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Great Contraction

The Great Contraction was the acute phase of monetary deflation in the United States spanning from late 1929 to early 1933, characterized by a roughly one-third collapse in the money supply (M2 measure), which transformed an initial stock market crash and recession into the depths of the Great Depression.^[1]^[2] In their empirical analysis, economists Milton Friedman and Anna Jacobson Schwartz demonstrated through detailed historical data on deposits, currency holdings, and Federal Reserve actions that this contraction stemmed from systemic banking panics—triggered by the failure of over 9,000 banks—and the central bank's passive response, which allowed depositor withdrawals to erode the monetary base without offsetting open-market purchases or discount window lending.^[3]^[4] This period saw industrial production plummet by nearly 50 percent, unemployment surge to 25 percent, and wholesale prices deflate by over 30 percent, effects Friedman and Schwartz causally linked to the liquidity shortfall rather than fiscal policy shortcomings or real shocks alone.^[5] Their monetarist framework, grounded in quantity theory of money empirics, argued that the Federal Reserve's adherence to the real bills doctrine and gold standard constraints—rather than aggressive liquidity provision—amplified the downturn, a view later validated in consensus economic historiography despite initial Keynesian emphasis on demand deficiency.^[6] The analysis highlighted preventable policy errors, including the Fed's reluctance to suspend gold convertibility or expand reserves amid panics in 1930–1931 and 1933, underscoring how institutional failures in monetary management prolonged deflationary spirals and credit contraction.^[7]

Overview and Definition

Definition and Scope

The Great Contraction denotes the acute phase of economic decline in the United States spanning from the business cycle peak in August 1929 to the trough in March 1933, as determined by the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) chronology of expansions and contractions.^[8] This interval marked the most severe downturn in U.S. economic history up to that point, with real gross national product (GNP) plummeting by approximately 30 percent and industrial production falling by over 45 percent.^[9] Economists Milton Friedman and Anna J. Schwartz coined the term in their seminal analysis, emphasizing the contraction's distinct monetary dimensions, including a roughly one-third collapse in the national money stock—from $26.6 billion in August 1929 to $17.3 billion by March 1933—driven by banking failures and Federal Reserve inaction.^[1]^[10] The scope of the Great Contraction encompasses not only aggregate output and monetary aggregates but also systemic banking disruptions, with over 9,000 banks failing between 1930 and 1933, eroding public confidence and accelerating deposit withdrawals.^[7] Friedman and Schwartz's framework delimits it as a monetary phenomenon distinguishable from broader Great Depression dynamics, attributing the depth of the decline to policy errors rather than exogenous shocks alone, such as the initial stock market crash.^[11] While centered on the U.S. economy, its effects rippled internationally through trade and gold standard linkages, though the term's analytical focus remains on domestic institutional failures in money and credit provision.^[12] This period's severity, exceeding prior contractions in duration and amplitude, underscores empirical regularities linking money supply reductions to output falls, with velocity adjustments amplifying the impact.^[6]

Key Characteristics and Metrics

The Great Contraction, from August 1929 to March 1933, was distinguished by a sharp monetary deflation, multiple waves of banking panics, and a cascading failure of financial institutions that amplified economic distress through reduced lending and liquidity. Unlike prior recessions, the episode involved systemic adherence to the real bills doctrine by the Federal Reserve, which prioritized short-term commercial paper over broader liquidity provision, exacerbating deposit outflows and currency hoarding. Deflation intensified debt burdens in real terms, while industrial output and investment collapsed amid falling demand and confidence, marking the period as the most severe peacetime contraction in U.S. history prior to modern metrics. Key metrics underscore the contraction's depth:

Metric	Change (1929–1933)	Source
Real GDP	-29%	^[13]
Unemployment rate	Rose to 24.9% peak in 1933	^[14]
Money supply (broad measure)	-30%	^[5]
M1 money stock	-27%	^[15]
Industrial production index (Federal Reserve)	-51% (from 119 to 58)	^[16]
Bank failures	Over 9,000 institutions (1930–1933)	^[17]
Consumer prices (CPI)	-25% cumulative deflation	^[18]

These figures reflect not merely cyclical downturn but a policy-induced amplification, as evidenced by the Federal Reserve's failure to offset money stock declines despite ample gold reserves, leading to velocity drops and output multipliers estimated at 3:1 in contemporaneous analyses.^[5]

Historical Context

Pre-1929 Economic Boom

The United States experienced robust economic expansion from 1921 to 1929, following a sharp postwar recession in 1920-1921 that saw industrial production fall by approximately 30% before rebounding strongly.^[19] Real gross domestic product (GDP) grew at a compound annual rate of 4.1%, reflecting sustained increases in output across key sectors.^[20] Manufacturing output rose by about 40%, driven by efficiency gains and technological adoption, while the nation accounted for nearly half of global industrial production amid Europe's lingering war recovery.^[21] ^[22] Key drivers included widespread electrification, which powered factories and households, enabling higher productivity; total factor productivity in the private non-farm economy advanced at around 2% annually, with manufacturing leading due to mechanization and assembly-line techniques pioneered by firms like Ford.^[19] ^[23] The automobile industry exemplified this surge, with vehicle registrations climbing from 9 million in 1920 to over 23 million by 1929, spurring ancillary sectors like steel, rubber, and road construction.^[22] Republican administrations under Presidents Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover pursued laissez-faire policies, including tax cuts (e.g., the Revenue Act of 1921 reducing top rates from 73% to 25% by 1925), which encouraged investment and retained earnings for business expansion.^[24] Consumer spending fueled the boom, supported by rising real wages for many workers and innovations in mass production that lowered prices for goods like radios and appliances.^[19] Installment credit expanded dramatically, allowing households to purchase durables on time payments; combined expenditures on residential construction and consumer durables more than doubled from $6.38 billion in 1920 to higher levels by 1926.^[25] ^[26] Advertising and cultural shifts toward consumerism amplified demand, with retail sales of automobiles alone reaching $3.2 billion annually by the late 1920s.^[27] The stock market epitomized speculative optimism, with the Dow Jones Industrial Average rising from around 73 points in 1920 to a peak of 381 in September 1929, delivering average annual returns exceeding 20% in several years (e.g., 48% in 1928).^[28] ^[29] Margin lending facilitated this ascent, with borrowing for stocks comprising 5% of total consumer debt by 1929, up from negligible levels earlier in the decade.^[30] While unemployment hovered below 5% for much of the period, indicating near-full employment, agricultural sectors lagged due to overproduction and falling commodity prices, though urban industrial gains dominated the aggregate expansion.^[19]

