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Political realignment

Political realignment refers to a significant, long-term shift in the electoral coalitions that underpin political parties, involving changes in voter affiliations, ideological orientations, and the social bases of support, often crystallized through critical elections that disrupt established party systems.^[1]^[2] These transformations typically arise from profound societal disruptions—such as economic crises, wars, or cultural conflicts—that realign voter priorities and party platforms, leading to new patterns of dominance in legislative and executive branches.^[3] In empirical analyses, realignments are distinguished from transient fluctuations by their durability, spanning multiple election cycles and reshaping policy outputs, though scholars debate whether they always follow a uniform cyclical pattern or can occur gradually through secular drifts in voter behavior.^[1]^[2] Historically, realignments have been most rigorously documented in the United States, where examples include the 1896 election aligning agrarian and industrial interests with the Republican Party amid economic depression, and the 1932 contest that forged the Democratic New Deal coalition encompassing urban workers, minorities, and the South in response to the Great Depression.^[4]^[5] Another pivotal instance unfolded from the 1960s onward, as civil rights legislation and cultural upheavals prompted a partisan inversion in the South, with white voters migrating from Democrats to Republicans, while African American support consolidated for Democrats—a shift substantiated by longitudinal voting data rather than mere anecdotal party switches.^[2]^[6] Causally, such realignments stem from exogenous shocks amplifying latent cleavages, like class or identity divides, which parties exploit or mitigate through adaptive strategies, as evidenced in cross-national studies of affluent democracies where socio-economic modernization has eroded traditional class-based voting.^[3]^[7] The concept's analytical value lies in explaining systemic stability and change, yet it faces criticism for overemphasizing U.S.-centric models and underaccounting for elite-driven manipulations or voter volatility in multiparty systems; nonetheless, empirical metrics like enduring swings in turnout and margins confirm its occurrence in events yielding policy pivots, such as expanded welfare states or deregulatory turns.^[1]^[8] In contemporary contexts, potential realignments are probed through data on education and occupational gradients in partisanship, revealing how less-educated voters have trended toward parties emphasizing cultural particularism over universalist economics, challenging prior assumptions of inexorable leftward pulls from rising inequality.^[3]^[8] This framework underscores causal realism in politics: alignments endure until material and ideational pressures render them untenable, independent of institutional inertia or media narratives.

Theoretical Foundations

Definition and Historical Origins

Political realignment denotes a fundamental and enduring shift in the distribution of the electorate's partisan loyalties, party coalitions, and the underlying policy agendas that structure electoral competition, often crystallized through one or more critical elections that disrupt prior alignments and establish new ones lasting for a generation or more.^[9] This process involves not merely temporary swings in voter preferences but a reconfiguration of social groups' attachments to parties, driven by exogenous shocks such as economic crises, wars, or cultural upheavals that alter the salience of cleavages and prompt parties to adapt their platforms accordingly.^[1] Empirical identification relies on observable patterns like sharp, durable changes in vote shares across demographic or regional lines, as opposed to routine volatility.^[2] The theoretical foundations of realignment emerged in American political science during the mid-20th century, with V.O. Key Jr. providing the seminal formulation in his 1955 article "A Theory of Critical Elections," published in The Journal of Politics.^[9] Key, analyzing historical U.S. voting data, posited that critical elections mark periods when voters' decisions forge persistent partisan divisions, leading to realignments that redefine party systems; he drew initial evidence from elections like 1896, where industrial and agrarian interests polarized along new economic lines.^[10] This framework built on earlier observations by scholars such as Charles Merriam and Harold Gosnell in the 1920s, who noted cyclical patterns in voter behavior, but Key formalized the concept by emphasizing long-term electoral persistence over short-term fluctuations.^[1] Subsequent development in the 1960s and 1970s expanded the theory through works like E.E. Schattschneider's The Semisovereign People (1960), which highlighted how party elites shape realignments by activating latent conflicts, and James Sundquist's Dynamics of the Party System (1973), which integrated economic and social determinants to explain sequential shifts in coalitions.^[11] These contributions, grounded in quantitative analyses of U.S. congressional and presidential returns from the 19th and 20th centuries, positioned realignment as a periodic mechanism for adapting party systems to societal changes, though later critiques questioned its universality beyond the American context.^[12] By the late 1970s, the paradigm had influenced interpretations of events like the New Deal era but faced empirical challenges in predicting post-1960s stability.^[1]

Core Elements: Critical Elections, Voter Coalitions, and Party Systems

Critical elections, as defined by political scientist V.O. Key Jr. in his 1955 analysis, constitute elections in which underlying voter loyalties experience a sharp and durable alteration, often triggered by profound social, economic, or ideological disruptions that mobilize new voter alignments and diminish previous ones.^[9] These contests typically feature heightened voter turnout, decisive shifts in partisan margins across geographic or demographic lines, and a subsequent sequence of reinforcing elections that solidify the change, distinguishing them from routine electoral fluctuations.^[9] Key emphasized that such elections do not merely reflect temporary issue responses but establish long-term patterns of party dominance, as evidenced by historical cases where voter behavior persisted for decades post-election.^[13] Voter coalitions form the foundational building blocks of party support in realignment theory, comprising stable aggregations of socioeconomic, ethnic, regional, or ideological groups that align with one party over others during periods of equilibrium.^[14] Realignments disrupt these coalitions through exogenous shocks—such as economic depressions or cultural upheavals—that realign group interests with alternative parties, leading to the erosion of prior majorities and the emergence of new dominant blocs.^[14] For instance, James L. Sundquist's examination of alignment dynamics highlights how coalitions evolve via issue-driven defections, where groups previously loyal to a party shift en masse due to perceived failures in addressing core grievances, resulting in measurable, multi-election persistence in voting patterns.^[14] Empirical identification of such shifts relies on longitudinal data showing statistically significant deviations in group-level partisanship, rather than aggregate vote totals alone.^[2] Party systems encapsulate the broader competitive structure arising from these realignments, defined as eras of relative stability in inter-party rivalry, issue salience, and coalition configurations, punctuated by critical elections that inaugurate new systems.^[15] Walter Dean Burnham extended Key's framework by positing cyclical patterns in American party systems, where each system endures until cumulative tensions culminate in realignment, as seen in durable Republican gains from 1896 onward following the 1896 election's economic realignment.^[16] Analyses of congressional and presidential data from 1868 to 2004 confirm that party systems exhibit measurable durability, with realignments marked by synchronized shifts in vote shares exceeding standard deviations of prior eras, often spanning 30-36 years.^[17] Sundquist further delineates how these systems adapt incrementally within coalitions until exogenous forces necessitate wholesale reconfiguration, underscoring the causal primacy of voter mobilization over elite-driven changes.^[14]

