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Billava

The Billava are a Tulu-speaking Hindu community predominantly residing in the Tulunadu region encompassing coastal Karnataka and northern Kerala, recognized as one of the largest caste groups in the area and historically associated with occupations such as toddy tapping, archery, and martial practices.^[1]^[2] They maintain distinct cultural traditions including spirit possession rituals known as Bhuta Kola and devotion to local deities, which form core elements of their identity as indigenous inhabitants of the region.^[2]^[3] Traditionally positioned as Shudras in the caste hierarchy, the Billava endured ritual discrimination and untouchability under prevailing social systems, prompting significant reform movements in the 19th and 20th centuries.^[1]^[4] Influenced by the philosopher Sree Narayana Guru, who advocated education and social equality, the community pursued upliftment through literacy and economic diversification, with many converting to Christianity via the Basel Mission to access schooling and evade caste restrictions.^[5]^[6] This led to notable advancements in social mobility, though persistent challenges in political representation and economic parity remain, as evidenced by ongoing demands for dedicated welfare boards.^[4]^[7] Their historical prowess in identifying medicinal plants and practicing Ayurveda underscores contributions to local knowledge systems, while martial lineages trace potential links to ancient Dravidian warrior groups like the Villavars.^[8]^[3]

Origins and Identity

Etymology

The term Billava is derived from the Dravidian root billu or biru, meaning "bow" in Tulu and related languages, combined with the suffix -ava or -avan (indicating "person" or "he" in Kannada), yielding "bowman" or "archer." This etymology underscores the community's ancestral proficiency in archery and martial traditions, such as garudi wrestling and weapon-based combat, which were integral to their identity as protectors and toddy tappers in Tulunadu.^[9]^[3] Anthropological records from the early 20th century describe Billava as a contraction of Billinavaru ("bowmen"), a designation tied to their historical role as skilled archers employed by local rulers for warfare and security in coastal Karnataka.^[10] Alternative derivations link the name to proto-Dravidian terms for archers, paralleling ancient Tamil Villavar (bowmen) associated with the Chera dynasty and Bhil tribal groups, suggesting possible migrations or cultural affinities among pre-Aryan Dravidian communities.^[11]^[12] These connections are supported by shared symbolism in folklore and rituals, though direct genetic or epigraphic evidence remains limited, with interpretations varying across ethnographic accounts.^[8]

Historical and Mythological Origins

The Billava community is regarded as among the aboriginal inhabitants of Tulunadu, the coastal region encompassing parts of present-day Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts in Karnataka, with evidence of their presence tied to ancient practices such as archery, healing, and toddy extraction from coconut palms.^[2] Ethnographic accounts describe them as the numerically dominant group in South Canara during the early 20th century, comprising approximately one-fifth of the local population and maintaining distinct roles in warfare, temple rituals, and midwifery.^[10] Their etymology, derived from Kannada roots meaning "bow user" (billu + ava), reflects historical associations with martial traditions, including the use of bows and arrows in regional conflicts and hunting.^[3] While inscriptions explicitly mentioning Billavas date to the 15th century CE, oral histories and cultural continuity suggest deeper antiquity, potentially linking them to pre-Dravidian settlers through persistent indigenous customs like bhuta (spirit) worship.^[2] Mythologically, Billavas center their identity around the legend of the twin heroes Koti and Chennayya, revered as deified bhutas symbolizing resistance to feudal oppression. According to folklore recorded in ethnographic surveys, the twins descended from an excommunicated Brahman woman and a Billava man, born into a toddy-tapper family in the 16th century CE near Padumale; they trained in martial arts, defied a tyrannical king by stealing ritual horses, and were ultimately killed in battle, ascending as protective spirits.^[10] This narrative, elaborated in the epic Koti Chennayya Pad'dana, underscores themes of valor and communal solidarity, with the brothers' exploits commemorated in annual rituals and garadi (martial training) halls across Tulunadu.^[2] A parallel tradition involves the Baidya (physician) lineage, where two Billava brothers received esoteric medical and magical texts from a sanyasi mentor, establishing hereditary healing practices that integrated herbal knowledge with ritual elements.^[10] These myths, preserved through oral epics and bhuta kola (spirit possession dances), reinforce Billava claims to indigenous spiritual authority, though they blend historical kernels—such as regional power struggles under Ballala kings—with symbolic etiology rather than verifiable chronology.^[2]

Genetic and Anthropological Perspectives

Anthropological accounts portray the Billava as indigenous inhabitants of Tulunadu, the coastal region encompassing present-day Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts in Karnataka, with roots tracing to pre-caste societal structures centered on lineages known as bari systems. Traditionally associated with occupations such as archery, hunting, toddy tapping from palm trees, and service as soldiers, they maintained distinct cultural practices including spirit worship (bhuta kola) and matrilineal inheritance (aliya santana) in earlier periods, reflecting adaptation to the agrarian and forested landscape of the region.^[3]^[2] These traits position them among aboriginal groups like the Mogeras and Malekudiyas, predating significant Dravidian or Indo-Aryan migrations, though their warrior ethos—evident in hero stone inscriptions (viragallu) commemorating martial exploits—suggests possible links to ancient Dravidian archer clans termed Villavars.^[13]^[9] Genetic research on the Billava remains sparse and often embedded within broader analyses of southwest coastal populations, but available data align them with Dravidian-speaking groups exhibiting high Ancestral South Indian (ASI) ancestry, indicative of deep indigenous continuity in peninsular India. Paternal lineages show the presence of Y-chromosomal haplogroup O2a1-M95 among Billava samples, a marker linked to late Neolithic expansions from eastern to western India, potentially tied to early agricultural dispersals rather than later Indo-European influences.^[14] Studies of related toddy-tapper communities, such as Thiyya (equated with Billava in Tulunadu), reveal elevated west Eurasian or northwest Indian paternal gene flow via Y-microsatellite markers, suggesting historical male-mediated admixture events, possibly from trade or migration along coastal routes, while maternal mtDNA lineages retain strong Indian-specific clustering.^[15] Overall, these findings underscore a predominantly ASI foundation with variable ANI contributions, consistent with endogamous practices reinforcing local genetic structure amid regional diversity.^[16]