Federal Reserve's Structure and Pre-Crisis Policies

The Federal Reserve System was established by the Federal Reserve Act, signed into law by President Woodrow Wilson on December 23, 1913, to provide the United States with a safer, more flexible, and more stable monetary and financial system capable of responding to banking strains.^[31] The system's decentralized structure included a central Federal Reserve Board (later the Board of Governors) in Washington, D.C., tasked with oversight, and twelve regional Federal Reserve Banks, each operating semi-autonomously in a designated district and owned by member commercial banks through stock subscriptions.^[32]^[33] The Board approved discount rates and set member bank reserve requirements, while the regional banks handled discounting eligible paper, clearing checks, and, increasingly, open market operations in government securities.^[34] This hybrid public-private design aimed to balance regional interests with national coordination but often resulted in fragmented decision-making, as regional banks like New York wielded significant influence over policy tools such as the discount window.^[35] Monetary policy in the Fed's early years was shaped by the real bills doctrine, which held that the central bank should discount only short-term commercial paper arising from genuine trade in goods—termed "real bills"—to ensure the money supply expanded and contracted automatically with productive economic activity, avoiding inflation or speculation.^[36] Adherents, including key figures on the Federal Reserve Board, viewed this as a self-regulating mechanism under the gold standard, where gold reserves constrained issuance but real bills ensured credit allocation to commerce rather than finance or speculation.^[37] Critics later argued this doctrine provided no framework for managing aggregate money supply or countering asset bubbles, limiting the Fed to passive responses rather than proactive stabilization.^[38] In the 1920s, following World War I inflation, the Fed implemented contractionary policy by raising the New York discount rate from 4% in late 1919 to a peak of 7% by June 1920, triggering a severe but brief recession with industrial production falling 23% and wholesale prices dropping 37% by 1922.^[35]^[19] Rates then stabilized at 3.5% to 4% from 1922 through mid-1927, accommodating postwar recovery, agricultural distress, and international gold standard adjustments, including low rates to aid Britain's 1925 return to gold parity despite overvaluation.^[19] During this period, the Fed pioneered systematic open market operations, with the Open Market Investment Committee (formed 1923) purchasing Treasury securities to inject reserves and ease credit, though these were subordinate to the discount window as the primary tool.^[34]^[39] Member bank borrowing remained low, and the money stock grew modestly at about 2.5% annually from 1921 to 1929, supporting GDP expansion but also fueling stock market speculation via call loans and margin debt.^[19] By 1928, amid rising stock prices and broker loans exceeding $6 billion, the Fed shifted to restraint under real bills precepts, which deemed speculation a distortion of commercial credit warranting higher rates but not direct aggregate control.^[40] The New York Fed hiked its discount rate to 5% on July 13, 1928, and conducted open market sales of $200 million in securities to drain reserves, followed by a further increase to 6% on August 9, 1929.^[40] These actions reduced free reserves and slowed monetary expansion, with the money stock growth turning negative in late 1929, even as underlying commercial demand remained robust; the policy reflected a prioritization of curbing "unhealthy" speculation over sustaining overall liquidity, setting conditions for contraction when the October 1929 crash arrived.^[39]^[19]

Chronology of the Contraction

Initial Triggers: 1929 Stock Market Crash

The U.S. stock market boom of the 1920s, characterized by speculative fervor and easy credit, culminated in the Dow Jones Industrial Average (DJIA) reaching a record high of 381.17 on September 3, 1929.^[40]^[41] Investors increasingly bought shares on margin, often putting down just 10% of the purchase price with the remainder financed through loans, amplifying price gains during the upswing but heightening vulnerability to reversals.^[40] This optimism stemmed partly from productivity advances in sectors like automobiles and electrification, drawing retail participation into the market.^[40] Market unease built in early October 1929 amid signs of overvaluation, particularly in public utility stocks following adverse regulatory decisions, such as a Massachusetts commission ruling that pressured holding companies.^[41] On Black Thursday, October 24, panic selling ensued with trading volume tripling the daily norm, driving the DJIA down 9% to a close of 305.85, though a bankers' pool temporarily stemmed the decline.^[41] The rout intensified on Black Monday, October 28, with the DJIA plunging nearly 13%, followed by Black Tuesday, October 29, when it fell another nearly 12% amid 16 million shares traded and utility stocks alone losing $5.1 billion in value.^[40]^[41] By mid-November 1929, the DJIA had shed almost 48% from its September peak, closing around 199, as margin calls forced widespread liquidation.^[40]^[41] The Federal Reserve, having hiked the New York discount rate to 6% in August to restrain speculation, shifted during the crash: the New York Fed bought government securities, expedited bank loans, and eased rates to bolster liquidity and avert immediate bank failures.^[40] Despite these measures, Federal Reserve branches debated the crash's severity, with some viewing it as a necessary correction rather than a systemic threat.^[40] The crash acted as the proximate trigger for the Great Contraction by shattering public confidence and inflicting substantial paper losses—totaling tens of billions in market capitalization—which translated into real economic effects through forced asset sales, curtailed lending, and diminished consumer spending.^[40]^[41] Although industrial production had begun contracting mildly in summer 1929, the market collapse accelerated the downturn, elevating unemployment and slowing commerce as wealth effects reduced household balance sheets and business investment.^[40] This loss of faith in financial stability paved the way for subsequent banking strains, marking the transition from a speculative bust to broader contraction.^[40]^[41]

Escalation: Banking Panics and Monetary Tightening (1930-1931)

