Shas
Shas (Hebrew: ש״ס, an acronym for Shomrei Sefarad, "Sephardic Guardians") is an ultra-Orthodox Haredi political party in Israel founded in 1984 by Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, former Sephardi Chief Rabbi of Israel, to advocate for the religious, social, and economic interests of Sephardic and Mizrahi Jews within the Haredi community.[1][2] Emerging as a breakaway from Ashkenazi-dominated Haredi parties like Agudat Yisrael, Shas addressed perceived under-representation and discrimination faced by Sephardic Jews in religious institutions and politics, emphasizing Torah observance, Halakha-based governance, and outreach to secular Mizrahi Jews through the baal teshuva movement.[1][2] The party has achieved significant electoral success, peaking at 17 seats in the Knesset following the 1999 elections, and has frequently participated in governing coalitions, leveraging its influence to secure substantial funding for religious education networks like El HaMa'ayan, social welfare programs targeting impoverished communities, healthcare improvements, and exemptions from military service for yeshiva students.[2][3] Shas promotes hawkish security policies, opposition to territorial concessions, and expansion of religious authority in public life, while prioritizing aid for disadvantaged Sephardic families over broader economic liberalization.[1][4] Shas has faced notable controversies, particularly surrounding its long-time leader Aryeh Deri, who was convicted of bribery, fraud, and breach of trust in the 1990s, serving nearly three years in prison before returning to politics, and later accepted a plea deal for tax offenses in 2022 amid ongoing investigations into corruption allegations.[5][6] Despite such scandals, Deri's popularity persists among supporters, who view prosecutions as influenced by anti-Sephardic bias, enabling Shas to maintain a base rooted in ethnic solidarity and religious populism.[6][7]Origins and Name
Founding and Etymology
Shas was founded in 1984 by Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, the former Sephardic Chief Rabbi of Israel, to provide a distinct political voice for Sephardic and Mizrahi ultra-Orthodox Jews dissatisfied with the Ashkenazi-dominated leadership of established Haredi parties like Agudat Israel.[1] The party originated as a splinter movement, emphasizing Sephardic Torah scholarship, religious observance, and social services tailored to underserved communities from North African and Middle Eastern backgrounds.[2] Yosef established Shas with its own Council of Torah Sages to guide its religious and political direction, positioning it as a vehicle for "returning the crown to its owners" by reclaiming Sephardic prominence in Jewish religious life.[1] The founding occurred ahead of the July 1984 elections to the 11th Knesset, where Shas secured four seats, marking its entry into Israeli parliamentary politics.[2] The name Shas derives from the Hebrew acronym ש״ס (Shomrei Sefarad), meaning "Guardians of the Sephardim" or "Sephardic Guardians," which underscores the party's commitment to safeguarding Sephardic religious traditions against perceived marginalization.[2] [1] This nomenclature highlights an ethnic-religious identity, distinguishing Shas from broader Ashkenazi Haredi frameworks and appealing to voters who prioritized Sephardic halakhic interpretations and cultural heritage.[7] The acronym also alludes to shisha sedarim (שישה סדרים), the six orders of the Mishnah central to Talmudic study, symbolizing the party's dedication to comprehensive Torah learning, though the primary emphasis remains on Sephardic advocacy.[1]Historical Development
Formation and Early Growth (1984–1999)
Shas was established in 1984 by Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, a prominent Sephardic halakhic authority and former Chief Sephardic Rabbi of Israel, as an independent political party to represent the interests of ultra-Orthodox Sephardic Jews who felt marginalized within Ashkenazi-dominated Haredi parties such as Agudat Israel.[2][1] The party's acronym stands for Sephardic Torah Guardians (Shomrei Torah Sephardim), reflecting its initial focus on safeguarding Sephardic religious heritage and addressing institutional disadvantages faced by Sephardic Haredim in religious education, yeshiva funding, and political influence.[2][8] This formation stemmed from longstanding grievances over underrepresentation, including limited Sephardic voices in Agudat Israel's Council of Torah Sages and perceived cultural dominance by Ashkenazi elites in ultra-Orthodox institutions.[8] In its debut in the July 1984 Knesset elections for the 11th Knesset, Shas campaigned on platforms emphasizing Sephardic Torah study, social welfare for disadvantaged communities, and opposition to secular influences, securing four seats with approximately 4.7% of the vote.[9] Young activist Aryeh Deri, then in his twenties and a close associate of Yosef, emerged as a pivotal organizational leader, handling campaign logistics and forging alliances that positioned Shas within coalition governments despite its modest debut.