Methods for Identifying Realignments

Political realignments are typically identified through empirical analysis of electoral data, focusing on sharp deviations in voting patterns that demonstrate durability across multiple elections. V.O. Key Jr. defined critical elections as those producing a profound and lasting realignment of voter coalitions, often involving heightened electoral participation and shifts in the salience of issues dividing parties.^[10] Such elections are detected by disaggregating returns at subnational levels, such as counties or precincts, to reveal geographic concentrations of change correlated with demographic factors like urbanization, ethnicity, or religion.^[10] For instance, the 1928 U.S. presidential election showed Democratic vote gains of over 10 percentage points in Massachusetts towns with high proportions of foreign-born and Catholic residents compared to 1924, a pattern that endured into 1932 and beyond, signaling a realignment along ethno-religious lines.^[10] Analysts employ time-series comparisons of party vote shares, often visualized in graphs, to confirm persistence; deviations must exceed historical volatility and align with broader coalition reforms rather than temporary fluctuations.^[10] Quantitative approaches complement historical methods by modeling voter behavior with multinomial logit or probit regressions applied to survey data, estimating probabilities of party choice based on policy positions in multi-dimensional spaces (e.g., economic and social axes).^[2] Factor analysis of datasets like the American National Election Studies from 1952 onward identifies evolving cleavages, such as the transition from class-based to cultural voting, by extracting latent dimensions from respondent issue attitudes and retrospective votes.^[2] David Mayhew critiques reliance on critical elections alone, advocating verification through sustained electoral metrics like uniform shifts in presidential and congressional majorities, alongside macropolicy punctuations (e.g., landmark legislation clusters) that reflect new voter mandates.^[11] Durability is tested by assessing whether initial surges yield multi-election dominance in government branches; for example, post-1932 Democratic control of the presidency and Congress for over two decades supported realignment claims, whereas transient 1964 shifts did not.^[11]^[1] Longitudinal party identification trends from panel surveys provide additional evidence, revealing cohort-specific switches (e.g., white Southerners from Democratic to Republican allegiance between 1952 and 1980).^[2] These methods prioritize observable data over theoretical cycles, though scholars note challenges in distinguishing realignments from dealignment or noise, as academic interpretations may overemphasize narrative fits at the expense of null results in non-U.S. contexts.^[1]

Critiques and Alternative Explanations

Empirical Limitations and Failed Predictions

One key empirical limitation of political realignment theory lies in its reliance on impressionistic evidence and subjective interpretations of electoral data rather than rigorous, quantifiable metrics, making it challenging to objectively identify "critical elections" or shifts in voter coalitions.^[11] Scholars such as V.O. Key initially applied the framework retrospectively to elections like 1896 and 1932, but subsequent analyses, including those by David R. Mayhew, demonstrate that patterns in presidential vote returns do not consistently exhibit the hypothesized deviations from uniform partisan swings predicted during realigning eras. For instance, Mayhew's examination of U.S. presidential elections from 1868 to 2000 found no statistical evidence supporting cyclical disruptions every 28 to 36 years, with vote margins showing more continuity than abrupt, system-defining breaks.^[11] The theory's predictive power has also faltered, as anticipated realignments failed to materialize in line with proposed timelines. Proponents like James L. Sundquist and Walter Dean Burnham expected a major shift in the 1960s or 1970s following the 1932 New Deal alignment, yet no enduring Republican dominance emerged despite high turnout and policy debates in elections such as 1968 and 1972; Burnham's designation of 1968–1972 as a realignment relied on non-electoral indicators like primary disruptions rather than sustained vote realignments, which data contradicted.^[11] By the 1980s, Burnham forecasted a systemic crisis in the U.S. party system due to declining voter participation and the absence of new critical elections, predicting institutional breakdown, but the two-party structure endured without collapse, underscoring the theory's inability to forecast structural persistence. Furthermore, realignment claims often prove unfalsifiable because criteria for validation—such as durable coalition changes or policy punctuations—are adjusted post hoc to fit outcomes, evading empirical disconfirmation.^[11] Mayhew identifies 11 core propositions distilled from the literature, including links between realignments and macropolicy shifts or inter-election volatility, but empirical tests reveal no systematic correlations; for example, policy enactments like the Great Society programs or Reagan-era tax cuts occurred without corresponding electoral realignments in vote patterns.^[18] This retrospective flexibility has led critics to argue that the genre prioritizes narrative coherence over prospective hypothesis-testing, as evidenced by repeated failures to pinpoint unfolding critical elections, such as overstated expectations for a conservative lock-in after 1980 that dissolved amid subsequent Democratic congressional majorities.^[19]

Non-Cyclical Models: Incrementalism and Party Adaptation

Non-cyclical models of political change emphasize gradual, continuous shifts in voter coalitions and party systems, contrasting with theories positing periodic ruptures via critical elections. These approaches highlight incremental voter realignments and adaptive responses by parties to socioeconomic transformations, without reliance on dramatic, generational upheavals. Scholars argue that such models better account for empirical patterns where partisan support erodes or builds steadily across multiple elections, driven by persistent factors like demographic mobility, economic cycles, and policy feedback loops.^[1]^[11] Secular realignment represents a key non-cyclical mechanism, wherein voter attachments to parties evolve slowly through repeated, small-scale defections rather than abrupt conversions in a single contest. V.O. Key Jr. formalized this concept in 1959, observing that American electoral data from the early 20th century revealed gradual partisan sorting, such as Southern Democrats defecting incrementally amid economic modernization and civil rights pressures, accumulating into broader coalitions over decades. Unlike critical realignments, which demand exogenous shocks and immediate mandate effects, secular processes operate endogenously via voters' responses to ongoing conditions, yielding durable but unspectacular changes in party bases.^[20]^[11] Party adaptation complements incrementalism by enabling incumbents to recalibrate without systemic collapse. Parties achieve this through modest platform tweaks, leadership turnover, and targeted outreach, aligning with shifting voter medians on issues like trade or immigration. David Mayhew's 2002 analysis of U.S. history demonstrates that major enactments—such as the 1960s civil rights laws or 1980s deregulation—occurred amid adaptive maneuvers in divided governments, not confined to realignment eras, underscoring parties' capacity for endogenous evolution. Empirical studies of vote shares confirm this, with annual fluctuations averaging 2-5% in presidential contests from 1896 to 2000, compounding into 20-30% swings over 20-30 years absent any "critical" inflection.^[11]^[21] These models critique cyclical theories for retrospective pattern-fitting and predictive failures, such as anticipated but unrealized realignments in 1968 or 2008, where changes proved more diffuse. Instead, incrementalism prioritizes causal realism in voter decision-making, where habits and information costs favor marginal adjustments over wholesale shifts, fostering party system stability despite underlying volatility. Mayhew notes that U.S. policymaking productivity—averaging 10-15 landmark laws per decade—persists across purported alignment phases, evidencing adaptation's efficacy over rupture.^[11]^[1]