The initial phase of banking instability in late 1930 stemmed from the weakening economy following the 1929 stock market crash, which increased loan defaults particularly in agricultural regions already strained by falling commodity prices. A pivotal trigger occurred on November 7, 1930, when Caldwell & Company, a major Nashville-based investment firm with extensive banking affiliates, collapsed due to speculative real estate loans and stock investments, leading to immediate failures of associated institutions in Tennessee, Kentucky, and Arkansas.^[42] This event ignited the first nationwide wave of panics, characterized by depositor runs on rural and small-town banks; bank suspensions surged to 191 in October, 256 in November, and 352 in December 1930, totaling over 1,300 failures for the year and wiping out approximately $850 million in deposits.^[43] The Federal Reserve System provided limited support, conducting modest open market purchases of government securities but failing to expand significantly as a lender of last resort, partly due to its decentralized structure and reluctance to aid non-member state banks.^[42] Confidence in urban banking eroded further on December 11, 1930, with the failure of the Bank of the United States in New York City, a non-Federal Reserve member institution holding nearly $285 million in deposits—the largest bank collapse in U.S. history up to that point.^[44] The bank's demise, attributed to heavy involvement in real estate loans and affiliation with dubious affiliates, prompted runs on other New York banks and amplified fears of systemic contagion, as depositors questioned the solvency of even large institutions despite purported diversification.^[42] Although the immediate panic subsided by early 1931, residual uncertainty persisted, with currency hoarding by the public rising sharply—public holdings of currency outside banks increased by over $500 million from mid-1930 to mid-1931—reducing the money multiplier and contributing to an initial contraction in the money stock of about 2-3 percent during 1930.^[9] The Fed's response remained restrained, prioritizing gold reserve maintenance over aggressive liquidity provision, which critics like Milton Friedman and Anna Jacobson Schwartz later argued allowed preventable failures to deepen the deflationary pressures.^[9] A secondary regional panic erupted in June 1931 in Chicago, centered on the Checkers Cab Company scandal and straining the city's banking network, including the near-failure of the Central Republic Bank and Trust Company, which required emergency loans from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (not yet fully operational).^[45] This localized crisis highlighted ongoing vulnerabilities in unit banking systems prevalent in the U.S., where thousands of small, undiversified institutions lacked deposit insurance or interbank support.^[46] The panics' escalation accelerated in September 1931 following the United Kingdom's suspension of gold convertibility on September 21, which triggered speculative attacks on the dollar amid fears of U.S. devaluation and prompted massive gold outflows from American reserves—$150 million in September alone—as foreign and domestic holders sought safety.^[47] In response, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York hiked its discount rate from 1.5 percent to 2.5 percent on October 9, then progressively to 3.5 percent by December, aiming to attract short-term funds and stem the gold drain while adhering to gold standard rules requiring 40 percent reserve backing for Federal Reserve notes.^[43]^[48] This monetary tightening, occurring amid fragile banking conditions, intensified liquidity strains by raising borrowing costs for already distressed banks and discouraging credit extension; rediscounts at the Fed rose temporarily, but overall bank credit contracted as institutions deleveraged to meet reserve requirements.^[7] The policy choice reflected the Fed's prioritization of international credibility over domestic stabilization, exacerbating the money supply decline—the stock of money (M1) fell by approximately 7 percent from August 1931 to March 1932, with deposits at failed banks contributing to a cumulative loss of over $2 billion in circulating medium during the panics.^[9] Bank failures totaled around 2,300 in 1931, concentrated in the latter half of the year, as the combination of panic-driven withdrawals and higher interest rates eroded balance sheets further, setting the stage for nationwide contagion.^[43] Empirical analyses, including those by Friedman and Schwartz, attribute much of this phase's severity to the Fed's failure to offset the contractionary impulses from banking distress and gold outflows, rather than autonomous economic forces alone.^[9]

Deepening Crisis: 1932-1933 Collapse

The U.S. economy contracted further in 1932, with real gross domestic product falling to levels reflecting a cumulative decline of approximately 17 percent from 1929 peaks by year's end, en route to a total trough drop of 30 percent by 1933.^[49] Industrial production, as measured by the Federal Reserve Board's index, plummeted to roughly 40 percent of 1929 levels amid persistent deflation and reduced investment.^[50] Unemployment rates hovered around 25 percent, exacerbating demand shortfalls as household incomes eroded and consumer spending collapsed.^[50] These indicators underscored a deepening deflationary spiral, where falling prices increased real debt burdens on businesses and farmers, leading to widespread defaults and inventory liquidation. Banking instability intensified throughout 1932, with failures spreading from rural areas to urban centers like Detroit and Chicago, as depositor confidence eroded amid rumors of insolvency.^[45] The Reconstruction Finance Corporation, established under President Hoover in January 1932 to provide loans to troubled institutions, mitigated some regional pressures but proved insufficient against systemic liquidity shortages, resulting in over 1,400 bank suspensions that year.^[43] The Federal Reserve's brief open-market purchase program from April to June 1932 temporarily expanded the monetary base by about $1 billion, easing short-term rates to near zero, yet authorities halted these efforts amid internal debates and gold reserve concerns, allowing reserves to contract anew.^[5] This policy reversal contributed to renewed hoarding and a 30 percent overall shrinkage in the money supply from late 1930 through early 1933, amplifying credit scarcity.^[5]^[51] By early 1933, the crisis escalated into a nationwide banking panic, with runs depleting reserves across the country and halting normal operations in thousands of institutions.^[45] Approximately 4,000 banks suspended operations in 1933 alone, including nearly 3,800 by mid-March, representing over 40 percent of remaining banks and wiping out deposits equivalent to 15 percent of the money stock.^[43] On March 4, 1933, incoming President Franklin D. Roosevelt inherited a system on the brink of total collapse, prompting his declaration of a four-day national bank holiday on March 6 to stem withdrawals and facilitate inspections.^[43] This intervention marked the nadir of the contraction, as frozen credit channels paralyzed commerce, with factories idled and trade stalled; empirical analyses attribute much of the severity to the Federal Reserve's failure to counteract banking-induced money stock reductions, rather than exogenous shocks alone.^[1] The gold standard's constraints, including mandatory sterilization of inflows, further impeded aggressive lender-of-last-resort actions, prolonging the liquidity trap.^[5]