Population Distribution and Size

The Billava community is predominantly concentrated in the coastal districts of Karnataka, particularly Dakshina Kannada, Udupi, and Uttara Kannada, which collectively form the Tulu Nadu region. These areas account for the majority of their population, with smaller communities present in neighboring Shivamogga district and through migration to urban centers such as Bengaluru and Mumbai.^[8]^[17] In these coastal districts, Billavas constitute a dominant demographic group, estimated at around 18% of the local population according to political scientist Valerian Rodrigues. A 2024 community assessment places their numbers at approximately 12 lakh across Dakshina Kannada, Udupi, Karwar (in Uttara Kannada), and Shivamogga districts.^[18]^[17] Precise statewide figures are unavailable due to the absence of sub-caste breakdowns in official censuses, but estimates suggest the community exceeds 20 lakh primarily within Karnataka's coastal belt, reflecting their historical ties to toddy-tapping and agriculture in the region.^[8] Smaller diaspora populations exist in Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Gulf countries, though these represent a fraction of the total.^[19]

Language and Dialects

The Billava community predominantly speaks Tulu, a Dravidian language native to the Tulu Nadu region encompassing Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts in coastal Karnataka.^[10] This language serves as their primary medium of communication, reflecting their historical concentration in South Canara (now parts of coastal Karnataka).^[2] Within Tulu, Billavas typically employ the common Tulu dialect, which is the most widespread variant used for commerce, trade, and daily interactions among multiple castes including Billavas, Bunts, and Mogaveera.^[9] In northern and inland extensions of their settlement areas, such as around Kundapur and Byndoor, some Billavas have adopted Kannada as a spoken language, particularly over the last 100–150 years, while historically maintaining Tulu in domestic settings.^[2] Those identifying as "Kannada Billavas" integrate Kannada into their linguistic practices, often alongside Tulu, due to regional administrative and educational influences.^[9] A distinct subgroup, the Maliyali Billavas, speaks a specialized dialect of Malayalam incorporating lexical elements from Tulu, Beary, and other local tongues, primarily in areas bordering Kerala.^[20] Tulu as a whole features four broadly similar dialects with minor phonological and lexical variations, but no unique Billava-specific subdialect beyond the common form has been documented in ethnographic records.^[21]

Subgroups and Internal Divisions

The Billava community features occupational subgroups such as Poojari, who function as priests officiating bhuta (spirit) worship ceremonies at sacred sites known as bhutasthanas and garodis, often wearing a distinctive gold bangle and credited with invoking deities for healing and rituals.^[10] Baidya (or Baida), another subgroup, specializes in traditional herbal medicine and serpent worship (nagaradhana), deriving from the term Vaidya meaning physician, with members sometimes serving in priestly roles tied to magical and medicinal practices.^[10] ^[9] These divisions reflect historical specialization in ritual and healing, predating Vedic influences, though intermarriage occurs within the broader community.^[3] Regional distinctions further delineate the group, with Tulu Billava predominant in coastal Karnataka's Tulu Nadu, speaking Tulu and adhering to local customs, contrasted by Malayali Billava (also termed Thiyya Billava, Belchada, or Belchand) in Kerala-adjacent areas, who speak Malayalam or Byari and worship deities like Bhagavathi.^[22] ^[9] In northern taluks like Kundapur, a subgroup known as Halepaika (or Hale Paikaru) engages in toddy drawing using Kanarese speech and distinct tools, such as stone weights versus bone, marking linguistic and methodological variations from southern counterparts around Udupi.^[10] Internally, marriage is regulated by exogamous septs called balis, matrilineally inherited under the Aliya Santana system, traditionally numbering twenty and serving as sub-divisions to prevent endogamy within clans; common baris (clans) include Suvarna, Amin, and Kotian, with additional koodubaris like Pergade.^[10] ^[3] These structures, alongside titles like Deevar in Shimoga district, underscore a flexible hierarchy influenced by geography and occupation rather than rigid subcaste endogamy.^[22]

Family and Life Cycle Rituals

Marriage Customs and Practices

The Billava community traditionally adheres to the matrilineal Aliya Kattu (or Aliya Santana) system of inheritance and marriage, wherein property descends through the female line to the sister's son (nephew), and the groom typically integrates into the bride's household after marriage.^[23] ^[24] This system emphasizes nephew lineage, prohibiting unions with a sister's daughter or mother's sister's daughter while permitting marriages to a paternal aunt's daughter or maternal uncle's daughter.^[23] ^[9] Exogamy is enforced within Bari subgroups—clusters of families sharing common ancestry—to preserve social harmony and prevent intra-clan unions.^[25] Marriage rituals, as documented in early 20th-century ethnographies, span two days and involve preparatory purificatory ceremonies for an adult bride (dhāre), conducted one or two days prior.^[10] On the wedding day, the bride and groom are seated on separate planks atop a dais, with a barber arranging ritual items including rice, flowers, lamps, betel leaves, and areca nuts for symbolic exchanges and invocations.^[10] Widow remarriage is permitted, though with abbreviated rites compared to first marriages.^[12] Premarital intercourse resulting in pregnancy mandates a simplified union rite known as bidu dhāre to legitimize the offspring within the matrilineal framework.^[26] The community practices posthumous marriage for unmarried deceased individuals, particularly to ensure ancestral continuity or resolve spiritual obligations, a custom shared with select other South Indian groups like the Badagas and Todas.^[27] ^[23] While these traditions reflect historical matrilineal norms in Tulunadu, contemporary Billava marriages increasingly incorporate patrilineal elements influenced by Hindu reform movements and legal changes, diminishing strict Aliya Kattu adherence since the mid-20th century.^[12]

Inheritance and Property Rights

The Billava community in coastal Karnataka traditionally adhered to the Aliyasantana, also known as Aliya Kattu, a matrilineal inheritance system shared with groups like the Bunts in Tulu Nadu.^[28] In this framework, property succession followed the female line, with a man typically transmitting assets to his nephew (the son of his sister) rather than to his own sons, emphasizing lineage continuity through maternal kinship.^[28] Family property was held jointly within the taravadu (extended matrilineal household), where children were considered members of the mother's family, and post-marriage, the wife retained residence in her natal home while the husband contributed to its management.^[28] Property rights vested primarily in female members and their descendants, with daughters inheriting shares to perpetuate the family name and assets; sons received portions for personal use, but these did not confer inheritance rights to their wives or children under customary rules.^[28] The eldest family member, termed Yejaman (male) or Yejamanthi (female), oversaw joint holdings, including finances and land, often with maternal uncles playing key supportive roles in decision-making and resource allocation after the matriarch's passing.^[28] Partition or division of ancestral property required the head's explicit approval, preventing unilateral claims and preserving communal tenure, though individual members could seek separation with consent.^[28] Legal interventions, including amendments to the Indian Succession Act around 1962, eroded these customs by granting wives and direct heirs of deceased males claims to portions of estates previously excluded, facilitating transitions to individualized ownership and nuclear families.^[28] By the 2010s, Aliya Kattu had largely ceased among Billavas, supplanted by patrilineal Hindu inheritance norms under statutory law, though vestiges persisted symbolically in rituals like daughters preparing mortuary feasts.^[29] This shift aligned with broader socio-economic changes, including urbanization and the influence of reform movements, reducing joint family dependencies on toddy-tapping lands and ancestral holdings.^[28]