Overemphasis on Narrative Over Data

David R. Mayhew has characterized the scholarship on electoral realignments as an "American genre," implying a reliance on interpretive narratives akin to historical storytelling rather than a robust empirical framework capable of withstanding systematic testing.^[21] In this view, realignment theorists often designate specific elections as "critical" retrospectively, based on observed long-term shifts in voter coalitions or policy directions, which introduces selectivity and lacks prospective criteria for identification.^[1] This approach allows for flexible accommodations of data that do not fit preconceived cycles, such as irregular intervals between purported realignments—typically claimed to occur every 28 to 36 years—but evidenced by gaps like the 36 years from 1896 to 1932 or shorter spans that defy uniformity.^[11] Empirical scrutiny of the theory's core propositions underscores this narrative tilt. Mayhew distilled the literature into 11 testable claims, including assertions of sharp electoral disruptions leading to durable party system transformations, and applied quantitative measures like presidential vote margins, turnout surges, and congressional party unity scores across U.S. elections from 1796 to 1996.^[11] These analyses revealed minimal support: for example, neither the 1800, 1860, 1896, nor 1932 elections consistently demonstrated the exaggerated volatility or subsequent policy lock-ins predicted by the model, with many "realigning" periods showing continuity rather than rupture in voter behavior.^[1] Similarly, the mid-20th-century Southern shift from Democratic to Republican dominance, often framed as a realignment tied to civil rights upheavals, occurred gradually over decades—from the 1948 Dixiecrat revolt through the 1994 Republican congressional gains—without a singular critical election precipitating abrupt change.^[22] Such discrepancies highlight how narrative construction can overshadow data-driven falsification, as theorists emphasize dramatic electoral moments while downplaying incremental adaptations or counterexamples like stable turnout patterns and persistent split-ticket voting.^[1] This has led to critiques that the theory's appeal lies in its explanatory elegance for past events, yet it falters in predictive accuracy, with alleged realignments in eras like the 1960s-1970s failing to produce the enduring coalition realignments foreseen.^[11] Consequently, alternative models favoring continuous partisan evolution or issue-specific voter sorting gain traction for better aligning with observable electoral dynamics.^[21]

United States

19th-Century Realignments

The collapse of the First Party System by the early 1820s, following the dominance of Democratic-Republicans after the Federalists' decline, set the stage for the 1828 presidential election, widely regarded as the first major realignment of the 19th century. Andrew Jackson's victory over incumbent John Quincy Adams, with 56% of the popular vote and 178 electoral votes to Adams's 83, reflected a surge in voter participation from approximately 27% in 1824 to 57% in 1828, fueled by the elimination of property requirements for white male suffrage in most states. This shift coalesced a new Democratic Party coalition of small farmers, urban laborers, and frontiersmen against the elite National Republicans, emphasizing states' rights, opposition to the national bank, and westward expansion, thereby inaugurating the Second Party System and modern mass-party organization.^[23] The mid-1850s disintegration of the Whig Party over slavery and nativism paved the way for the Third Party System, crystallized in the 1860 election of Abraham Lincoln. The Republican Party, founded in 1854 by anti-slavery activists from Whig, Free Soil, and Democratic ranks, nominated Lincoln, who secured 39.8% of the popular vote (1.86 million) but 180 electoral votes, concentrated in the North, amid a fragmented field including three other major candidates. This outcome, representing just 40% of the vote due to Southern Democratic splits and Constitutional Union opposition, triggered Southern secession and the Civil War, realigning parties along sectional lines: Republicans dominated the industrialized North and Midwest with business, abolitionist, and immigrant support, while Democrats retained the agrarian South. Post-war amendments and Reconstruction entrenched Republican control in national politics until the late 19th century.^[2]^[24] The 1896 election between William McKinley and William Jennings Bryan is often identified as a reinforcing realignment, solidifying Republican hegemony through the Fourth Party System. McKinley, advocating the gold standard and protective tariffs, won 51% of the popular vote (7.1 million) and 271 electoral votes, defeating Bryan's bimetallism-fueled Democratic-Populist fusion that garnered 47% (6.5 million) but only 176 electoral votes, largely from the South and West. Amid the Panic of 1893's depression, this contest shifted voter coalitions: urban industrial workers, business interests, and the Northeast aligned durably with Republicans, marginalizing agrarian populism and marking the decline of third-party influences like the Populists, who peaked at 8.5% of the vote. The realignment endured, with Republicans controlling the presidency for 16 of the next 20 years.^[25]^[26]

20th-Century Shifts: New Deal to Reagan Era

The 1932 presidential election, conducted amid the Great Depression, marked a pivotal realignment that elevated the Democratic Party to dominance through Franklin D. Roosevelt's landslide victory over incumbent Herbert Hoover, securing 472 electoral votes to Hoover's 59 and 57.4% of the popular vote to 39.7%.^[27]^[28] This shift reflected voter repudiation of Republican economic policies, with Democrats gaining control of both chambers of Congress—capturing a Senate majority of 59 seats and expanding their House majority to 313 seats—enabling the implementation of New Deal programs that prioritized federal intervention in relief, recovery, and reform.^[5] The resulting New Deal coalition encompassed urban laborers, ethnic immigrants, African Americans (who began defecting en masse from the Republican Party due to relief efforts despite historical GOP ties to emancipation), farmers, intellectuals, and white Southern conservatives, forging a durable electoral majority that propelled Democrats to seven presidential wins from 1932 to 1964 and sustained congressional control through much of the 1930s and 1940s.^[29]^[30] This coalition endured post-World War II, underpinned by economic prosperity and Democratic advantages in party identification—peaking at roughly 55-60% Democratic identifiers versus 25-30% Republican in the 1930s and 1940s, per survey trends—yet fissures emerged in the 1960s over civil rights legislation. The Civil Rights Act of 1964, signed by President Lyndon B. Johnson, provoked backlash among Southern whites, with only 1 of 21 Southern Democratic senators voting in favor, accelerating the defection of conservative Democrats opposed to federal enforcement against segregation and Jim Crow practices that their party had long tolerated in the South.^[31]^[32] Johnson's prediction of losing the South "for a generation" materialized gradually, as evidenced by Barry Goldwater's 1964 capture of five Deep South states despite his national defeat, signaling ideological sorting where racial conservatism aligned Southern voters with emerging Republican emphasis on states' rights and limited federal overreach.^[33] This realignment intensified under Richard Nixon's appeals to "silent majority" voters alienated by urban unrest and welfare expansion, with Southern white support for GOP presidential candidates rising from about 30% in 1960 to majorities by the 1970s.^[33] By the late 1970s, stagflation and cultural divides further eroded the New Deal order, culminating in Ronald Reagan's 1980 victory, where he amassed 489 electoral votes and 50.7% of the popular vote against Jimmy Carter's 41%. Reagan's coalition incorporated evangelicals, fiscal conservatives, and "Reagan Democrats"—predominantly white working-class voters, including union households (46% for Reagan versus 45% for Carter, a reversal from prior Democratic lock)—who prioritized anti-inflation policies, deregulation, and traditional values over class-based economic appeals.^[34] Among white voters, Reagan secured 59%, bolstering GOP gains in the Sun Belt and Midwest, while party identification trends showed Democratic edges narrowing to near parity by 1980 (around 46% Democratic, 24% Republican, 30% independent), reflecting a broader transition from economic determinism to ideological alignment on race, crime, and social issues.^[31]^[34] This era's shifts thus dismantled the New Deal framework, establishing Republican inroads among former Democratic bastions through voter realignment driven by policy divergences rather than mere electoral tactics.