Monetary Policy Failures

Federal Reserve Inaction on Money Supply

The U.S. money supply, measured as the stock of money held by the public, declined by more than one-third from its cyclical peak in August 1929 to the trough in March 1933, a contraction that Friedman and Schwartz attributed primarily to the Federal Reserve's passive stance amid cascading bank failures and public hoarding of currency.^[52]^[12] This shrinkage reflected not a deliberate Fed tightening of the monetary base—which actually rose modestly—but a failure to counteract the multiplier effects of panic-driven deposit withdrawals and reduced bank lending, as the currency-deposit ratio surged and banks curtailed credit extension.^[53]^[54] The Federal Reserve's inaction manifested in its reluctance to aggressively expand reserves through open market purchases of securities or as a lender of last resort during the initial banking panics of 1930 and 1931, despite legal authority under the Federal Reserve Act to furnish elastic currency.^[5]^[7] For instance, following the onset of the first major panic in October 1930, the Fed conducted only limited discount window lending and open market operations, allowing over 1,300 banks to fail by year's end and the money stock to drop sharply as depositors shifted to currency holdings.^[55] This passivity persisted even as evidence mounted of systemic liquidity strains, with Federal Reserve officials prioritizing concerns over moral hazard and inflation risks over stabilizing the financial system, thereby permitting a vicious cycle of deposit contraction and credit scarcity.^[56] Empirical analysis by Friedman and Schwartz highlights that the Fed could have offset the exogenous shocks to money demand by increasing high-powered money by roughly 20-25% during 1930-1933, a feasible action given excess gold reserves and idle bank balances at the Fed, but it instead allowed the broader aggregates to plummet, deepening deflation and output collapse.^[54]^[48] In late 1931, rather than easing, the Fed raised discount rates to defend gold parity amid international outflows, further constricting credit availability and contributing to a 15% drop in the money stock that year alone.^[57] Subsequent half-hearted efforts, such as modest open market purchases in 1932 totaling about $1 billion, were prematurely halted due to internal divisions and fears of speculative excess, failing to restore confidence or reverse the cumulative contraction.^[7] This pattern of under-response contrasted with the Fed's pre-1929 activism in restraining speculation, underscoring a doctrinal shift toward restraint during crises that prioritized real bills eligibility over aggregate monetary targets.^[5]

Adherence to Real Bills Doctrine and Gold Standard Constraints

The Real Bills Doctrine, which posited that central banks should extend credit only against short-term, self-liquidating commercial paper arising from genuine productive activities rather than speculative or long-term financing, profoundly shaped Federal Reserve discount window operations during the Great Contraction.^[38] Adherents, including key figures like New York Fed Governor Benjamin Strong until his death in 1928 and subsequent policymakers, viewed this as a mechanism to ensure monetary elasticity tied to "real" economic needs while preventing inflation from asset bubbles.^[5] In practice, this restricted the Fed's ability to provide broad liquidity to distressed banks holding ineligible assets, such as securities or longer-term loans, during the banking panics of 1930 and 1931; for instance, the doctrine's emphasis on "productive" credit led to reluctance in discounting paper not strictly conforming to real bills criteria, even as failures mounted.^[7] This doctrinal rigidity compounded the monetary contraction by limiting open market purchases and discount extensions, as Fed officials prioritized avoiding "unsound" credit over stabilizing the banking system.^[58] Economists Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz critiqued the doctrine as an inadequate guide for crisis management, arguing it blinded the Fed to the need for aggressive intervention against a collapsing money multiplier, where currency hoarding and bank runs reduced the stock of high-powered money despite stable gold reserves.^[59] Empirical analysis shows that eligible real bills outstanding dwindled from $1.2 billion in mid-1929 to under $300 million by 1932, reflecting diminished commercial trade but also Fed inaction in seeking alternative tools to inject reserves.^[38] Simultaneously, the gold standard imposed strict constraints on monetary expansion, requiring the Fed to back its notes and deposits with gold reserves at a 40% ratio for notes and 35% for deposits, while defending dollar convertibility at $20.67 per ounce.^[53] Gold outflows, exacerbated by foreign withdrawals and the 1931 sterling crisis—prompting Britain's abandonment on September 21, 1931—pressured U.S. reserves, dropping from 45% coverage in 1929 to 26% by early 1932 and forcing defensive measures like the discount rate hike from 1.5% to 3.5% on October 9, 1931.^[60] This tightening, aimed at preserving the fixed exchange rate, reduced base money growth at a time when deflation reached -10.3% in 1932, amplifying debt burdens and discouraging borrowing.^[61] The interplay of these constraints fostered a policy environment where gold defense overrode domestic stabilization; for example, despite idle gold stocks exceeding legal requirements after inflows in 1932, the Fed curtailed open market purchases from $1 billion in early 1932 to zero by mid-year, citing fears of inflation and doctrinal adherence over expansionary risks.^[7] Barry Eichengreen and others have noted that gold standard adherence transmitted contractionary impulses internationally, as U.S. policy synchronization with Europe prevented unilateral easing without exchange rate collapse.^[53] Ultimately, these factors contributed to a 33% decline in the money stock (M1) from August 1929 to March 1933, verifiable through Federal Reserve data on deposits and currency in circulation.^[60]

Empirical Evidence of Monetary Contraction

The U.S. money supply contracted sharply during the Great Contraction, with Friedman and Schwartz's measure of the money stock—M1, comprising currency held by the public and demand deposits—declining by approximately 35 percent from its peak in August 1929 to March 1933.^[62] This figure aligns with broader empirical assessments showing a drop exceeding 30 percent in money supply and bank lending between 1929 and 1932, driven primarily by banking panics that eroded public confidence and deposit bases.^[51] The decline was not uniform; while currency in circulation rose due to hoarding—reaching about 20 percent of the money stock by 1933 from 13 percent in 1929—demand deposits plummeted by over 50 percent, as depositors withdrew funds en masse amid fears of insolvency.^[7] Banking failures amplified the contraction, with roughly 7,000 to 9,000 banks—nearly one-third of the total U.S. banking system—failing or suspending operations between 1930 and 1933, resulting in the effective loss of billions in deposits and a collapse in the money multiplier from around 7 in 1929 to under 4 by 1933.^[13] ^[62] These failures were concentrated in waves, including the panics of late 1930, spring 1931, and early 1933, during which suspended deposits in failed banks exceeded $7 billion by March 1933, equivalent to over 25 percent of the pre-crisis deposit total.^[42] Empirical reconstructions attribute about 27 percent of the overall money supply reduction directly to these panic episodes, as runs forced banks to liquidate assets at depressed prices, further contracting credit and deposits.^[63] Despite a modest increase in the monetary base (high-powered money, including Federal Reserve notes and reserves) of about 15 percent from 1929 to 1933, the failure to expand it sufficiently—coupled with rising reserve ratios and hoarding—prevented any offset to the deposit contraction, underscoring the systemic liquidity shortfall.^[7] Data from contemporary banking statistics confirm that active bank deposits fell from $45 billion in 1929 to around $30 billion by 1933, reflecting not only failures but also reduced lending as surviving banks hoarded reserves amid uncertainty.^[64] This empirical pattern of contraction, distinct from mere velocity changes, supports the view that monetary factors exacerbated the downturn, as output and prices fell in tandem with the money stock.^[12]