[5] The party joined the national unity government under Shimon Peres, gaining ministerial roles in housing and labor to advocate for Sephardic development towns and immigrant absorption.[9] Throughout the late 1980s and 1990s, Shas expanded by establishing parallel institutions to Ashkenazi Haredi networks, including the El HaMa'ayan ("From the Well") education system, which by the early 1990s operated dozens of kindergartens and schools emphasizing Sephardic liturgy and anti-assimilationist values, enrolling thousands of students from working-class Mizrahi families.[9] In the 1988 elections, Shas increased to six seats, reflecting growing appeal among peripheral Sephardic voters disillusioned with Labor and Likud socioeconomic policies.[9] Deri's appointment as Minister of Interior in 1992 under Yitzhak Rabin's government amplified Shas's influence, enabling resource allocation to Haredi welfare programs and yeshivas, though it also drew scrutiny for alleged patronage networks.[5][9] The party's breakthrough came in the May 1996 elections, where it captured 10 seats (about 8.5% of the vote), becoming a kingmaker in Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition by leveraging Yosef's religious endorsements and Deri's pragmatic deal-making.[9] This growth was fueled by mobilization of non-Haredi Sephardic voters through charismatic street activism, derashot (sermons) broadcast on party radio, and promises of poverty alleviation via state-funded religious services.[7] By the 1999 elections, Shas achieved 17 seats (13% of the vote), its peak in this period, solidifying as Israel's third-largest party amid economic grievances post-Oslo Accords and Yosef's fatwas prioritizing Jewish lives over territorial concessions.[9] However, Deri's 1999 conviction for bribery and breach of trust—stemming from investigations into Interior Ministry appointments—marked the era's close, temporarily sidelining him but underscoring Shas's entanglement with clientelist politics.[5]Expansion and Challenges (2000–2019)
Following the conviction of Aryeh Deri for bribery, fraud, and breach of trust in 1999, Shas navigated leadership challenges as Deri began a three-year prison sentence in September 2000.[10] Eli Yishai assumed the role of party chairman during Deri's absence, maintaining Shas's focus on Sephardi Haredi interests while participating in coalition governments.[5] Deri was released in July 2002 after serving two-thirds of his term, but refrained from immediate political involvement.[11] Shas sustained electoral strength in the early 2000s, securing 11 seats in the 2003 Knesset election, 12 seats in 2006, and 11 seats in 2009, reflecting continued support among working-class Sephardi voters prioritizing welfare and religious education.[12][13][14] The party expanded its social infrastructure, notably through the Ma'ayan HaTorah educational network, which by the early 2000s enrolled over 20,000 pupils in elementary schools and thousands more in post-elementary institutions, targeting underprivileged Sephardi communities and ba'alei teshuva.[15] This growth reinforced Shas's role as a provider of alternative social services amid criticisms of state neglect for Mizrahi Jews.[16] Deri's return to politics in 2012 intensified internal tensions, leading to a brief joint leadership arrangement with Yishai in October, which fractured amid power struggles.[17] Yishai departed Shas in December 2014 to form the Yachad party, splitting the party's right-leaning electorate and weakening its position ahead of the 2015 election, where Shas won only 7 seats.[18][19] The death of spiritual leader Rabbi Ovadia Yosef on October 7, 2013, exacerbated divisions, as his unifying authority had held the fractious party together; the subsequent Council of Torah Sages struggled to maintain cohesion amid feuding politicians.[20][21] Under Deri's reaffirmed chairmanship in 2015, Shas recovered modestly to 8 seats in the April 2019 election, but faced ongoing scrutiny over corruption allegations tied to its leadership history.[22][23] Deri's 2016 appointment as Interior Minister, 22 years after resigning from the post amid scandal, highlighted persistent legal vulnerabilities, though he denied wrongdoing in subsequent probes.[24] Despite these hurdles, Shas retained influence through coalition bargaining, advocating for Haredi exemptions and social spending.[25]Contemporary Role and Events (2020–Present)
In the wake of the March 2021 legislative election, Shas remained in opposition during the short-lived unity government led by Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, which excluded the party's traditional right-wing allies.[26] The party focused on advocating for Sephardi Haredi community interests, including expanded funding for religious education and social welfare programs targeting low-income families, amid ongoing coalition negotiations that sidelined ultra-Orthodox demands for military draft exemptions.[2] Shas rebounded in the November 1, 2022, legislative election, securing 11 seats and joining Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition government upon its formation on December 29, 2022.[27] Party leader Aryeh Deri was appointed interior and health minister, positions leveraging Shas's influence over local governance and public services vital to its constituency.