Post-Cold War and 21st-Century Developments

The completion of the Southern realignment, initiated by the Republican Party's appeal to white conservative voters following the Civil Rights Act of 1964, solidified in the 1990s as the region transitioned from Democratic dominance to Republican control in presidential, congressional, and state-level elections. By the mid-1990s, Republican candidates consistently won a majority of Southern congressional seats, with the party's viability prompting conservative Democrats to switch affiliations, polarizing primaries and accelerating ideological sorting.^[22] ^[35] This shift reflected broader voter realignment driven by cultural and racial conservatism aligning more closely with Republican platforms, evidenced by increased Republican identification among white Southerners from the 1990s onward. The 1994 midterm elections marked a pivotal congressional realignment, with Republicans gaining 54 House seats and 8 Senate seats to secure majorities in both chambers for the first time since the 1950s, propelled by Newt Gingrich's "Contract with America" emphasizing fiscal conservatism, welfare reform, and limited government.^[36] This "Republican Revolution" disrupted the post-New Deal Democratic congressional hegemony, signaling voter dissatisfaction with Clinton-era policies and foreshadowing partisan sorting where ideology increasingly predicted party loyalty.^[37] Into the early 2000s, these changes contributed to heightened polarization, with parties realigning along educational and urban-rural lines amid globalization's economic dislocations affecting manufacturing regions.^[38] In the 21st century, a pronounced educational realignment emerged, with non-college-educated white voters shifting toward the Republican Party; by 2023, 63% identified as or leaned Republican, up substantially since the 1990s when such voters were more evenly divided.^[39] This cleavage intensified as the Democratic Party pivoted from predistribution policies (e.g., labor protections and trade barriers) toward redistribution via taxes and transfers, preferences favored by college-educated voters but alienating less-educated ones who prioritized job security—a dynamic explaining about 50% of the shift when accounting for voter perceptions of party economic competence.^[40] Empirical surveys from 1942–2020 show the education-partisan gradient reversing post-1970s, with each additional year of education predicting a 3% higher Democratic identification likelihood by 2000.^[41] Donald Trump's 2016 victory accelerated this working-class realignment, assembling a coalition of non-college voters that defied polling expectations and marked durable gains for Republicans among this group, comprising about 60% of the electorate.^[42] Trump improved Republican performance among white working-class voters in Rust Belt states, while beginning inroads with nonwhite working-class demographics, such as Hispanics in Texas's Rio Grande Valley and Cuban Americans in Florida, trends that persisted into 2020 where he narrowed gaps despite losing the popular vote.^[42] By the 2022 midterms, Republicans achieved their highest modern support among Black and Hispanic voters, underscoring education over income as the primary divide, with working-class voters increasingly viewing the GOP as addressing cultural and economic grievances overlooked by Democrats.^[42]^[43]

2024 Election as Potential Realignment

In the 2024 United States presidential election held on November 5, 2024, Republican candidate Donald Trump defeated Democratic candidate Kamala Harris, securing 312 electoral votes to Harris's 226 and winning the popular vote with approximately 49.9% to her 48.3%.^[44]^[45] This outcome marked Trump's return to the presidency and represented a continuation of Republican gains in key battleground states, including flips or widened margins in all seven swing states: Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.^[46] Voter turnout was estimated at around 65% of eligible voters, similar to recent cycles, with Trump maintaining strong support among non-college-educated white voters while expanding his coalition.^[47] Demographic analyses revealed notable shifts in voter coalitions, potentially signaling elements of realignment. Trump narrowed the Democratic advantage among Hispanic voters to a mere 3-point deficit (from over 30 points in 2020), achieved near parity with Harris in some exit polls, and saw increased support from Black voters, particularly Black men, rising to around 20-25% from 12% in 2020.^[48]^[49] Young voters under 30 shifted rightward, with Trump gaining ground among Gen Z compared to prior elections, driven by economic concerns and dissatisfaction with Democratic messaging.^[50] Working-class voters, defined by non-college education, continued their migration toward Republicans, with Trump winning this group by wide margins across racial lines, underscoring a class-based reconfiguration over traditional racial alignments.^[51] At the county level, over 89% of U.S. counties shifted toward Trump relative to 2020, including gains in urban and suburban areas previously trending Democratic, such as parts of the Bronx and Miami-Dade.^[52]^[53] These patterns have prompted debate among political scientists about whether 2024 constitutes a realigning election, akin to the New Deal era or Reagan's 1980 victory, where durable voter coalitions formed around new issues like economics and immigration. Proponents of realignment highlight the persistence of working-class defection from Democrats since 2016, attributing it to cultural and economic grievances rather than transient factors, with Trump's diverse coalition—including higher support from union households and low-propensity voters—suggesting a potential solidification of Republican dominance among non-elite groups.^[51]^[54] However, skeptics argue the election was "ordinary" in scope, lacking the transformative margins or issue realignments of historical precedents, with Trump's popular vote win being narrow and Democratic losses partly attributable to low enthusiasm for Harris rather than structural voter preference changes.^[55] True realignment requires confirmation in subsequent elections, as single-cycle shifts may reflect candidate-specific dynamics or economic conditions like inflation, which favored Trump but could reverse.^[56] Analyses from centrist institutions like Brookings emphasize incremental adaptation over dramatic rupture, cautioning against overinterpreting 2024 amid ongoing polarization.^[55]

International Examples

Europe

In Europe, political realignment since the 2010s has featured the decline of centrist dominance and the ascent of parties prioritizing national identity, immigration controls, and skepticism toward supranational integration, driven by voter discontent with economic inequality, cultural changes, and perceived elite detachment. Traditional social democratic and Christian democratic parties have hemorrhaged support, particularly among working-class electorates, as cultural divides supplant class-based alignments. This process varies regionally: Western Europe exhibits multiparty fragmentation with populist gains challenging coalitions, while Eastern Europe shows episodes of ruling-party consolidation amid post-communist institutional legacies. Empirical trends indicate populist parties' combined vote share in national elections rose from under 10% in the early 2000s to over 20% by 2024, reflecting causal links between globalization's dislocations and demands for sovereignty.^[57]^[58]

Western Europe: Populism and Fragmentation

Western Europe's party systems have fragmented as voters defect from mainstream parties toward populist radical right formations, eroding the post-1945 consensus on liberal internationalism. In the 2024 European Parliament elections, nationalist and populist groups secured approximately 25% of seats, up from prior cycles, with notable advances in France (National Rally at 31.4%), Germany (Alternative for Germany at 15.9%), and Austria (Freedom Party at 27.5%).^[59]^[60] These gains prompted policy shifts, such as stricter migration stances in national governments; Italy's Brothers of Italy formed a coalition in October 2022 with 26% of the vote, enacting naval blockades on migrant routes.^[61] In the Netherlands, Geert Wilders' Party for Freedom won 23% in 2023, supporting a minority cabinet focused on border closures.^[62] This realignment correlates with socioeconomic patterns: less-educated, rural voters increasingly back cultural conservatism, while urban professionals align with greens or liberals, as evidenced by Chapel Hill Expert Surveys tracking ideological polarization since 2000.^[63] Fragmentation has destabilized governments; France's July 2024 snap election after National Rally's European success yielded a hung parliament, with no bloc securing a majority despite the party's 33% first-round share. Mainstream parties' adaptations, like Germany's CDU pledging asylum curbs, reflect competitive pressures but have not reversed dealignment, with established groups losing 10-15% vote shares in key states from 2019 to 2024.^[64]^[65]