Economic Consequences

Industrial Output and Unemployment Surge

Industrial production in the United States collapsed sharply during the Great Contraction, reflecting diminished demand and cascading business failures. The Federal Reserve's index of industrial production, which averaged approximately 126 in 1929 (with a peak of 140 in mid-year), fell to 75 by the end of 1930, 64 in 1931, 55 in 1932, and stabilized around 58 in 1933, representing an overall decline of about 54 percent from peak to trough.^[65] ^[66] Manufacturing output, a key component, dropped by nearly 47 percent between 1929 and 1933, with durable goods sectors like automobiles and machinery experiencing even steeper falls exceeding 60 percent due to credit contraction and inventory liquidation.^[67] Mining and utilities also contracted, though less severely, as energy demand tied to industrial activity waned.^[68] This output plunge directly fueled a surge in unemployment, as factories idled and firms shed labor amid falling orders and prices. The unemployment rate, estimated by the Bureau of Labor Statistics at 3.2 percent in 1929 (affecting about 1.5 million workers), escalated to 8.7 percent in 1930, 15.9 percent in 1931, 23.6 percent in 1932, and peaked at 24.9 percent in 1933, leaving roughly 12.8 million individuals—nearly one-quarter of the civilian labor force—without jobs.^[69] ^[70] These figures, derived from contemporary surveys and Census data adjusted by BLS methodologies, understated the full hardship, as they excluded discouraged workers and part-time employment for necessity; broader estimates incorporating underemployment suggest effective joblessness approached 30-35 percent by 1933.^[71] Urban industrial centers like Detroit and Chicago saw localized rates exceed 40 percent, with long-term joblessness becoming chronic as hiring froze.^[72] The interplay amplified economic distress: reduced industrial activity eroded wages and consumer spending, further depressing output in a feedback loop, while unemployment strained household finances and local governments, contributing to widespread poverty without modern safety nets. Empirical reconstructions confirm the severity, with non-farm payroll employment falling from 28.8 million in 1929 to 19.8 million in 1933.^[73] Recovery began tentatively in 1933 following policy shifts, but output and employment remained depressed until wartime mobilization.^[74]

Deflationary Spiral and Banking System Collapse

The deflationary spiral during the Great Contraction manifested as a self-reinforcing cycle where falling prices elevated the real burden of nominal debts, prompting debtors to curtail spending and liquidate assets, which further depressed demand, output, and prices. Consumer prices, as measured by the CPI, declined by approximately 25% from 1929 to 1933, with annual deflation rates averaging around 7-10% in 1930-1933.^[13]^[18] This process, articulated in Irving Fisher's debt-deflation theory, intensified as reduced expenditure led to layoffs, wage cuts, and production halts, creating expectations of continued price declines that discouraged borrowing and investment.^[75] Compounding this dynamic, the banking system experienced cascading collapses through waves of panics that eroded public confidence and liquidity. The first major panic erupted in November 1930, primarily in rural and agricultural regions, resulting in about 1,350 bank suspensions that year amid localized runs and failures.^[43] A second wave followed in 1931, spreading nationally after Britain's departure from the gold standard in September heightened fears of devaluation and currency instability, leading to intensified withdrawals.^[45] The crisis peaked with a nationwide panic in early 1933, culminating in over 4,000 failures that year alone.^[76] In total, more than 9,000 banks—roughly one-third of all U.S. institutions—failed between 1930 and 1933, wiping out deposits and savers' wealth.^[77] Bank failures directly amplified the deflationary spiral by contracting the money supply and credit, as demand deposits were extinguished without replacement, reducing circulating currency and lending capacity. Friedman and Schwartz estimated that these suspensions accounted for a significant portion of the one-third drop in the money stock from 1929 to 1933, as failed banks liquidated assets at fire-sale prices, further depressing asset values and triggering additional insolvencies.^[78] Deflation eroded the nominal value of bank loan portfolios, rendering many institutions insolvent and prompting hoarding of cash over deposits, which tightened liquidity and reinforced price declines.^[42] This feedback loop transformed initial monetary tightness into a severe credit famine, where surviving banks rationed loans amid heightened risk aversion, stifling economic recovery until federal interventions like the Banking Act of 1933 restored stability.^[45]

International Transmission Effects

The Great Contraction in the United States, characterized by a roughly one-third decline in the money supply from 1929 to 1933, transmitted internationally primarily through the rigidities of the interwar gold standard, which synchronized monetary policies across adherent nations.^[5] As U.S. deflation intensified, demands for dollars to settle trade imbalances drew gold reserves toward America, compelling foreign central banks to contract their own money supplies or raise interest rates to maintain convertibility and prevent reserve drains.^[61] This mechanism amplified global deflationary pressures, with empirical studies showing that gold standard adherence correlated with deeper output falls; countries remaining on the standard until 1933 experienced average GDP declines of 25 percent, versus 10 percent for those that devalued earlier.^[79] Financial contagion exacerbated transmission, notably via the collapse of Austria's Creditanstalt bank on May 11, 1931, which exposed interconnected European exposures to U.S. lending and triggered withdrawals across the continent.^[80] The bank's failure, rooted in unreported losses from Central European loans tied to post-World War I reconstruction, led to a liquidity crisis that spread to Germany by June 1931, prompting runs on major Berlin banks and a 20 percent contraction in German bank deposits within months.^[81] This chain reaction culminated in Britain's abandonment of the gold standard on September 21, 1931, after speculative attacks depleted reserves, allowing devaluation and monetary easing that facilitated faster recovery compared to gold-bound peers.^[5] Trade barriers further channeled effects, as the U.S. Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of June 17, 1930, elevated average duties to 59 percent on dutiable imports, provoking retaliatory measures from trading partners like Canada and Europe, which collectively raised barriers on U.S. goods.^[82] Global trade volumes plummeted 66 percent from 1929 to 1934, with U.S. exports falling 61 percent, though econometric analyses attribute only a modest share of the decline to tariffs versus the dominant role of falling incomes and commodity prices under deflation.^[83] These dynamics reinforced the contraction's spread, as reduced trade compounded demand shortfalls and gold outflows in export-dependent economies.^[84]