[28] However, on January 18, 2023, Israel's Supreme Court unanimously disqualified Deri from serving in a ministerial role, ruling his appointment unreasonable due to a prior tax fraud conviction classified as a breach of trust, prompting Netanyahu to dismiss him on January 22.[29][30] Shas lawmakers continued to back the government's judicial reform efforts, emphasizing the need to curb perceived judicial overreach into religious and legislative matters.[31] Following the Hamas-led attack on October 7, 2023, Shas endorsed Israel's military campaign in Gaza, with Deri participating in security cabinet deliberations despite his ministerial ouster.[32] The party supported proposals for hostage release deals with Hamas, including a June 2024 endorsement of a framework involving phased ceasefires and prisoner exchanges, while prioritizing the elimination of Hamas's military capabilities.[33] Tensions escalated over military conscription for yeshiva students, as the Supreme Court's June 2024 decision to end blanket Haredi exemptions intensified enforcement amid wartime manpower shortages; Shas demanded legislative protections, voting in favor of Knesset dissolution bills in June 2025 to pressure the coalition.[34] By July 2025, Shas withdrew its ministers from the government in protest over stalled draft exemption legislation and increased draft enforcement, reducing Netanyahu's majority but maintaining external support for key votes.[35] On October 22, 2025, the party resigned from all Knesset committee chair positions, citing the coalition's failure to advance Haredi exemptions as essential for "spiritual and historical existence," though Deri continued attending security meetings.[36][37] This maneuver underscored Shas's role as a coalition stabilizer contingent on religious prerogatives, amid broader debates on integrating Haredi communities into national defense without compromising Torah study.[38]Ideology and Core Principles
Religious and Halakhic Orientation
Shas embodies a Sephardi ultra-Orthodox orientation, committed to the strict observance and application of halakha, the body of Jewish religious law derived from the Torah and rabbinic literature. The party promotes a vision of Israeli society infused with halakhic norms, including mandatory religious education, enforcement of Shabbat laws in public spaces, and opposition to secular encroachments such as public displays of homosexuality. This stance reflects a broader ideological drive to establish a halakhic state framework, where rabbinic authority supersedes secular legislation in matters of personal status and ritual practice.[1] At the core of Shas's halakhic approach is deference to Sephardi rabbinic authorities, particularly Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, who founded the party in 1984 and served as its unchallenged spiritual guide until his death in 2013. Yosef, a prolific posek whose responsa in series like Yechave Da'at addressed thousands of queries, prioritized Sephardi minhagim—customs such as permitting kitniyot during Passover and distinct liturgical melodies—while upholding haredi stringency against modern innovations. His rulings often invoked principles like pikuach nefesh (saving lives) to navigate tensions between religious purity and pragmatic needs, as in permitting certain medical procedures or territorial compromises when Jewish lives were at stake, though he remained hawkish on security.[39][40][1] Shas distinguishes itself from Ashkenazi haredi factions by challenging their historical hegemony over Israel's religious institutions, advocating instead for Sephardi-led Torah scholarship and institutions that preserve Mizrahi-Sephardi heritage against perceived elitist Ashkenazi impositions. This ethnic-religious populism fosters a more accessible haredi model, blending rigorous halakhic study with outreach via the baal teshuva movement to draw lapsed Sephardim back to observance, without fully adopting the isolationist Litvish yeshiva culture dominant among Ashkenazim. The party's Council of Torah Sages continues Yosef's legacy, issuing binding directives that integrate halakhic fidelity with advocacy for socioeconomic equity as a religious imperative.[41][1][42]Socio-Economic Priorities
Shas prioritizes socio-economic policies aimed at alleviating poverty and discrimination faced by Sephardic, Mizrahi, and ultra-Orthodox communities, framing these as extensions of religious imperatives for social justice and support for the vulnerable. The party advocates for expanded state-funded welfare programs, viewing economic inequality—particularly the historical marginalization of Sephardic Jews by the Ashkenazi establishment—as a core grievance requiring intervention through subsidies, family support, and community development initiatives.