Eastern Europe: Post-Communist Consolidations

Eastern Europe's realignments have centered on dominant parties consolidating power through appeals to historical grievances, economic redistribution, and resistance to Western liberal norms, building on post-1989 transitions' incomplete institutionalization. In Hungary, Fidesz under Viktor Orbán secured constitutional supermajorities in 2010 (52.7% vote), 2014, 2018, and 2022 (54%), enabling media control and electoral law changes that entrenched rural support bases.^[66]^[67] This dominance reflects a realignment toward "illiberal democracy," with policies like family subsidies boosting turnout among traditionalist voters, though opposition fragmentation limited challenges. Poland's Law and Justice (PiS) governed from 2015 (37.6% vote) to 2023, implementing judicial reforms and welfare expansions that polarized electorates along urban-rural lines, securing 43.6% in 2019 but falling to 35.4% in 2023 amid inflation and EU disputes, enabling a pro-EU coalition's ascent.^[68]^[69] In Slovakia, Robert Fico's Smer-SD reclaimed power in the September 2023 parliamentary election (22.9%), allying with nationalists to halt Ukraine aid and amend broadcasting laws, signaling a shift from the 2020 pro-Western coalition.^[70]^[71] Fico's ally Peter Pellegrini won the 2024 presidential runoff with 55%, consolidating executive alignment. These consolidations stem from post-communist legacies, where weaker civil societies enabled party capture of institutions, contrasting Western fragmentation; empirical data show ruling parties maintaining 40-50% cores via clientelism and identity mobilization, though vulnerabilities to economic shocks persist.^[72]^[73]

Western Europe: Populism and Fragmentation

In Western Europe, the rise of populist parties has accelerated political fragmentation since the early 2020s, eroding the dominance of centrist establishments and complicating coalition formations. Right-wing populist parties, emphasizing immigration controls, national sovereignty, and criticism of EU integration, have captured increasing vote shares amid public discontent with economic stagnation and cultural changes. For instance, their combined vote share in national elections grew notably in countries like Italy, Sweden, and the Netherlands by 2022-2023, reflecting a voter shift away from traditional parties that previously alternated power.^[57] ^[74] Italy exemplifies this realignment, where Giorgia Meloni's Brothers of Italy secured 26% of the vote in the September 2022 general election, forming a government coalition that has maintained stability through 2025 despite internal challenges. The party's success stemmed from its platform prioritizing border security and family policies, drawing support from working-class voters disillusioned with prior centrist administrations. Poll ratings for Brothers of Italy hovered around 26-28% into late 2025, underscoring sustained appeal without significant reversal.^[75] ^[76] Similar patterns emerged in the Netherlands, where Geert Wilders' Party for Freedom (PVV) won 37 of 150 seats (approximately 23.5% of the vote) in the November 2023 parliamentary election, propelled by anti-immigration sentiment following years of high asylum inflows. PVV joined a right-wing coalition government in July 2024, influencing stricter migration policies, though the government collapsed in June 2025 over unresolved immigration disputes, triggering snap elections amid ongoing fragmentation.^[77] ^[78] In Sweden, the Sweden Democrats achieved 20.5% in the September 2022 election, becoming the second-largest party and enabling a center-right minority government via external support under the Tidö Agreement. This positioned the party to enforce tougher immigration and law-and-order measures, marking a departure from Sweden's historically permissive policies; by 2025, its influence persisted despite public debates over democratic norms, with polls indicating continued growth in blue-collar districts.^[79] ^[80] France's 2024 legislative elections highlighted fragmentation's extremes: Marine Le Pen's National Rally led the first round on June 30 with 33.15% of the vote, but strategic voting and alliances resulted in a hung parliament, with the left-wing New Popular Front gaining 188 seats, centrists around 160, and National Rally securing about 143—leaving no majority and forcing unstable governance.^[81] ^[82] Germany's February 2025 federal election further illustrated the trend, with the Alternative for Germany (AfD) attaining 20.8% nationwide—its historic high as second place—dominating eastern states and expanding westward on platforms opposing mass migration and green energy mandates, while the CDU/CSU won but struggled to form coalitions excluding AfD. This outcome fragmented the Bundestag, with AfD holding 152 seats and complicating policy consensus on economic recovery and EU relations.^[83] ^[84] These developments have led to more multipolar parliaments, with effective number of parties increasing in several nations due to splintering center blocs and populist breakthroughs, often resulting in minority governments or prolonged negotiations. Mainstream parties' attempts to adopt populist rhetoric on immigration have yielded limited vote recovery, perpetuating a cycle of imitation without halting the underlying voter realignment toward sovereignty-focused alternatives.^[85] ^[58]

Eastern Europe: Post-Communist Consolidations

Following the collapse of communist regimes in 1989–1991, Central and Eastern European countries experienced rapid electoral realignments as voters rejected one-party systems in favor of multi-party democracies, with initial victories for anti-communist coalitions emphasizing market reforms and national independence.^[86] In Poland, Solidarity's overwhelming win in the semi-free June 1989 elections led to Tadeusz Mazowiecki's government, marking the first non-communist leadership in the Soviet bloc.^[87] Similar patterns emerged in Czechoslovakia's Velvet Revolution and Hungary's negotiated transition, where center-right or dissident groups secured power by 1990, consolidating opposition to Soviet-era structures amid economic liberalization shocks.^[88] Economic hardships from privatization and austerity— including unemployment rates exceeding 15% in Poland by 1992 and hyperinflation in some states—prompted a mid-1990s realignment toward reformed successor parties of the communists, which promised stability and welfare continuity.^[89] Poland's Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), rooted in the former Polish United Workers' Party, won 20.4% in the 1993 parliamentary elections, forming a coalition government.^[90] Hungary's Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) similarly triumphed with 32.9% in 1994, capitalizing on voter fatigue with reformist pain.^[91] These shifts reflected a pragmatic voter pivot from ideological anti-communism to socioeconomic security, though the parties moderated toward pro-market policies to pursue EU accession.^[92] By the late 1990s and early 2000s, renewed realignments favored center-right parties focused on Euro-Atlantic integration, as economic stabilization and NATO/EU enlargement (2004 for eight states) realigned electorates around geopolitical priorities over past affiliations.^[89] In Poland, Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS) secured 33.8% in 1997, enabling EU negotiations.^[93] Hungary's Fidesz, evolving from liberal roots to conservative nationalism under Viktor Orbán, governed from 1998–2002, emphasizing Christian democracy and sovereignty.^[94] This era saw party system stabilization, with declining fragmentation as voters coalesced into pro- and anti-integration blocs, though ex-communist lefts began eroding due to corruption scandals and historical baggage.^[95] The 2010s marked a consolidation of national-conservative dominance, as cultural and identity issues—intensified by the 2015 migrant crisis and perceived EU overreach—drove voters away from liberal and residual social democratic parties toward parties prioritizing border security, family policies, and economic nationalism.^[96] Hungary's Fidesz achieved a supermajority in 2010 with 52.7% of votes, enacting constitutional reforms and media controls sustained through 2022 elections (54% share).^[97] Poland's Law and Justice (PiS) won 37.6% in 2015, governing until 2023 with policies like judicial reforms and child benefits, drawing rural and working-class support disillusioned by post-2004 liberalization.^[98] Slovakia's Direction–Social Democracy (Smer-SD) under Robert Fico maintained power intermittently since 2006, peaking at 34.8% in 2012, blending left economics with anti-immigration stances.^[57] Across the region, traditional left vote shares plummeted—e.g., MSZP from 43% in 2002 to under 10% by 2018—as working-class electorates realigned to these conservative formations, reflecting causal links between globalization strains and sovereignty preferences over supranational progressivism.^[91]^[92]