Debates and Alternative Interpretations

Monetarist Thesis: Friedman and Schwartz's Analysis

In their 1963 book A Monetary History of the United States, 1867–1960, economists Milton Friedman and Anna Jacobson Schwartz advanced the monetarist interpretation of the Great Contraction, attributing the severity of the downturn from 1929 to 1933 primarily to a collapse in the money supply that the [Federal Reserve](/page/Federal Reserve) System failed to counteract. They documented that the stock of money—defined as currency plus demand deposits—declined by approximately one-third over this period, from a peak in August 1929 to a trough in March 1933, equating to an average annual contraction of about 10 percent.^[85] This monetary shrinkage, they argued, stemmed not from exogenous shocks alone but from endogenous banking panics that reduced the money multiplier, amplified by the Fed's inaction in providing liquidity or expanding the monetary base despite ample reserves and gold inflows.^[9] Friedman and Schwartz's analysis rested on empirical reconstruction of historical monetary data series, revealing a strong, lead-lag correlation between money stock fluctuations and movements in nominal income and prices, consistent with quantity theory predictions.^[11] For instance, major banking panic waves in late 1930, spring 1931, and early 1933 coincided with abrupt drops in deposits exceeding 40 percent overall, while preceding monetary expansions had fueled the 1920s boom; they contended this pattern indicated money as the "primary mover" rather than a passive response to real output declines.^[86] Their regressions and timing tests showed monetary contractions precipitating output falls, with lags of 16–18 months aligning observed depressions, challenging Keynesian views that emphasized autonomous real shocks like stock market crashes or debt deflation.^[12] Central to their thesis were specific Federal Reserve policy errors that permitted the contraction to deepen. These included the failure to initiate aggressive open-market purchases of securities after the 1929 crash to offset reserve drains; adherence to the real bills doctrine, which prioritized short-term commercial paper over broader liquidity provision; the October 1931 hike in the discount rate from 1.5 to 3.5 percent amid British gold outflows, tightening credit further; and sterilization of gold inflows starting in 1932, which neutralized potential base money growth.^[53] Friedman and Schwartz emphasized that the Fed possessed the institutional tools and excess gold reserves—totaling over $500 million by 1931—to arrest the money supply fall but chose restraint, viewing bank failures as salutary for weeding out weak institutions rather than systemic threats requiring lender-of-last-resort intervention.^[7] Ultimately, Friedman and Schwartz concluded that had the Fed maintained even modest money growth (e.g., 2–3 percent annually), the contraction's depth—marked by industrial production halving and unemployment exceeding 25 percent—could have been substantially mitigated, transforming it into a garden-variety recession rather than a prolonged catastrophe.^[87] Their work shifted academic focus toward central bank responsibility, influencing subsequent econometric tests that largely upheld the monetary hypothesis's core predictions, though debates persist on the exact transmission mechanisms and non-monetary amplifiers.^[6]

Non-Monetary Factors: Fiscal Policy, Trade Barriers, and Structural Issues

Fiscal policy under President Herbert Hoover emphasized budget balancing amid the contraction, with federal expenditures increasing nominally by 52% from $3.1 billion in fiscal year 1929 to $4.7 billion in 1933, yet this growth lagged behind the 29% GDP decline, resulting in a procyclical stance that failed to offset falling private demand.^[88] The Revenue Act of 1932 raised taxes sharply, doubling the top income tax rate to 63% and introducing new levies on lower incomes, which reduced household consumption and business investment by diminishing after-tax income during a period of deflationary pressures.^[88] Hoover's administration also pressured businesses to maintain wages, contributing to labor cost rigidities rather than market clearing, though federal spending on public works and relief programs, such as the Reconstruction Finance Corporation established in January 1932, provided limited counteraction totaling under 1% of GDP annually.^[89] Critics, including later Keynesian analyses, contend this fiscal orthodoxy exacerbated the downturn by prioritizing deficit reduction over expansionary measures, with empirical estimates suggesting tax hikes alone subtracted up to 2% from GDP growth in 1932.^[90] Trade barriers intensified the contraction through the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, signed into law on June 17, 1930, which imposed duties averaging nearly 60% on over 20,000 imported goods to shield U.S. agriculture and manufacturing from foreign competition.^[82] Retaliatory tariffs from Europe and Canada followed swiftly, collapsing global trade volumes by 65% between 1929 and 1934 and slashing U.S. exports by 61% over the same period, as markets for American goods like automobiles and wheat evaporated.^[91] While pre-tariff trade had already declined due to falling incomes, econometric studies attribute 40-50% of the subsequent export drop to Smoot-Hawley and reprisals, amplifying industrial output losses in export-dependent sectors and raising input costs for domestic producers reliant on imports.^[92] Proponents viewed it as necessary protectionism amid overcapacity, but the policy's beggar-thy-neighbor effects propagated deflation internationally, with U.S. imports falling 66% and contributing to a feedback loop of reduced global demand.^[93] Structural issues compounded the contraction via rigidities in labor and product markets, including wage stickiness that prevented declines commensurate with productivity drops; nominal wages fell only 20-23% cumulatively from 1929 to 1933, compared to 9-10% drops in prior downturns, sustaining unemployment at 25% by mid-1933 as firms hoarded labor or cut hours rather than adjust pay.^[94] Overproduction from the 1920s credit-fueled boom, evident in agriculture where farm prices had halved by 1929 due to post-World War I surpluses and debt burdens exceeding $10 billion, eroded sectoral profitability and farm incomes by over 50% in the decade prior, setting the stage for broader liquidation.^[95] High private debt levels, with nonfinancial sector leverage at 150% of GDP in 1929, amplified deleveraging as asset prices collapsed—real estate values dropped 25-50% and stock indices 89%—forcing fire sales and credit contraction independent of monetary aggregates.^[96] Income inequality, with the top 1% capturing 24% of income by 1928, suppressed mass consumption, as underconsumption theories posited by contemporaries like Henry Ford highlighted mismatches between production capacity and purchasing power among wage earners whose incomes stagnated.^[62] These factors, rooted in pre-contraction imbalances rather than policy errors alone, hindered real adjustments, though non-monetarist economists like those emphasizing real shocks argue they initiated the downturn before monetary failures amplified it.^[97]