Death and Funeral Observances

Among the Billava, the deceased are typically cremated, though burial is practiced in certain instances.^[10] ^[30] The body is prepared by washing it, placing it on a plantain leaf, and covering it with a new cloth; unhusked rice (paddy) is heaped near the head and feet, and coconut halves with lighted wicks are positioned accordingly, sometimes on a throne-like seat (gaddī).^[10] ^[30] Relatives and friends sprinkle water infused with tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) leaves into the mouth of the corpse.^[10] The body, wrapped in banana leaves and anointed with coconut and turmeric, is carried on a plank or men's shoulders to the cremation ground, where Holeya community members gather wood for the pyre—excluding Strychnos nux-vomica—and a Madhivala (washerman) may officiate as priest; the pyre is ignited at both ends using a mango tree trunk.^[10] ^[30] On the fifth day, ashes are gathered and interred at the site; for burials, a straw effigy is cremated over the grave, followed by similar ash disposal.^[10] A conical mound (dhūpe) is raised, topped with a tulsi plant, alongside an opened tender coconut, tobacco leaf, betel leaves, and areca nuts.^[10] The family enters a period of ritual pollution (sūtaka), culminating in purification after 11 days, which may involve dramatizing death as an old woman announcing the deceased's afterlife transition.^[30] The 13th-day bojja ceremonies mark a key observance, involving construction of ritual cars: a small bamboo tiered car (Nīrneralu) at home, decorated with cloths and holding the deceased's jewels and clothes under a suspended lamp, and an upparige framework around the dhūpe.^[10] Rice is measured and washed by women, mixed with jaggery and coconut, and offered in a cup turned upside down on a plantain leaf; sons-in-law receive new cloths, and water rituals occur at a coconut tree.^[10] Items are bundled, processed in a palanquin—potentially with Nalke or Parava devil-dancers portraying bhūtas—to the upparige, circled thrice, unpacked, and augmented with rice or produce before dismantling.^[10] On the 14th day, food is offered to crows, concluding the rites.^[10] In cases of death on an inauspicious day, the Kāle deppuni rite expels the ghost: ashes are strewn indoors with doors closed, followed by sprinkling turmeric water on the roof and beating it with Zizyphus oenoplia twigs; upon reopening, cloven footprints in the ashes confirm departure, or a magician intervenes.^[10] For unnatural deaths producing pretas (restless ghosts), especially of the unmarried or violently deceased, appeasement may occur in garōdis (community shrines), including symbolic preta marriages under bhūtas like Koti and Chennaya to integrate the spirit and avert torment.^[30] These practices, rooted in Tulu Nadu traditions, blend Hindu elements with local bhūta veneration, though specifics vary by locality and era.^[10] ^[30]

Religious Beliefs and Practices

Traditional Bhuta Worship

Traditional Bhuta worship, also termed Bhuta Kola or Bhuta Aradhane, forms the cornerstone of Billava religious life in Tulu Nadu, involving the ritual invocation and propitiation of local spirits (bhutas or daivas) believed to embody ancestors, heroes, and natural forces for protection, justice, and dispute resolution.^[31] These practices, rooted in pre-Hindu animism, feature trance-induced possession of performers who, under the spirit's influence, deliver oracles, enforce moral codes, and address communal grievances through dance, music, and symbolic enactments.^[32] Unlike Brahmanical temple rituals from which Billavas were historically excluded, Bhuta worship emphasizes direct, egalitarian access to the divine, with ceremonies held in sacred groves (daivasthanas) or garodis (martial halls doubling as shrines), often annually or during crises.^[33] Billavas predominantly serve as officiants, with priests (pujaris or patris) from the community's Poojary subcaste preparing altars, reciting invocations, and managing the rite's progression, while possessed dancers—typically lower-status individuals—embody the bhutas via elaborate costumes, masks, and vigorous movements synchronized to drumbeats and folk instruments like the damaru.^[34] Paddanas, epic oral narratives in Tulu, accompany the rituals, recounting the bhuta's origin, exploits, and attributes to induce possession and affirm cultural continuity; for instance, verses detail heroic feats to invoke valorous spirits.^[33] Offerings include rice, coconut, and animal sacrifices in some cases, followed by feasting that reinforces kinship ties, though the core efficacy lies in the bhuta's perceived intervention in real-world affairs, such as averting calamities or arbitrating land disputes.^[31] Prominent bhutas venerated by Billavas include Koti and Chennaya, deified twin warriors from the community circa 1556–1591 CE, renowned for combating feudal oppression and symbolizing martial prowess and dharma; their garodis host wrestling and weapons training alongside worship, blending spiritual and physical discipline.^[35] Other key figures encompass Panjurli (boar avatar for forest guardianship), Jumadi (fierce protector), Kallurti, and maternal spirits like Devi Baidedi, each tied to specific locales or functions, with rituals tailored to petition their aid—e.g., Panjurli for agricultural bounty.^[29] This pantheon reflects causal realism in Billava worldview, positing bhutas as active agents in ecological and social equilibrium rather than abstract ideals, sustained through empirical communal validation over generations.^[32]