Asia: Emerging Party System Changes

In India, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has reshaped the national party system since its 2014 victory, establishing a dominant position that analysts describe as India's fourth party system, succeeding the Congress-led dominance of prior eras.^[99] The BJP's 2019 general election win secured 303 seats in the Lok Sabha, reflecting a realignment toward Hindu nationalist appeals and welfare policies that consolidated support among lower castes and rural voters previously aligned with regional parties.^[100] However, the 2024 elections marked a partial reversal, with the BJP winning 240 seats and relying on National Democratic Alliance partners for a slim majority, signaling coalition dependencies amid opposition gains by the INDIA bloc, though the BJP retained its central role without collapsing the system.^[101] Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which has governed almost continuously since 1955, faced significant erosion in the 2020s due to slush fund scandals and economic stagnation, culminating in the October 2024 lower house election where the LDP-Komeito coalition lost its majority, securing only 215 seats against opposition gains.^[102] This prompted Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's resignation in October 2025 after further upper house losses in July 2025, where the coalition fell short of a majority, fostering instability and boosting opposition parties like the Constitutional Democratic Party amid voter disillusionment with LDP corruption.^[103]^[104] The shift highlights a potential fragmentation of Japan's de facto one-party dominance, with emerging conservative factions challenging LDP internals, as seen in the selection of Sanae Takaichi as party leader in 2025 to counter far-right surges.^[105] In South Korea, partisan alternation intensified with the June 2025 presidential election, where Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung won decisively following the impeachment and removal of conservative President Yoon Suk Yeol in April 2025 over martial law imposition, marking a rapid swing from conservative to progressive control.^[106]^[107] Lee's victory, securing over 50% of the vote, reflected voter backlash against Yoon's administration amid economic pressures and scandals, reinforcing South Korea's pattern of sharp ideological realignments since democratization, with the Democratic Party gaining ground among younger and urban demographics.^[108] This change underscores ongoing polarization, as progressive foreign policy recalibrations toward pragmatism challenge entrenched conservative alliances with the United States.^[109] The Philippines has witnessed dynastic realignments fracturing the 2022 Marcos-Duterte alliance, with Vice President Sara Duterte's resignation from Marcos Jr.'s cabinet in June 2024 amid policy disputes escalating into personal feuds, influencing the May 2025 midterm elections where dynastic rivalries dominated.^[110]^[111] The split, rooted in foreign policy divergences like South China Sea stances, has polarized elite networks, boosting Duterte-aligned candidates in regions while Marcos consolidated urban and establishment support, signaling a volatile party system prone to personalistic shifts over ideological consistency.^[112] These developments in South and Southeast Asia illustrate broader trends of populist incumbents facing voter penalties for graft and economic failures, prompting hybrid systems where traditional parties adapt or yield to coalitions and dynasties.^[113]

Latin America: Leftist Cycles and Backlashes

Latin America's political landscape has featured recurrent cycles of leftist ascendance, often termed the "Pink Tide," followed by electoral backlashes driven by economic deterioration and governance failures. The initial wave began in the late 1990s amid high commodity prices, enabling resource-dependent economies to fund expansive social programs and nationalizations. Hugo Chávez's election in Venezuela in 1998 marked the onset, with subsequent victories for left-leaning leaders in Brazil (Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in 2002), Argentina (Néstor Kirchner in 2003), Bolivia (Evo Morales in 2005), and Ecuador (Rafael Correa in 2006).^[114] These governments pursued statist policies, including wealth redistribution and anti-market reforms, initially buoyed by oil and mineral booms that lifted GDP growth rates above 4% regionally from 2003 to 2008.^[115] The cycle's downturn accelerated after the 2014 commodity price collapse, exposing structural vulnerabilities such as overreliance on exports, fiscal deficits exceeding 5% of GDP in several nations, and currency controls that fueled black markets. In Venezuela, under Chávez and successor Nicolás Maduro, GDP contracted by over 75% from 2013 to 2021, hyperinflation peaked at 1.7 million percent in 2018, and poverty rates surged to 96% by 2021, prompting mass emigration of 7.7 million people.^[116] Brazil's Workers' Party administration under Dilma Rousseff faced impeachment in 2016 amid a recession that shrank GDP by 3.8% in 2015 and 3.6% in 2016, compounded by corruption scandals like Operation Car Wash, which implicated billions in bribes across state firms.^[117] Argentina under Cristina Fernández de Kirchner saw annual inflation average 25% from 2007 to 2015, with public debt ballooning to 53% of GDP by 2015, eroding investor confidence.^[118] Backlashes manifested in rightward electoral shifts from the mid-2010s, reflecting voter prioritization of economic stability over ideological appeals. Jair Bolsonaro's 2018 victory in Brazil, securing 55% of the vote, capitalized on anti-corruption sentiment and economic frustration, marking a realignment toward conservative nationalism.^[119] In Argentina, Javier Milei's 2023 presidential win with 56% of the runoff vote rejected Peronist continuity after inflation hit 211% in 2023, ushering in deregulation and austerity measures that reduced monthly inflation from 25% in December 2023 to under 5% by mid-2024.^[120] Bolivia's Morales was ousted in 2019 amid fraud allegations and protests, leading to interim conservative rule before a leftist return in 2020, while Ecuador and Peru saw similar anti-incumbent waves, with conservative Lenín Moreno succeeding Correa in 2017 and right-leaning Pedro Pablo Kuczynski briefly in 2016. These reversals correlated with poverty increases—up 10-20 percentage points in affected countries—and declining approval ratings for incumbents below 30%.^[121] Subsequent attempts at a "second Pink Tide" since 2018, including Lula's 2022 return in Brazil (50.9% vote share) and Andrés Manuel López Obrador's 2018 win in Mexico, have proven fragmented and less dominant, constrained by institutional checks and voter wariness of past failures. Economic data underscores causal links: leftist cycles often coincided with rising inequality post-boom (Gini coefficients worsening in Venezuela from 0.39 in 1998 to 0.45 by 2013) and debt sustainability issues, fostering realignments toward market-oriented reforms despite media narratives attributing declines primarily to external factors like U.S. sanctions, which postdated Venezuela's core collapse.^[122]^[116] This pattern highlights how empirical economic performance, rather than ideological entrenchment, drives voter shifts in resource-volatile polities.^[115]