Critiques and Empirical Challenges to the Monetary Explanation

Critics of the Friedman-Schwartz monetary hypothesis contend that the observed contraction in the money supply from 1929 to 1933, which fell by approximately 33%, was primarily a passive response to falling output and demand rather than an autonomous shock initiating the downturn.^[12] Peter Temin's 1976 analysis of consumption and investment data argued that autonomous declines in spending—evidenced by a 5% drop in consumption expenditures between 1929 and 1930—preceded the sharpest banking panics and money stock reductions starting in late 1930, suggesting non-monetary real shocks, such as shifts in consumer confidence or international trade disruptions, drove the initial contraction.^[98] Temin further highlighted that nominal interest rates remained low throughout 1930, with short-term rates averaging below 2%, which contradicts the expectation of tight monetary conditions under a simple quantity theory framework, implying instead that real borrowing costs rose due to anticipated deflation rather than deliberate Fed policy.^[99] Empirical vector autoregression models applied to interwar data have supported Temin's sequencing, indicating that output shocks Granger-caused money supply reductions more strongly than the reverse during the early contraction phase from 1929 to 1931.^[100] Christina Romer identified a key gap in the monetarist explanation: the absence of a detailed transmission mechanism linking money supply declines to output falls, proposing instead that heightened uncertainty from the October 1929 stock market crash—where the Dow Jones fell 89% from peak to trough by 1932—induced households to defer durable goods purchases, amplifying the initial spending drop independently of liquidity effects.^[101] Romer's reconstructions of industrial production and unemployment series also suggest that money demand shocks, reflected in volatile velocity of M1 (which plummeted over 50% by 1933), accounted for much of the monetary aggregate instability, rather than supply-side failures alone. Challenges extend to the hypothesis's emphasis on Federal Reserve inaction, as econometric simulations indicate that even aggressive open-market purchases equivalent to those in 1932—totaling $1 billion—would have mitigated but not prevented the Depression's depth, given symmetric international constraints under the gold standard and fixed exchange rates that transmitted deflationary pressures across 25 countries by 1931.^[87] Barry Eichengreen and Temin's collaborative work attributes the global synchronization of output declines (averaging 15-20% in industrial nations) to gold hoarding and adherence to gold parity, arguing that U.S. monetary contraction mirrored rather than led foreign experiences, with U.S. gold reserves actually rising 20% from 1930 to 1931 despite domestic M2 shrinkage.^[12] These critiques, drawn from cliometric approaches prioritizing real-side data over aggregates, underscore that while monetary factors exacerbated the crisis—evidenced by banking failures reducing deposits by 40%—they likely amplified underlying real disturbances like debt-deflation dynamics in overleveraged sectors, rather than serving as the primary causal vector.^[6]

Long-Term Implications

Lessons for Central Banking and Policy Reform

The Federal Reserve's passivity during the Great Contraction, allowing the money supply to shrink by approximately one-third from August 1929 to March 1933, illustrated the perils of failing to counteract deflationary forces through active monetary intervention.^[5] Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz's analysis contended that had the Fed pursued a more expansionary policy, such as large-scale open market purchases to offset bank failures and deposit outflows, the depth and duration of the economic collapse could have been substantially lessened.^[87] This highlighted the causal link between monetary contraction and amplified output declines, emphasizing that central banks must prioritize money supply stability over adherence to rigid doctrines like the real bills principle or gold standard constraints.^[53] A central lesson pertained to the lender-of-last-resort function: the Fed's reluctance to supply emergency liquidity to solvent banks facing panic-driven runs permitted over 9,000 failures between 1930 and 1933, eroding the money multiplier and intensifying credit scarcity.^[102] Effective execution requires distinguishing illiquid but viable institutions from insolvent ones, providing short-term loans against sound collateral at penalty rates to restore confidence without moral hazard.^[5] Post-contraction experiences, including the Fed's belated open market operations after March 1933, demonstrated that timely liquidity provision could stabilize the system, as evidenced by the halt in major panics following the Emergency Banking Act.^[103] Policy reforms directly addressed these lapses. The Banking Act of 1933 created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), insuring deposits up to $2,500 initially to deter runs and safeguard small savers, which contributed to deposit inflows and banking stabilization after nationwide closures.^[104] It also separated commercial from investment banking to curb speculative risks that had undermined stability.^[104] The Banking Act of 1935 centralized decision-making by enhancing the Board of Governors' authority over the regional Federal Reserve Banks, facilitating unified responses to crises rather than fragmented inaction.^[105] These measures, alongside the 1933 suspension of gold convertibility, enabled greater monetary flexibility, underscoring that institutional design must empower central banks to act decisively against systemic threats.^[106]

Influence on Post-Depression Economic Thought and Avoided Recurrences

The Great Contraction profoundly reshaped economic thought by discrediting laissez-faire approaches and emphasizing active stabilization policies, as evidenced by the empirical failures of classical self-correction mechanisms during the 1929–1933 period, when U.S. GDP fell by approximately 30% and unemployment reached 25%.^[13] John Maynard Keynes's The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money (1936) argued that insufficient aggregate demand, rather than wage rigidities alone, perpetuated deflationary spirals, influencing policymakers to prioritize fiscal deficits and public works over balanced budgets.^[107] This Keynesian paradigm dominated post-World War II macroeconomics, embedding ideas of countercyclical government intervention in institutions like the U.S. Employment Act of 1946, which mandated federal responsibility for economic stability.^[5] Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz's A Monetary History of the United States, 1867–1960 (1963) provided an empirical counterpoint, attributing the Contraction's severity to the Federal Reserve's passive response to banking panics, which allowed the money supply to contract by one-third from 1929 to 1933.^[108] Their analysis, grounded in historical data on M1 and bank failures (over 9,000 U.S. banks collapsed), shifted focus toward rules-based monetary policy to prevent discretionary errors, influencing central bankers like Paul Volcker in the 1980s to target money supply growth amid inflation.^[3] This monetarist critique, supported by cross-country comparisons showing countries abandoning the gold standard earlier recovered faster, underscored causal links between monetary contraction and output declines, fostering modern practices like inflation targeting and quantitative easing.^[109] These intellectual shifts contributed to structural reforms that mitigated recurrences of Depression-scale events. The Banking Act of 1933 established federal deposit insurance via the FDIC, capping insured amounts at $2,500 initially (later raised), which empirically reduced bank run incentives; subsequent panics, such as in 2008, saw far fewer failures due to this backstop.^[5] Post-1930s Federal Reserve reforms, including unified authority under the Banking Act of 1935, enabled aggressive liquidity provision as lender of last resort, contrasting the 1930s inaction that amplified failures.^[7] In later downturns, like the 1987 stock crash (Dow fell 22.6% in one day), monetary easing prevented recession, with GDP growth resuming immediately, unlike 1929's cascade.^[110] Empirical evidence from post-war recessions demonstrates avoidance of deflationary spirals: U.S. price levels fell only once (briefly in 2009), and unemployment peaks rarely exceeded 10%, attributable to automatic fiscal stabilizers and central bank commitments to price stability.^[111] During the 2008–2009 crisis, the Fed's expansion of its balance sheet by over $2 trillion echoed Friedman-Schwartz lessons, averting a 1930s-style contraction; Federal Reserve Chair Ben Bernanke, a Depression scholar, explicitly credited these insights for rapid response.^[3] Cross-national data reinforce this: Adherence to gold standard rules prolonged contractions in the 1930s, while flexible regimes post-Bretton Woods (1944) facilitated recoveries without recurrence.^[112] Overall, these policies have contained modern episodes to mild recessions, with average GDP drops under 3% since 1945, versus the Contraction's 8.5% annual decline.^[13]