Folk Deities and Possession Cults

Billavas traditionally worship a diverse array of folk deities known as bhutas (spirits or demons), which are regarded as protective entities influencing devotees' fortunes and resolving communal conflicts.^[1] These practices form part of the broader bhuta aradhane (spirit worship) endemic to Tulu Nadu, where Billavas, as a significant demographic, participate actively as devotees and mediums.^[6] Possession cults, particularly Bhuta Kola or nema, constitute the core mechanism, involving ritual invocation of bhutas through music, fasting, and ceremonial attire, culminating in trance states where the medium (patri or paatry) embodies the deity to dispense justice, oracles, and blessings.^[6] Prominent among Billava-specific deities are the twin brothers Koti and Chennaya, deified heroes from folk epics (paddanas) embodying resistance against feudal oppression and symbolizing communal valor.^[35] Their cult centers on garodis, multifunctional shrines functioning as gymnasiums for martial training and ritual spaces for possession ceremonies that mark rites of passage and reinforce social bonds.^[35] In these rituals, Billava mediums channel the twins' spirits, often amid drumming and invocation, to address grievances, a practice historically tied to their roles as royal healers and patris under Tulu chieftains.^[6] The reappropriation of this cult gained momentum in the mid-20th century, spurred by Billava intellectuals like Babu Amin and Damodar Kalmady, who adapted garodi rites to promote egalitarian ideals amid peasant uprisings and challenges to high-caste patronage of bhuta worship.^[35] This revival, building on earlier influences from Basel Mission education since the 1830s, transformed possession practices into assertions of subaltern identity, democratizing access previously controlled by elites.^[6] While Koti-Chennaya dominate, Billavas also honor regional bhutas like Jumadi (a serpent spirit) and Panjurli (a boar deity), integrating these into kola performances for fertility, protection, and exorcism.^[36] Such cults persist as living traditions, blending animistic elements with community governance despite pressures toward Hinduization.^[1] The Billava community experienced significant religious transformation through the influence of Sree Narayana Guru (1856–1928), a Kerala-based reformer whose teachings emphasized equality, self-reliance, and the philosophy of "one caste, one religion, one God." His movement, which began in the early 1900s, resonated with Billavas in coastal Karnataka, encouraging them to reject mass conversions to Christianity promoted by the Basel Mission since the 1830s and instead pursue social elevation within Hinduism. Narayana Guru's advocacy for education and temple access inspired Billavas to establish inclusive institutions, such as the Kudroli Gokarnanath Temple in Mangalore, consecrated in 1912, which symbolized a shift toward mainstream Hindu practices and community solidarity.^[37]^[4]^[38] This Hinduization process involved reappropriating traditional Bhuta possession cults, integrating them with Vedantic ideals to foster identity and resistance against caste oppression. Educated Billava elites, empowered by missionary schooling yet remaining Hindu, reformed rituals around folk heroes like Koti and Chennaya, framing martyrdom narratives as paths to salvation and social assertion rather than mere animism. Such reforms dissociated Bhuta worship from untouchability stigma, aligning it with structured Hindu devotion while preserving Tuluva cultural elements.^[6]^[39] In the mid-20th century, organizations like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), active among Billavas since the 1940s, further reinforced Hindu identity by incorporating them into broader Hindutva activities, such as through the Vishva Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal. While this provided a counter to lingering caste discrimination, it often preserved hierarchical structures, prompting ongoing demands for equitable representation. Narayana Guru's enduring legacy, however, drove foundational changes, enabling Billavas to leverage temple-centered practices for upward mobility without full assimilation into higher-caste norms.^[4]^[37]

Economic Roles and Livelihoods

Traditional Occupations in Toddy Tapping and Agriculture

The Billava community in Tulu Nadu, Karnataka, has long been identified with toddy tapping as a primary hereditary occupation, involving the extraction of sap from palm trees such as coconut and areca varieties endemic to the region's coastal agroecology.^[6] This labor-intensive practice demanded exceptional physical agility, with tappers ascending trees—often exceeding 20 meters in height—using looped ropes or bare limbs to access inflorescences, where precise incisions allowed sap collection in earthen pots; the unfermented sap, known as neera, would naturally ferment within hours into toddy, a staple rural beverage and revenue source under pre-independence landholding systems.^[40] Historical accounts from the early 20th century document Billavas as comprising a significant portion of South Canara's (now Dakshina Kannada and Udupi) toddy-tapping workforce, with estimates suggesting thousands engaged seasonally, though exact figures vary due to informal labor structures.^[41] Complementing toddy tapping, agriculture formed a secondary yet integral livelihood, with Billavas typically operating as small tenant farmers or landless laborers under feudal arrangements dominated by landowning groups like Bunts.^[2] Cultivation focused on wet-rice paddies, coconut groves, and areca plantations, utilizing rudimentary tools such as wooden plows and sickles adapted to the lateritic soils and monsoon-dependent cycles of Tulu Nadu; yields supported subsistence alongside toddy income, with crops like paddy, pulses, and plantation nuts integral to household economies by the 19th century.^[2] This dual occupation reflected adaptive strategies to the agroforestry landscape, where palm-based tapping integrated with intercropping practices, though systemic land scarcity confined most Billavas to marginal holdings averaging under 2 hectares per family in colonial-era surveys.^[42] These roles were not merely economic but embedded in social hierarchies, with toddy tappers often facing ritual pollution stigma that limited access to higher agrarian positions, prompting community-wide efforts by the mid-20th century to diversify away from these vocations amid urbanization.^[6] Empirical records from missionary and census data underscore the prevalence, with Billavas accounting for a majority of Tulu Nadu's palm sap extractors into the 1940s, before mechanization and prohibition policies eroded traditional methods.^[42]

Transition to Modern Professions and Entrepreneurship

In the 20th century, the Billava community began transitioning from traditional roles in toddy tapping and agriculture to modern professions, facilitated by access to education through Basel Mission schools established in Mangalore around the mid-19th century and later institutions inspired by the teachings of Sree Narayana Guru.^[37] This shift was accelerated by social reform movements that emphasized self-reliance and upward mobility, leading to increased literacy and entry into white-collar jobs, government service, and urban industries.^[38] By the late 20th century, many Billavas migrated to cities such as Mumbai and opportunities in Gulf countries, diversifying into sectors like manufacturing, trade, and services, which provided economic stability beyond rural agrarian constraints.^[37] Entrepreneurship emerged as a key avenue for economic empowerment, particularly in the hospitality sector, where Billavas capitalized on culinary traditions to establish restaurant chains and hotels. Notable examples include the Jayaram Banan Group, which operates a chain of restaurants, star-category hotels, budget accommodations, and industrial canteens, and Hotel Deepa Comforts in Mangalore, led by Ramesh Kumar.^[43] The Sukh Sagar chain, founded in 1962 by Suresh Poojari from a modest background, expanded to over 22 outlets offering vegetarian fare, reflecting a pattern of scaling from small ventures to multi-city enterprises. Community-led initiatives, such as cooperative societies and the Billava Chamber of Commerce inaugurated in 2016, further supported business ventures by providing networks and resources, enabling transitions into real estate, tile manufacturing—stemming from early Basel Mission factories—and other commercial activities.^[37] ^[43] This evolution has been marked by self-initiated reforms, including the construction of temples like Kudroli Gokarnanatha in 1912, which symbolized cultural assertion alongside economic diversification, though persistent caste barriers in some rural areas continue to influence mobility patterns.^[38] Overall, these changes have positioned Billavas as a relatively prosperous group within coastal Karnataka, with contributions to politics and industry underscoring their adaptation to post-independence urbanization and liberalization.^[37]