Oceania: Incremental Voter Reorientations

In Australia, incremental voter reorientations have eroded the longstanding two-party system, with a gradual increase in support for independents and minor parties signaling a shift towards issue-based voting over partisan loyalty. From 8% of the primary vote in federal elections in 1980, the share allocated to non-major parties rose steadily to 32% by 2022, paralleling similar trends in state elections such as New South Wales (from 5% in 1981 to 28% in 2023). This dealignment intensified in the 2022 federal election, where 33% of voters backed minor parties or independents—the highest in nearly a century—while consistent party loyalty fell to a record low of 37%, down from 72% in 1967.^[123]^[124] Demographic patterns underscore this reorientation, particularly among educated urban voters and specific cohorts. Over 35 years of election data, women have increasingly supported left-of-centre parties, with Coalition backing dropping to 32% in 2022—the lowest recorded—attributable to factors like higher education levels and emphasis on issues such as health and climate. Younger voters exhibit parallel leftward trends, with Millennials and Gen Z providing only 24-25% support to the Coalition in 2022, though young men show slightly higher conservative leanings than young women. The "teal" independents, who secured multiple seats in traditionally Liberal-leaning affluent electorates in 2022 by prioritizing climate policy and anti-corruption measures, represent a targeted reorientation within moderate conservative bases; these candidates, ideologically positioned just left of center, have since voted cohesively in parliament at rates rivaling major parties.^[125]^[124]^[126] In New Zealand, voter reorientations under the mixed-member proportional system have proceeded incrementally through fluctuations in coalition preferences, often tied to economic performance rather than enduring ideological blocs. The 2023 general election marked a conservative pivot, with the National Party securing 48 seats amid Labour's party vote collapsing to 26.91%—nearly half its 2020 share—primarily due to backlash against inflation, housing costs, and perceived policy overreach following COVID-19 lockdowns. Māori electorates remained bastions of left-leaning support, with the most progressive areas concentrated there, while broader turnout held steady across age groups, indicating no sharp generational rupture but a pragmatic recalibration towards fiscal restraint.^[127]^[128]^[129]

Underlying Drivers

Economic and Class-Based Factors

Economic globalization and deindustrialization have eroded traditional working-class support for left-wing parties in Western democracies, redirecting it toward populist and conservative alternatives perceived as addressing economic grievances. Since the 1980s, manufacturing job losses—totaling over 5 million in the US alone from 2000 to 2010 due to trade with China and automation—have disproportionately affected non-college-educated workers, fostering resentment against free-trade policies and elite-driven economic integration.^[130]^[131] This shift is evident in the US, where Donald Trump's 2016 and 2024 victories drew strong support from white non-college voters (62% in 2024), who cited job outsourcing and wage stagnation as key concerns, while college graduates increasingly backed Democrats (55% for Harris in 2024).^[48]^[132] In Europe, similar patterns emerged, with radical right parties gaining among low-skilled workers hit by import competition from low-wage countries; for instance, imports of labor-intensive goods correlated with a 1-2 percentage point rise in right-wing populist vote shares in affected regions during the 2010s.^[133] Economic insecurity, rather than absolute poverty, drives this: European Social Survey data from 2002-2018 show working-class voters facing job instability were 10-15% more likely to support radical parties, left or right, as incumbents failed to mitigate globalization's "losers."^[134] Income inequality exacerbates these divides; Gini coefficients rising above 0.35 in countries like Italy and the UK since 2000 have boosted populist support by 5-7 points, as marginalized groups reject mainstream parties tied to neoliberal policies.^[135] Education has become a stronger class proxy than income in predicting alignments, with non-graduates favoring protectionism and immigration controls amid stagnant real wages (e.g., US median male earnings flat since 1973 adjusted for inflation).^[132] This realignment reflects supply-side party adaptations—populists offering economic nationalism—over demand-side voter ideology alone, as seen in the US education gradient widening from 10 points in 2000 to 25 points by 2020.^[136] Yet, causal links remain debated, with some analyses attributing shifts more to cultural mediation of economic shocks than pure materialism.^[137]

Cultural and Identity Shifts

In recent political realignments across Western democracies, cultural and identity divides have emerged as pivotal drivers, with voters increasingly sorting into coalitions based on attitudes toward immigration, national identity, traditional social norms, and progressive identity frameworks. Non-college-educated voters, who often prioritize cultural conservatism—such as stricter immigration controls and resistance to rapid social changes—have shifted toward right-wing or populist parties, while college-educated cohorts, more aligned with cosmopolitan multiculturalism and expansive minority rights, have gravitated leftward. This education-based cultural gradient has intensified since the 2010s, correlating with electoral outcomes where cultural salience overrides economic factors for many working-class demographics.^[138]^[139] Empirical voting data underscores this pattern: in the United States, the 2024 presidential election saw Donald Trump secure approximately 55% of non-college-educated white voters, alongside gains among Hispanic (45%) and Black (13%) non-college voters, reflecting a cultural backlash against perceived elite-driven identity politics on issues like border security and gender norms. In Europe, surveys indicate that immigration attitudes structure voting behavior, with voters deeming the issue salient being 20-30% more likely to defect to conservative or national-populist parties, as observed in France's 2022 legislative elections and Italy's 2022 general election where cultural protectionism bolstered right-wing majorities. This realignment transcends economics, as less-educated voters in both regions exhibit stronger opposition to multiculturalism and support for ethno-national identity preservation, per longitudinal panel studies.^[140]^[141]^[142] The erosion of traditional progressive dominance on identity issues further fuels these shifts; post-2020 U.S. polling revealed a 10-15% decline in support for strict identity-based discourse among independents and working-class minorities, enabling cross-coalition appeals emphasizing shared civic identity over group-based grievances. In Western Europe, generational data from 2019-2024 elections show younger, urban-educated voters polarizing left on cultural liberalism (e.g., 60% favoring expansive LGBTQ+ policies), while older and rural cohorts consolidate rightward on family values and heritage preservation, fragmenting centrist parties. These dynamics, rooted in causal tensions between globalized identity fluidity and localized cultural anchors, have rendered cultural positions more predictive of partisanship than class alone since the mid-2010s.^[143]^[144]^[145]