[7][1][41] A key focus is on increasing welfare benefits, affordable housing, and healthcare access for lower-income Israelis, with Shas leaders like Aryeh Deri emphasizing protection against cuts to social services. In the 2022 coalition agreement, Shas secured commitments for billions of shekels in funding for welfare expansion, healthcare enhancements, and a five-year plan targeting ultra-Orthodox socio-economic advancement, including employment training and infrastructure in disadvantaged areas. The party has historically pushed for subsidized housing and stronger family-oriented policies, such as improved daycare and child allowances, to address high poverty rates—51% among Haredim in 2019 government data, disproportionately affecting Shas's base.[3][43][44] Shas opposes privatization and neoliberal reforms that it argues exacerbate inequality, instead favoring state equity stakes in aided companies to benefit poorer constituencies and religious institutions. During the 2015 election campaign, Deri vowed to combat the "plight of Israel's poor," criticizing rivals for neglecting welfare amid rising living costs. These positions often intersect with demands for funding religious education and institutions, which Shas sees as essential for cultural preservation and economic stability in its communities, though critics note potential trade-offs with broader workforce integration.[43][45][46]Positions on National Security and Foreign Policy
Shas maintains a hawkish stance on national security, prioritizing the retention of Israeli control over Judea and Samaria to safeguard against existential threats, while opposing the creation of a Palestinian state in those territories that could undermine defense lines. The party supports extending Israeli sovereignty over parts of these areas and insists on peace agreements with Arab states only if they guarantee the security of Israeli residents and the indivisibility of Jerusalem.[2] Historically, Shas opposed territorial concessions perceived as jeopardizing security, as evidenced by Rabbi Ovadia Yosef's vehement rejection of the 2005 Gaza disengagement plan, which he described as contrary to divine will and a catalyst for disaster. Yosef instructed Shas Knesset members to vote against a referendum on the pullout, fearing it would legitimize secular-driven policies harmful to Jewish interests, despite the party's initial moderate leanings on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.[47][48] In contemporary contexts, Shas leaders like Aryeh Deri have endorsed decisive military responses to threats from Hamas and Iran. Deri, as an observer in the post-October 7, 2023, war cabinet, framed the Hamas attack—despite its divine forsaking of Israel—as ultimately averting a larger Iranian encroachment by unifying national resolve against broader regional adversaries. The party backs coalition policies under Benjamin Netanyahu emphasizing robust deterrence, including operations against Hamas and preparedness for Iranian aggression, while navigating internal tensions over Haredi draft exemptions that do not alter its commitment to overall defense posture.[49][50] On foreign policy, Shas favors pragmatic normalization with Sunni Arab states, as seen in support for Abraham Accords extensions, provided they align with Israel's security imperatives and do not entail concessions to Palestinian demands. The party views Iran as a paramount threat, advocating preemptive measures and alliances to counter its proxy networks, reflecting a realist approach rooted in halakhic preservation of the Jewish state amid hostile surroundings.[2]Organizational Framework
Leadership Structure
Shas operates under a dual leadership model that integrates political direction with rabbinical oversight, ensuring alignment with Sephardi Haredi values. The party chairman, currently Aryeh Deri, holds executive authority over day-to-day political operations, including electoral strategy and Knesset activities; Deri assumed this role in 2013 following a period of internal challenges and has retained it through subsequent elections.[51][37] The paramount authority resides with the Moetzet Chachmei HaTorah (Council of Torah Sages), a body of senior Sephardi rabbis that functions as the spiritual and ideological guide, issuing binding directives on policy matters, particularly those involving halakha and Torah observance.[51] Comprising figures such as Rabbi Shalom Cohen until his death in 2022 and recently expanded with four new members in 2023, the Council approves leadership appointments and intervenes decisively, as evidenced by its October 2025 instruction for Shas to relinquish Knesset committee roles in protest over delays in legislating yeshiva draft exemptions.[52][36] This structure, established at Shas's founding in 1984 under Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, prioritizes rabbinical supremacy to prevent secular drift, with the chairman accountable to the Council's rulings rather than internal party elections alone.[53] The Council's president (Nasi) often wields significant influence, coordinating its consensus-based decisions that shape Shas's coalition participation and legislative priorities.[54]Role of the Council of Torah Sages