Cultural Heritage

Folklore, Literature, and Heroic Narratives

The folklore of the Billava community centers on the legendary twin warriors Koti and Chennayya, whose epic narrative embodies resistance to oppression and martial valor in Tulu Nadu. Born circa 1556 to Deyi Baidethi, a Billava woman who had saved the life of the local ruler Perumal Ballal, the twins were prophesied to bring fame to their lineage and trained rigorously in archery, wrestling, and other martial arts from childhood.^[44]^[45] Their story, preserved as one of the longest Tulu epics, recounts their quests for cultivable land, confrontations with tyrannical figures like the envious Budyanata, and battles against feudal injustices between approximately 1559 and 1591.^[35] In heroic deeds, Koti and Chennayya are depicted as protectors of their community, engaging in feats such as outwitting royal schemes, defending the weak, and upholding dharma through combat, often invoking divine aid from local deities. Their narrative culminates in a glorious martyrdom during a final confrontation with enemies near Yenmoor, where they perish fighting rather than submit, symbolizing self-sacrifice for collective honor.^[46]^[35] This oral epic, transmitted through paddanas—traditional Tulu folk ballads sung by women during agricultural work, marriage eve ceremonies, or community gatherings—serves as both literature and ritual device, reinforcing Billava identity and ethical codes.^[35]^[44] Garodis, the community's traditional gymnasia dedicated to these heroes, function as sites for enacting elements of the legend through physical training and mock combats, blending folklore with lived practice to instill discipline and solidarity. The twins' deification as bhutas (spirits) integrates their heroic narrative into possession cults, where performers channel their spirits to resolve disputes or affirm caste pride, as documented in ethnographic accounts from the late 19th century.^[10] Modern retellings, such as Babu Amin's 1982 Koti Chennaya (translated as The Tale of the Twin Warriors in 2009) and Damodar Kalmady's 2007 Epic of the Warriors, adapt the paddanas into written form while preserving their inspirational role in Billava socio-political mobilization.^[35] These narratives underscore empirical patterns of community resilience, drawing from verifiable oral traditions rather than unsubstantiated myths.

Festivals, Arts, and Community Events

The Billava community participates in cultural festivals that emphasize heritage preservation, artistic expression, and social cohesion, often organized by sanghas or associations. The annual Billava Chavadi, hosted by groups like the Billava Sangha, features vibrant performances including traditional dances, music, and talent competitions, alongside tributes to reformers such as Narayana Guru. For instance, the 2022 edition in Kuwait incorporated Diwali lighting ceremonies and cultural skits, drawing hundreds to celebrate unity and artistic talent. These events, typically held in September or October, extend to diaspora communities and include elements of Tulu Nadu folklore adapted for modern stages.^[47]^[48] Community gatherings such as the Vishwa Sammelana, convened by the Brahmashri Narayana Guru Seva Sangha, integrate beach festivals with cultural programs, as seen in the three-day event at Sasihithlu beach from January 24 to 26, 2025, which showcased local arts and promoted inter-community dialogue. These sammelanas often feature folk singing of paddanas—narrative ballads recounting heroic exploits—and martial arts demonstrations from garadi traditions, where practitioners perform synchronized routines with sticks and ropes, rooted in historical self-defense practices. Such displays highlight the community's transition from agrarian roots to contemporary cultural assertion.^[49] Arts within Billava events draw from garadi mane centers, which host exhibitions of physical prowess and rhythmic exercises blending combat techniques with performative elements, occasionally integrated into festival side programs for youth engagement. Organizations like the Kannadiga Kalavidara Paristhat have held dedicated cultural arts festivals at venues such as Billava Bhavan in Mumbai, focusing on Kannada-Tulu performances to sustain linguistic and performative traditions amid urbanization. These initiatives underscore self-organized efforts to maintain artistic vitality without reliance on external patronage.^[50]

Cuisine and Daily Customs

The cuisine of the Billava community, rooted in the coastal Tulu Nadu region of Karnataka, emphasizes rice-based staples, coconut, and spices, with a prominence of non-vegetarian dishes reflecting local availability of seafood and poultry. Dishes such as neer dosa (thin rice-flour crepes), patrode (fermented colocasia leaves steamed in batter), kori rotti (crispy rice discs paired with dry chicken curry or ghee roast), and chicken sukka (coconut-spiced chicken) form core elements, often accompanied by tangy chutneys and pulimunchi (fish curry).^[51] These preparations highlight the use of fresh, local ingredients and bold flavors typical of Mangalorean-Tuluva culinary traditions, which Billavas share as a major ethnic group in the area.^[52] Toddy (kallu or palm wine), extracted from coconut or areca palms, serves as a traditional fermented beverage integral to Billava food culture, derived from their historical role in toddy tapping. Consumed fresh or mildly fermented for its mildly sweet, effervescent quality, it accompanies meals and social gatherings, though excessive use has drawn reformist critiques within the community.^[10] Community events like the annual Atidonji Dina ritual feature handmade noodles prepared using the traditional seme mane (noodle-making tool), alongside other heritage dishes, reinforcing culinary continuity.^[53] Daily customs among Billavas traditionally center on agrarian and extraction labors, particularly toddy tapping, which involves skilled climbing of palms at dawn to tap sap from flower-spathes crushed with stones or tools to initiate flow.^[10] This labor-intensive routine, carried out by men using gourds or pots to collect and transport the sap, underscores a rhythm tied to natural cycles and simple, sustenance-focused living, with meals often communal and prepared over wood fires using earthenware. Modern transitions to urban professions have adapted these practices, yet toddy remains symbolically linked to identity in folklore and events.^[3]

Path to Socio-Economic Empowerment

Historical Barriers and Self-Initiated Reforms

The Billava community in coastal Karnataka faced systemic ritual discrimination under traditional Brahmanic hierarchies, including practices akin to untouchability that persisted until the 1970s.^[4] They were often barred from entering upper-caste temples, accessing public wells, and participating in mainstream social rituals, reinforcing their economic dependence on occupations like toddy tapping.^[6] This exclusion stemmed from perceptions of ritual pollution, limiting intergenerational mobility and perpetuating poverty among a population constituting about 18% of the region's demographics.^[54] In response, Billavas initiated internal reforms by embracing the egalitarian philosophy of Sri Narayana Guru (1856–1928), a Kerala-born reformer whose teachings emphasized "one caste, one religion, one god" to dismantle hierarchical barriers.^[38] Community leaders adopted these principles to advocate temple access and social inclusion, establishing inclusive worship sites such as the Kudroli Gokarnanatheshwara Temple in Mangalore in the early 20th century, which symbolized resistance to exclusionary practices.^[4] This self-driven Hinduization involved reinterpreting local possession cults and folklore, like the Koti-Chennaya narrative, to foster pride and unity against historical injustices.^[6] Further reforms included leveraging early missionary education from the Basel Mission starting in 1834 to promote literacy and skill development, while forming community associations focused on welfare, education, and entrepreneurship.^[38] These organizations, such as Billava trusts, supported the establishment of schools, hospitals, and cultural centers, enabling gradual socio-economic advancement independent of dominant caste patronage.^[55] By the mid-20th century, these efforts contributed to reduced overt discrimination, though vestiges persisted in rural areas.^[56]