Institutional and Media Influences

Electoral institutions significantly shape the pace and form of political realignments by determining how voter preferences translate into parliamentary representation. Proportional representation (PR) systems, common in continental Europe, lower entry barriers for niche or extremist parties, enabling the fragmentation of traditional voter blocs and the rise of populist challengers that realign coalitions around anti-establishment sentiments. For instance, in countries like France, Germany, and Italy, PR has allowed radical right parties to capture 10-30% of votes in national elections since 2010, drawing support from former center-right and working-class voters disillusioned with immigration and EU integration policies.^[58] In majoritarian systems such as the United States' first-past-the-post or the United Kingdom's, Duverger's law promotes two-party dominance, compressing realignments into existing parties rather than spawning new ones; the Republican Party's shift toward working-class and non-college-educated voters from 2016 onward exemplifies this consolidation despite institutional rigidity.^[54] Bureaucratic institutions exert influence through policy implementation and resistance to electoral mandates, often amplifying misalignments between voter-driven realignments and administrative priorities. In the U.S., federal bureaucrats donate to Democratic candidates at rates exceeding 90% in some agencies, creating ideological friction that undermines conservative reforms and fuels perceptions of an unaccountable "deep state," which in turn bolsters support for realigning parties promising bureaucratic overhaul.^[146] Similar dynamics appear in Europe, where supranational EU bureaucracies prioritize integrationist policies, provoking national-level backlashes that realign voters toward sovereigntist parties, as evidenced by gains in Hungary and Poland post-2010.^[147] This causal pathway—where entrenched administrative preferences clash with popular shifts—highlights how bureaucracies can delay or distort realignments unless countered by strong executive controls. Media outlets influence realignments by framing issues and selectively amplifying narratives, with empirical evidence confirming a left-liberal skew in Western journalism that correlates with undercoverage of topics like migration costs or economic nationalism, alienating segments of the electorate and accelerating defections to alternative platforms. A cross-national survey of over 1,000 journalists in 17 countries found their self-identified ideologies skew left of national electorates by 10-20 percentage points on average, predicting coverage biases that favor progressive framing.^[148] In the U.S., this has manifested in partisan distrust, with Republican trust in mainstream media falling below 20% by 2020, driving realignments via echo chambers on social media that prioritize identity-based mobilization over traditional gatekept discourse.^[149] The countervailing rise of conservative media, such as Fox News, demonstrably shifted voter coalitions rightward, boosting Republican presidential vote shares by 0.4-0.7% in exposed markets between 1996 and 2000 through targeted issue emphasis.^[150] Social media's algorithmic amplification further entrenches these divides, enabling rapid coalition formation around overlooked grievances but exacerbating polarization that sustains realignments.^[151]

Implications for Democracy and Policy

Durability and Reversibility of Shifts

The durability of political realignments hinges on their alignment with enduring cleavages, such as economic grievances or cultural divides, which can institutionalize voter coalitions over multiple election cycles. Empirical studies of U.S. history reveal that critical realignments, like the Democratic dominance following the 1932 election, persisted for 30 to 40 years through consistent control of government institutions and reinforcement via policy feedback loops, before succumbing to dealignment amid changing demographics and issues.^[1] ^[11] In contrast, less entrenched shifts, such as those tied to transient economic shocks, often prove ephemeral without structural changes in party systems.^[15] Recent evidence from the United States underscores partial durability in the post-2016 realignment, where Republican gains among non-college-educated workers, Hispanics, and other traditionally Democratic-leaning groups held firm through the 2024 election, with Donald Trump achieving a popular vote plurality and expanded margins in Rust Belt states.^[152] ^[153] This shift, driven by class-based resentments over globalization and immigration, resisted full reversal despite intense partisan mobilization, though its long-term stability awaits confirmation in subsequent cycles, potentially through 2028.^[153] In Europe, populist realignments show similar variance: in Central and Eastern states like Hungary and Poland, parties emphasizing national sovereignty have consolidated power since the 2010s, leveraging institutional reforms to embed voter loyalty amid persistent post-communist economic disparities.^[154] ^[155] Reversibility of these coalitions often correlates with exogenous shocks or governance outcomes, as voters exhibit responsiveness to policy delivery and economic performance rather than ideological rigidity.^[156] In multiparty democracies, coalition formations can prompt short-term voter recalibrations, with support eroding for underperforming governments, as seen in Western Europe's fluctuating populist surges tied to economic uncertainty post-2008, where gains in countries like Italy and Sweden have endured in some cases but receded elsewhere amid recovery or scandals.^[157] ^[65] Institutional factors, including electoral rules and media landscapes, further mediate reversibility; proportional systems facilitate fragmentation and potential snapbacks, while majoritarian ones may lock in major-party realignments longer.^[158] Overall, while cultural-identity driven shifts appear more resistant to reversal than purely economic ones, no realignment proves immutable, as generational replacement and adaptive elite strategies continually reshape coalitions.^[8]

Effects on Governance and Polarization

This heightened ideological sorting during realignments amplifies affective and policy polarization, as voters increasingly view opposing parties not merely as rivals but as existential threats, reducing willingness for bipartisan compromise. In the United States, DW-NOMINATE analysis of roll-call votes reveals congressional polarization has accelerated since the 1970s realignment, with the partisan gap expanding from approximately 0.8 units in the early postwar era to over 1.6 by the 2020s, driven by regional and demographic shifts that sorted liberals into Democrats and conservatives into Republicans.^[159]^[160] Such polarization manifests in governance challenges, notably through procedural obstruction and gridlock, which have curtailed legislative output; for example, the number of public laws enacted per Congress has trended downward since the 1980s peak of 713 in the 100th Congress (1987-1988), reaching a low of 153 in the 118th Congress (2023-2024), the fewest since tracking began post-World War II.^[161]^[162] Divided government exacerbates this, as veto players exploit tools like the Senate filibuster to block initiatives, leading to repeated fiscal crises such as the 2011 debt ceiling standoff and 2023 brinkmanship, which delay appropriations and undermine administrative continuity.^[163]^[164] Yet realignments can enhance governance efficacy in unified periods by enabling decisive policy pivots aligned with new majorities, producing higher-stakes reforms despite overall slowdowns; empirical studies of U.S. states and Congress show polarized environments yield fewer routine laws but more ambitious ones, like the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act under Republican control or the 2010 Affordable Care Act under Democrats, reflecting realignment-mandated breaks from prior equilibria.^[165] In multiparty European systems, populist-driven realignments—such as the 2010s surge in radical-right support—have fragmented assemblies, prolonging coalition negotiations and shortening government durations; Italy, for instance, experienced four national governments between 2018 and 2022 amid Five Star Movement and League influences, fostering policy inconsistency on migration and budgets while polarizing debates over EU integration.^[145]^[166] Broader implications include elevated risks to institutional norms, as polarization from realignments incentivizes executive overreach or judicial reliance to bypass legislatures, potentially eroding checks and balances; cross-national data link high polarization to weaker economic performance and democratic accountability, though some models suggest it sharpens voter signals for quality governance by minimizing ambiguity in elite choices.^[167]^[168] In contexts like post-communist Eastern Europe or Latin American cycles, these dynamics amplify volatility, where realignments resolve stale coalitions but entrench zero-sum conflicts, hindering long-term policy durability.^[145]

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The Political Realignment of 2024 and What It Means for the Future
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The polarization in today's Congress has roots that go back decades
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In this paper we develop a theoretical model to show how elections in polarized societies contribute to improve quality of government.<|separator|>