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We evaluate the Friedman-Schwartz hypothesis that a more accommodative monetary policy could have greatly reduced the severity of the Great Depression.
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[PDF] US Monetary and Fiscal Policy in the 1930s Price V. Fishback ...
Reductions in the discount rate and purchases of bonds could be used to reduce the probability of bank failures in a panic and both contributed to increases in ...Missing: tightening | Show results with:tightening
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What Ended The Great Depression? - Hoover Institution
Oct 2, 2025 · Hoover had not used legislation but instead had jawboned big businesses to keep wages high. Hoover thought that doing so would give workers ...Missing: non- | Show results with:non-
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Fiscal Policy and the Great Depression
Ellen McGrattan's research suggests that dividend income taxation during Depression years may have had a significant impact on investment, equity values and GDP ...
[91]
How Tariffs Under the Smoot-Hawley Act Triggered a Trade War
Mar 5, 2018 · Global trade tanked 65 percent. In effect, the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act “prolonged [the depression] and possibly deepened it around the world ...
[92]
Did tariffs cause the Great Depression? Here's what to know - NPR
Mar 6, 2025 · The tariffs implemented under the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act worsened the Great Depression, Richardson, Clarke and Witcher say. These tariffs also ...
[93]
Milestones: 1921–1936: Protectionism in the Interwar Period
Smoot-Hawley marked the end of the line for high tariffs in 20th century American trade policy. Thereafter, beginning with the 1934 Reciprocal Trade Agreements ...
[94]
Great Depression - Econlib
In previous depressions, wage rates typically fell 9-10 percent during a one- to two-year contraction; these falling wages made it possible for more workers ...
[95]
https://www.britannica.com/story/causes-of-the-great-depression
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The Great Depression: Overview, Causes, and Effects - Investopedia
The Fed failed to do so, providing no cash injection between 1929 and 1932. Instead, it watched the money supply collapse and let thousands of banks fail.Missing: metrics | Show results with:metrics
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Herbert Hoover and the start of the Great Depression - CEPR
Oct 19, 2009 · This column says that the industrial decline began before monetary contraction or banking panics – the conventional culprits – took hold.Missing: fiscal | Show results with:fiscal
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[PDF] Did Monetary Forces Cause the Great Depresstion? by Peter Temin.
Another reason Temin misunderstands Friedman and Schwartz results from his failure to grasp the importance they attach to monetary policy. The major con- ...
[99]
Money and the Great Depression: A critique of professor Temin's ...
Review of P. Temin's Did Monetary Forces Cause the Great Depression? Journal of Political Economy, 84 (1976), pp. 1374-1377.
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[PDF] Did Monetary Forces Cause the Great Depression? A Bayesian VAR ...
Abstract. This paper recasts Temin's (1976) skeptical question of whether mon- etary forces caused the Great Depression in a modern time series framework.
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[PDF] The Missing Transmission Mechanism in the Monetary Explanation ...
This paper examines an important gap in the monetary explanation of the Great Depression: the lack of a well-articulated and documented transmission mechanism ...Missing: critiques | Show results with:critiques
[102]
Banking Crises and the Federal Reserve as a Lender of Last Resort ...
Sep 26, 2013 · These failures occurred, in other words, because the banks invested funds in assets that failed to pay back. Returns to investments fell because ...
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Emergency Banking Act of 1933 | Federal Reserve History
The Emergency Banking Act of 1933 itself is regarded by many as helping to set the nation's banking system right during the Great Depression.
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Banking Act of 1933 (Glass-Steagall) - Federal Reserve History
The Glass-Steagall Act effectively separated commercial banking from investment banking and created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation.
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The Great Depression Q&A: Federal Reserve
The Banking Acts of 1933 and 1935 changed the balance of power within the Federal Reserve System in favor of the Board of Governors, especially with regard to ...
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[PDF] Recovery of 1933 - Federal Reserve Board
When Roosevelt abandoned the gold standard in April 1933, he converted govern- ment debt from a tax-backed claim to gold to a claim to dollars, opening the door.
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32.1: The Great Depression and Keynesian Economics
Jul 17, 2023 · The Great Depression saw a sharp plunge in GDP and high unemployment. Keynesian economics, developed by Keynes, shifted focus to aggregate ...
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[PDF] The Role of Monetary Policy - American Economic Association
The Great Contraction might not have occurred at all, and if it had, it would have been far less severe, if the monetary authority had avoided mistakes, or if ...
[109]
The impact of Milton Friedman on modern monetary economics
We provide a self-contained guide to Milton Friedman's main contributions to monetary policy debates and a picture of his impact on the policies of today's ...
[110]
[PDF] Lessons from the Great Depression - Florida State University
It was an era of farm foreclosures, bank failures, soup kitchens, unemployment lines, and even ... As banks failed and the money supply collapsed, the Fed did not ...<|separator|>
[111]
[PDF] What lessons from the 1930s? | CEPS
lessons from the Great Depression: deflation as well as massive bank failure must be avoided. The lesson for fiscal policy is less unambiguous. There is ...Missing: recurrences | Show results with:recurrences
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Monetary Policy Regimes, the Gold Standard, and the Great ...
Had a similar policy been delayed until after the United Kingdom left the gold standard in September 1931, gold reserves would have declined markedly because of ...