Role of Education and Institutions

The Basel Mission, commencing activities in coastal Karnataka in the 1830s, introduced formal education to the Billava community, focusing on literacy, vocational skills, and social emancipation for those facing caste-based exclusion. Schools established by the mission were particularly receptive among Billavas, enabling access to reading, writing, and technical training that facilitated upward mobility beyond traditional occupations like toddy tapping.^[57]^[37]^[58] In the early 20th century, the philosophical reforms of Sri Narayana Guru (1856–1928), which prioritized education as a means of self-upliftment for marginalized groups, profoundly influenced Billava leaders. Adopting Guru's Vedanta-based teachings, the community constructed temples and adjacent educational facilities to promote literacy and ethical development, countering ritual discrimination while building institutional autonomy. This integration of religious and educational initiatives strengthened communal networks and supported generational access to schooling.^[38]^[59] Community-led institutions further amplified these efforts, with groups like the Sri Venkatesha Shiva Bhakti Yoga Sangha establishing hostels for Billava youth in the mid-20th century to ensure continued education amid economic barriers. Such self-initiated reforms, alongside government reservations for Scheduled Castes, elevated literacy rates and professional diversification, as evidenced by increased participation in governance and entrepreneurship by the 21st century. Ongoing advocacy, including calls for quality schooling in 2024, underscores education's enduring role in addressing internal disparities.^[13]^[60]

Key Milestones: Temples and Movements

![Kudroli Gokarnanatheshwara Temple][float-right] In the early 20th century, the Billava community in coastal Karnataka drew inspiration from the teachings of Sree Narayana Guru, a Kerala-based social reformer who advocated spiritual enlightenment and social equality to challenge caste hierarchies.^[4]^[61] This influence prompted Billavas to pursue self-reform, emphasizing education, unity, and access to religious spaces denied to them as a marginalized group previously barred from upper-caste temples.^[55]^[38] A pivotal milestone occurred in 1909 when Narayana Guru consecrated a Shiva temple in Kudroli, Mangalore, dedicated specifically to Billavas and other lower castes, enabling worship without reliance on exclusionary institutions.^[61] The temple's foundation was laid around this period, with construction completed by 1912 under the patronage of community leader Adhyaksha Hoige Bazaar Koragappa, marking a deliberate assertion of religious autonomy and dignity.^[62]^[63] Formalized as the Kudroli Gokarnanatheshwara Temple, it embodied principles of inclusivity, allowing unrestricted participation regardless of caste background.^[4]^[64] This initiative spurred broader socio-religious movements among Billavas, including the establishment of additional community temples and cooperative efforts for mutual progress, as urged by Narayana Guru post-construction.^[65] These developments represented a non-confrontational path to empowerment, focusing on parallel institutions rather than forced entry into orthodox sites, amid colonial-era dynamics that included missionary influences and local caste resistances.^[1] By fostering cultural "Hinduization" and ritual reforms, such as reappropriating possession cults, the community transitioned from untouchability stigma toward social mobility.^[65]^[6]

Contemporary Dynamics and Challenges

Political Engagement and Representation

The Billava community, constituting approximately 18% of the population in coastal Karnataka districts such as Dakshina Kannada and Udupi, plays a pivotal role in regional electoral dynamics due to its numerical strength, estimated at around 9 lakh voters in these areas as of 2016.^[66]^[18] This influence stems from organized community forums like the Sri Narayana Guru Vichara Vedike, which mobilizes support for Billava candidates across party lines to enhance representation.^[67]^[68] Historically aligned with the Congress party through leaders like Janardhan Poojary, a former Union minister, the community shifted toward the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 1990s amid the latter's Hindutva mobilization, providing grassroots support including vigilante activities in Dakshina Kannada.^[4] However, persistent grievances over tokenism—such as deployment in street-level enforcement without proportional ticket allocations or cabinet berths—have prompted a partial realignment toward Congress in recent cycles, exemplified by the 2023 assembly polls where Billava voters contributed to Congress gains in coastal seats.^[4]^[69] The BJP's initiatives, including the establishment of the Sri Narayana Guru Development Board in February 2023 for Billava and allied castes' welfare, aimed to retain loyalty but have been critiqued as inadequate amid demands for dedicated political quotas.^[7] Prominent Billava politicians include B.K. Hariprasad, a Congress Rajya Sabha member who emerged as a leading community figure by 2023, advocating for inclusion in the Karnataka cabinet under the Congress government.^[70]^[71] Other notables are Sunil Kumar, Dakshina Kannada's district in-charge minister, and Padmaraj R. Poojary, fielded by Congress in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections from the same constituency.^[18]^[4] In the 2023 Karnataka assembly, Congress nominated at least two Billavas/Eedigas, including Geetha Shivarajkumar, reflecting targeted outreach.^[4] Representation remains contested, with community seers in 2023 decrying a "use-and-throw" approach by parties and demanding three assembly seats each for Billava, Namdhari, and Eediga subgroups.^[72] In the Congress-led Karnataka government formed in May 2023, Billavas secured positions within the Other Backward Classes (OBC) quota, including ministerial roles alongside castes like Kuruba and Besta, underscoring caste arithmetic in cabinet formation.^[73] Yet, broader underrepresentation persists, as evidenced by the BJP's failure to field Billava candidates in key 2024 parliamentary seats despite prior welfare measures like the Billava Development Corporation established pre-2023 elections.^[74] Community leaders continue pushing for distinct census enumeration as "Billava" to bolster reservation claims and electoral leverage.^[75] This engagement reflects pragmatic caste-based bargaining rather than ideological purity, with forums prioritizing intra-community advancement over party loyalty.^[67]

