's territorial integrity while addressing minority rights, rejecting independence or unification with Armenia as viable outcomes.[81] Proponents of Artsakh's independence, often citing remedial secession due to alleged ethnic cleansing or self-determination under Article 1 of the UN Charter, have not persuaded the international community, which prioritizes the prohibition on forcible border changes per Article 2(4) of the UN Charter and the uti possidetis juris principle applied to post-Soviet borders.[82] Azerbaijan's restoration of administrative control over Stepanakert and surrounding areas following the 19–20 September 2023 anti-terrorist operation aligns with its sovereign rights, as the prior Armenian presence constituted occupation under international humanitarian law, obligating compliance with Geneva Conventions relative to protected persons in occupied territories.[83] Ongoing proceedings at the International Court of Justice, including Azerbaijan's application against Armenia under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (filed 2021), further underscore the legal disputes but do not alter the baseline recognition of Azerbaijani sovereignty, with the Court provisional measures in 2021 and 2023 emphasizing non-use of force without questioning territorial integrity. No bilateral treaties or multilateral agreements have deviated from this framework, and the European Court of Human Rights has adjudicated cases involving both parties while upholding Azerbaijan's jurisdiction over the region.[84]Governance during Armenian administration
Stepanakert functioned as the capital and primary administrative hub of the self-proclaimed Republic of Artsakh under Armenian de facto control from 1994 onward.[85] The political system was organized as a presidential republic, where the president served as both head of state and head of government, wielding authority to appoint and dismiss cabinet ministers, dissolve the legislature under specific conditions, and oversee executive functions.[86] Presidents were directly elected by popular vote for five-year terms, limited to two consecutive terms. Arkady Ghukasyan occupied the presidency from 1994 to 2007, succeeded by Bako Sahakyan, who held office from 2007 to 2020.[87] The unicameral National Assembly, housed in Stepanakert, comprised 33 members elected proportionally every five years and held legislative powers, including adopting laws, approving budgets, and ratifying international agreements.[88] A 2017 constitutional referendum transformed the system from semi-presidential to fully presidential, enhancing executive authority while maintaining the assembly's role.[89] The judiciary operated independently with a two-tier structure: courts of first instance and a Supreme Court, both centered in Stepanakert.[90] Municipal governance in Stepanakert followed the 1998 Law on Local Self-Government, featuring an elected mayor and council responsible for urban services, infrastructure, and local regulations.[91] In the 2019 municipal elections, businessman David Sargsyan secured the mayoralty in a competitive race, reflecting multiparty participation.[92] Key government institutions, including ministries for foreign affairs, state, and other sectors, maintained headquarters in the city, supporting de facto administrative operations despite the entity's lack of international recognition beyond Armenia.[93]Azerbaijani administrative reintegration
Following Azerbaijan's military offensive from September 19 to 20, 2023, which resulted in the surrender of Armenian separatist forces, the government established full administrative control over Khankendi, integrating the city into the Karabakh Economic Region as its administrative center.[94] On October 15, 2023, President Ilham Aliyev visited Khankendi and raised the national flag, symbolizing the restoration of sovereignty.[95] Azerbaijani authorities promptly set up a provisional administration, including registration centers, ambulance services, and mobile communication enhancements to provide basic governance and security.[94] In line with reintegration policies announced post-offensive, Azerbaijan appointed Elchin Yusubov as the Special Representative of the President for Khankendi, Aghdara, and Khojaly districts in late 2023, tasked with overseeing local governance, security, and development initiatives.[96] This structure dismantled remnants of the former separatist regime, including the demolition of buildings associated with the self-declared Republic of Artsakh, such as the so-called "ministry of foreign affairs" structure beginning on September 2, 2025.[97] The policies encompassed reforms in governance systems, economic revitalization, social services, and cultural integration, with emphasis on restoring Azerbaijani administrative norms and legal frameworks.[98] Resettlement efforts targeted former Azerbaijani internally displaced persons (IDPs), with President Aliyev announcing the start of repopulation in Khankendi from September 2024, prioritizing students and educators.[76] By October 2025, 1,040 families comprising 4,064 IDPs had been resettled in Khankendi and adjacent districts, contributing to a local population of approximately 15,000 residents focused on Azerbaijani returnees.[77] [99] Yusubov unveiled a master plan for urban development in April 2025, aligning with broader reconstruction to modernize infrastructure and integrate the city into national economic strategies, including hosting international forums like the Economic Cooperation Organization summit.[100] [101] Despite offers for Armenian residents to reintegrate with guarantees for language rights and cultural preservation, the near-total exodus of over 100,000 ethnic Armenians in September-October 2023 left minimal returns, shifting focus to Azerbaijani resettlement amid ongoing demining and rebuilding.[102] [103]Demographics
Historical population trends
In the early Soviet era, Khankendi (renamed Stepanakert in 1923) had a small population, recorded at 1,208 residents in the 1921 agricultural census, predominantly ethnic Armenians.[104] By the 1970s, the city had expanded to approximately 32,000 inhabitants, reflecting urban development as the administrative center of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast.[104] The 1979 Soviet census indicated that Azerbaijanis comprised 11 percent of Stepanakert's population, amid broader demographic shifts in the region where Armenians formed the majority but Azeri numbers had grown due to Soviet policies favoring their settlement.[105] Prior to the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, the population reached about 57,000 by 1988, with roughly 40,000 Armenians and 17,000 Azerbaijanis.[106] The ensuing conflict from 1988 to 1994 led to the expulsion of the Azerbaijani community and temporary displacements, significantly disrupting trends, though exact wartime figures are unavailable due to the lack of comprehensive censuses amid hostilities. Under de facto Armenian control from 1994 onward, Stepanakert experienced population growth driven by returning Armenians, refugees from Azerbaijan proper, and state-sponsored settlement. The 2005 census by Nagorno-Karabakh authorities tallied approximately 49,000 residents in the city, part of a regional total of 137,737.[107] [108] Subsequent estimates placed the figure at around 55,000 by 2015 and 55,900 as of January 2020, reflecting modest increases amid economic challenges and isolation.[109] [9] By 2021, the population had reportedly climbed to 75,000, bolstered by urban migration within the self-declared republic. The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020 and the 2023 Azerbaijani offensive reversed these gains, prompting the exodus of nearly all remaining Armenians—estimated at over 100,000 from the broader region, with Stepanakert as the primary hub—leaving the city effectively depopulated of its prior inhabitants.[52] Azerbaijani authorities subsequently initiated resettlement of former internally displaced persons and others, raising Khankendi's population to nearly 13,000 by July 2025 and approximately 22,000 by October 2025, primarily ethnic Azerbaijanis restoring pre-war demographic patterns.[110] [111]| Year | Approximate Population | Notes/Source Context |
|---|---|---|
| 1921 | 1,208 | Mostly Armenians; early Soviet census data.[104] |
| 1973 | 32,000 | Soviet urban growth phase.[104] |
| 1988 | 57,000 | Pre-war peak; 70% Armenian, 30% Azerbaijani.[106] |
| 2005 | 49,000 | Post-war recovery under Armenian administration.[107] |
| 2020 | 55,900 | De facto census estimate.[9] |
| 2021 | 75,000 | Peak under Armenian control. |
| 2025 | 22,000 | Azerbaijani resettlement post-exodus.[111] |