Achievements in Mobility and Contributions

The Billava community has achieved significant social mobility by leveraging philosophical reforms inspired by Sri Narayana Guru, enabling upliftment from historical marginalization despite ongoing conflicts with dominant castes.^[39] ^[5] This transition involved adopting Guru's Vedanta teachings to challenge caste restrictions and secure temple access, fostering internal solidarity and upward movement from traditional roles in toddy tapping and martial arts.^[38] Access to missionary education from the 1830s onward proved crucial, equipping converts with skills that facilitated escape from economic vulnerability and entry into diverse professions.^[57] Self-initiated institutions played a pivotal role in this progress, including the establishment of schools, cooperative societies for economic self-reliance, and temples that symbolized reclaimed religious agency.^[37] These efforts have led to widespread migration for employment, particularly to Gulf countries, where community members have achieved stable livelihoods and remittances supporting further development.^[8] By the late 20th century, such initiatives contributed to a shift toward thriving status, with increased representation in urban jobs, business ventures, and public service.^[37] In contributions to broader society, Billavas have constructed landmark sites like the Gokarnanatheshwara Temple in Mangalore, completed in 1910, which serves as a major worship center and emblem of community resilience.^[76] Their involvement in education includes founding institutions that extend beyond the community, while in politics, figures such as B.K. Hariprasad have risen to prominent roles, including as a Rajya Sabha member, advocating for regional interests.^[70] ^[76] Economically, cooperative models and entrepreneurial successes, such as in hospitality and trade, have bolstered local economies in coastal Karnataka.^[76] Additionally, traditional knowledge in Ayurveda and medicinal plant collection has informed regional health practices, though largely undocumented in formal records.^[8]

Ongoing Debates: Identity, Reservations, and Internal Critiques

Community leaders within the Billava population have emphasized the importance of self-identifying as "Billava" in caste censuses to ensure accurate enumeration and safeguard access to reservation quotas, particularly amid ongoing surveys in Karnataka as of August 2025. This push stems from concerns that vague or alternative entries could dilute demographic visibility, potentially undermining political representation and welfare allocations for the group, which constitutes a significant portion of coastal Karnataka's Scheduled Caste population. Such advocacy reflects broader tensions over preserving distinct ethnic and cultural markers, including historical claims to indigenous or "Adinivasi" origins predating Dravidian or Aryan migrations, as articulated in community narratives tracing Billava roots to ancient Tulunadu inhabitants.^[77]^[75]^[29] Debates on reservations intensify around sub-categorization within Karnataka's Scheduled Caste framework, where Billavas fall under Category II-A, a grouping perceived by some as less disadvantaged compared to Category I communities. In January 2023, Billava representatives joined padayatras protesting potential reallocations under sub-categorization proposals, arguing that redistributing the 15% SC quota could disproportionately reduce opportunities for II-A groups despite their historical exclusion and ongoing socio-economic gaps. Critics from more backward SC subgroups contend that Billavas' relative progress in education and land ownership—evidenced by higher literacy rates and urban migration—necessitates equitable intra-SC adjustments to prevent dominant castes from monopolizing benefits, a position bolstered by empirical data from state backward classes commissions showing uneven benefit distribution.^[78]^[79] A parallel controversy involves Billava Christians and reservation eligibility, fueled by Karnataka's 2025 caste census drafts listing Christian sub-castes, including Billava variants, under Hindu-origin categories. This has sparked backlash, as the state's anti-conversion law bars reservation benefits for religious converts, yet inclusions raise fears of circumventing quotas by retaining caste labels post-conversion, potentially straining Hindu SC allocations. Proponents of strict enforcement argue that empirical conversion trends—driven by evangelism in coastal regions—erode the affirmative action's intent to uplift historically oppressed Hindu groups, while community advocates highlight economic vulnerabilities among converts ineligible for SC status.^[80]^[81]^[82] Internal critiques within the Billava community often center on leadership fragmentation and identity dilution, with some attributing diminished political clout to erosion of unified cultural markers like matrilineal inheritance (Aliya Santana) and spirit worship practices amid modernization. Analyses from 2025 point to intra-community disparities, where upwardly mobile subgroups leverage religious conversions—such as to Buddhism—for social ascent, yet this fosters critiques of abandoning ancestral Bhuta Kola traditions, contributing to youth disaffection and localized violence in Dakshina Kannada. Economic critiques highlight a "creamy layer" effect, where affluent Billavas dominate reservation slots, prompting calls for internal merit-based reforms over perpetual quota reliance, though data from community surveys indicate persistent rural poverty rates exceeding 20% as of recent state reports.^[83]^[65]^[84]

Similar Groups in South India

The Billava, primarily known for toddy tapping in coastal Karnataka, exhibit parallels with the Idiga (also termed Ediga or Goud in certain regions) of Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, and parts of Karnataka, who similarly derived livelihoods from palm toddy extraction and related agricultural pursuits. Both groups historically navigated ritual pollution perceptions tied to their occupations, prompting organized efforts for social elevation, including federations uniting toddy-tapper castes for economic and cultural advocacy as documented in regional conferences.^[85]^[86] In 2023, joint padayatras by Namadhari, Billava, and Idiga subgroups underscored shared demands for recognizing toddy-related trades amid regulatory shifts.^[78] In Kerala, the Ezhava (also Thiyya or Tiyyar) community mirrors the Billava in ancestral roles as toddy tappers, martial practitioners, and Ayurvedic healers, with both exhibiting ethnic and occupational overlaps that fueled parallel reformist drives against caste hierarchies. Sree Narayana Guru's 19th-20th century initiatives among Ezhavas, emphasizing temple access and education, parallel Billava-led movements like those inspired by similar philosophies of self-reliance in coastal Karnataka.^[87]^[88] These affinities extend to spirit worship traditions and transitions from warrior-hunter backgrounds to settled agrarian roles, though Ezhavas achieved broader political mobilization through organizations like the SNDP Yogam by the early 1900s.^[89] The Nadar (including Shanar subgroups) of Tamil Nadu share toddy-tapping heritage with Billavas, particularly in southern districts where Shanars focused on palmyra extraction, leading to comparable 19th-century agitations for upward mobility via trade diversification and Christian conversions among subsets. Unlike Billavas' retention of indigenous Bhuta Kola rituals, Nadars integrated Vaishnava elements while contesting exclusion from public spaces, culminating in temple entry victories by the 1940s.^[90] Across these groups, empirical patterns reveal causal links between occupational stigmatization and proactive reforms, with population sizes—Ezhavas at around 23% of Kerala's Hindus by 1931 censuses and Nadars forming significant blocs in Tamil Nadu—enabling collective bargaining absent in smaller castes.^[3]

Distinctions from Neighboring Castes

The Billava caste differs from neighboring communities in Tulu Nadu, such as the Bunt and Mogaveera, foremost in traditional occupation, with Billavas specializing in toddy tapping by climbing palm trees to extract sap for fermentation and distillation, a labor-intensive role tied to coastal agrarian economies.^[91] In contrast, Bunts historically served as landowners and warriors managing estates, while Mogaveeras focused on marine fishing and coastal trade.^[92]^[3] Socially, Billavas occupied a lower rung in the local hierarchy, enduring practices akin to untouchability from higher-status groups like Bunts, who claimed martial and landowning privileges, though not formally Brahminical.^[35] This stemmed from associations with alcohol production, deemed impure, unlike the agrarian purity attributed to Bunts or the seafaring identity of Mogaveeras, both endogamous but with greater ritual access in shared Bhuta Kola spirit worship traditions.^[6] Post-independence classifications reflect this: Billavas as Scheduled Castes eligible for affirmative action, while Bunts and Mogaveeras fall under Other Backward Classes with less extensive reservations.^[35] Culturally, Billavas maintain distinct folklore, including epics of folk heroes Koti and Chennaya symbolizing resistance against Bunt overlords, underscoring historical tensions over land and autonomy not central to other castes' narratives.^[35] All groups share Tuluva matrilineal inheritance (aliyasantana) and spirit veneration, yet Billavas uniquely reformed possession cults under 19th-century missionary influences, blending Christian education with indigenous practices, diverging from the more secular landowning ethos of Bunts.^[6] These distinctions persist amid modernization, with Billavas showing higher mobility via education but retaining occupational stereotypes.^[3]

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[68]
Sri Narayana Guru forum to support Billava candidates irrespective ...
Apr 1, 2024 · Stating that Dakshina Kannada, Udupi, Karwar and Shivamogga districts have 12 lakh Billava voters, Surathkal said the BJP had not fielded a ...
[69]
BJP's street-fighters in coastal Karnataka want a share in power
Apr 25, 2024 · Seizing the opportunity, the Congress has nominated Padmaraj R Poojary, a Billava, to contest against Chowta.<|separator|>
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Hariprasad springs back Emerges as the top leader of Billavas
Jul 27, 2023 · Hariprasad has shot up as the top leader in the Billava community (OBC) which has at least three variants in Karnataka including Billava, Eediga and Namdharis.
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'Hopeful of Billava leader B.K. Hariprasad's inclusion in the Cabinet ...
May 27, 2023 · Kulai said they (Billavas) will prefer those from Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts. On the question on the termination of service of Nutana ...<|separator|>
[72]
Billava community Swamiji berates netas for their use-and-throw policy
Feb 17, 2023 · The Billava, Namdhari and Eediga community will not accede to your designs, give us our due recognition and respect, and give our leaders 3 seats each.
[73]
Congress strikes delicate caste-regional balance in new Karnataka ...
including Chief Minister Siddaramaiah — represent the Backward Classes, comprising Kuruba, Billava (Eediga), Raju, Besta, and ...
[74]
Mangaluru City Corporation Budget: BJP tries to woo Billava votes ...
Feb 28, 2024 · Ahead of the last Assembly elections, the BJP-led Karnataka government created a Billava Development Corporation and opened four residential ...
[75]
Billava Leaders Urge Caste Entry as 'Billava' in Census for Accurate ...
Aug 19, 2025 · Billava Leaders Urge Caste Entry as 'Billava' in Census for Accurate Representation #BillavaCommunity #Census2025 #ReservationRights ...Missing: demographics | Show results with:demographics
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Mangalore: Contribution of Billavas in Various Fields is Commendable
Feb 12, 2012 · Billava Samaj has done a lot of good works to the society especially building of Gokarnatheshwar Temple which has become a popular worship ...<|control11|><|separator|>
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Billava community leaders urge caste entry as 'Billava' in census
Aug 19, 2025 · Community leaders of the Billava society have demanded that members be compulsorily entered as “Billava” in the caste column of the upcoming ...
[78]
Namadharis, Billavas, Edigas begin padayatra in Karnataka
Jan 7, 2023 · Billavas, Edigas, Namadharis and other communities, which are enlisted in 2A category, should not be deprived of the reservation benefits while ...<|separator|>
[79]
https://hindustantimes.com/cities/bengaluru-news/social-organisation-demands-corporation-for-billavas-101663525936780.html
[80]
Caste census rekindles debate on scrapping anti-conversion law
Sep 10, 2025 · Enacted by the BJP govt, the law denies benefits of reservation to those who convert to other religions. When reminded Monday by Peter Machado, ...
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Karnataka: BJP alleges 'hidden agenda' in draft caste list, warns of ...
Sep 7, 2025 · Opposition to inclusion of Christian sub-castes in Karnataka draft caste list, seen as government agenda to divide Hindus.
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Karnataka Caste Survey Faces Backlash Over 'Christian-Hindu ...
Sep 16, 2025 · The Karnataka government's upcoming caste survey has triggered political turbulence, after reports that several Christian groups were listed ...
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How Loss Of “Identity” Led To Loss Of Leadership Of A Caste
May 10, 2025 · Social and cultural influences of a community have direct relationship on its political influence. All those communities which displayed ...
[84]
Powerful caste in tulunadu - ABOUT BILLAVA
Dec 7, 2020 · BILLAVAS, ALIYA KATTU AND MARRIAGE SYSTEM. The Billavas practised the matrilineal system of inheritance known as Aliya Kattu or Aliya Santana.Missing: division | Show results with:division
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Toddy-Tapper Communities form Southern Federation - Dalit Voice
Dec 16, 2024 · Each community represented here chooses to maintain its identity – Illathu Pillaimars, the Billavas, the Idigas, the Ezhavas, the Thiyyas, ...
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History of Ediga Community
In this historic conference, it was declared that all the 26 sects which were called Eediga, Billava, Namdhari, Deeva, Eeliga are equal and the Eediga Sangh is ...
[87]
HISTORY OF LARGEST COMMUNITY OF KERALA - Guru Narayana
Mar 13, 2010 · Genetic studies which show that the allelic distribution of Ezhavas ... Billavas are racially same as of Ezhava community of Kerala.
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What two Kannada plays teach us about self-realisation, revolution ...
Mar 9, 2023 · Shudra Shiva is about the social revolution that the reformer Narayana Guru wrought for the Billava/Ezhava community who were not allowed to ...
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History of EZHAVA-Largest Community of Kerala
Jun 7, 2012 · Billavas are racially same as of Ezhava community of Kerala. Billavas were also previously engaged in Martial Arts, Toddy tapping, Ayurvedic ...
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THE SUB-DIVISIONS OF NADAR COMMUNITY IN SRI LANKA ...
May 3, 2020 · Billava; Bandari; Billava Parijana; Bunts; Hale Paika; Idiga; Indra; Kadava Kaniya; Kana Halo Paika; Kanisan; Malayali Billava; Tiyan; Tulu ...
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[PDF] Translating a Community: An Experience from Coastal Karnataka
In this paper we shall look into the choices of modernity and options that were available to a native community of south coastal Karnataka – Billavas. The ...
[92]
The Bunts of Tulu Nadu - Boloji
Jan 30, 2005 · Some bhutas are favored by certain communities, e.g. Bobbariya has a special place in the heart of the Billava community of Tulu nadu. Some ...