The Council of Torah Sages (Moetzet Chachmei HaTorah) functions as Shas's supreme rabbinical authority, exercising ultimate oversight over the party's political decisions to ensure alignment with Sephardi ultra-Orthodox halakhic standards and Torah principles.[2] This body, comprising senior Sephardi rabbis, holds precedence over elected officials, dictating policy on matters such as coalition formations, legislative votes, and ideological positions.[55] [51] Established in 1984 alongside Shas's founding to represent ultra-Orthodox Sephardi and Mizrahi interests, the council was initially co-chaired by Rabbi Ovadia Yosef and Rabbi Menachem Shach.[2] Shach's resignation in 1990 left Yosef as the sole spiritual leader until his death on October 7, 2013, after which subsequent councils have continued under figures such as Rabbi Shalom Cohen and Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef.[2] The council convenes periodically to issue binding directives (haskamot), which party leader Aryeh Deri and Knesset members are obligated to follow, reinforcing Shas's theocratic structure where clerical guidance supersedes political autonomy.[56] [51] In practice, the council's influence manifests in directives on pivotal issues, particularly those affecting Haredi exemptions from military service. On July 16, 2025, it unanimously instructed Shas to resign from ministerial roles while remaining in the coalition, protesting delays in legislating yeshiva student draft exemptions.[36] Subsequently, on October 22, 2025, the council ordered withdrawal from Knesset committee chairmanships and senior posts, coordinating future votes with other Haredi parties until the exemption law advances.[55] [36] Historically, it directed Shas's exit from Ehud Barak's coalition in 2000 over opposition to the Camp David Summit proposals, exemplifying its role in enforcing hawkish stances on security and territorial issues.[2] This authority extends to vetting candidates and shaping the party's socio-religious agenda, such as welfare programs and educational initiatives tailored to Mizrahi communities, while maintaining doctrinal purity against secular encroachments.[2] The council's pronouncements, often publicized through party channels, underscore Shas's commitment to rabbinic supremacy, distinguishing it from secular parties and even some Ashkenazi Haredi counterparts.[56]Community Networks and Institutions
Shas maintains a robust network of educational institutions tailored to Sephardi and Mizrahi Haredi communities, primarily through Ma'ayan HaChinuch HaTorani, an independent educational stream established in the late 1980s to counter perceived Ashkenazi cultural dominance in Orthodox schooling. This system delivers Torah-centric curricula emphasizing Sephardic halakhic traditions, with a focus on elementary-level instruction that prioritizes religious observance over extensive secular studies.[57][58] The Ma'ayan network operates preschools, talmudei torah for boys, and elementary schools across Israel, particularly in peripheral and low-income areas, serving thousands of students from disadvantaged backgrounds. In 2022, approximately 6,200 educators and staff within the Bnei Yosef-Ma'ayan HaChinuch HaTorani framework unionized, underscoring the scale of operations that extend to rural and urban Sephardi enclaves. These institutions receive partial state funding as recognized unofficial schools but retain autonomy in curriculum design to foster ethnic-religious identity.[59][7] Complementing education, Shas supports social welfare initiatives through affiliated organizations that address poverty gaps in Sephardi communities, including food distribution, family counseling, and financial aid programs often tied to religious outreach. These services emerged in the 1990s to fill voids left by mainstream institutions, leveraging coalition bargaining for resources like billions in shekels for disadvantaged populations as secured in the 2022 government deal.[60][3][61] Community networks extend to local synagogues, study halls, and baal teshuva centers promoting Torah return among secular Mizrahim, coordinated under the party's spiritual leadership to reinforce halakhic adherence and cultural preservation. This infrastructure has expanded Haredi Sephardi enrollment in private religious schools by thousands since the 1980s, correlating with Shas's electoral base growth.[16][62]Electoral and Political Engagement
Election Results Overview
Shas first contested the 1984 Israeli legislative election, securing 4 seats with 3.1% of the vote.[2] The party's representation grew steadily in subsequent elections, reflecting increasing mobilization among Sephardi and Mizrahi Jewish communities, reaching a peak of 17 seats and 13.0% of the vote in 1999.[2] This high point coincided with strong leadership under Rabbi Ovadia Yosef and effective grassroots outreach via institutions like the Shas educational network.[2] Post-1999, Shas experienced fluctuations, often hovering between 7 and 12 seats, influenced by competition from other religious parties, internal splits, and broader political fragmentation.[2] A notable decline occurred in 2015, with only 7 seats (5.7% vote share), amid multiple elections and voter shifts toward Zionist parties.[2] Recovery followed in the 2019–2022 cycle, stabilizing at 9–11 seats, positioning Shas as a consistent coalition partner for right-wing governments.[2] As of the 2022 election for the 25th Knesset, Shas holds 11 seats with 8.2% of the vote, maintaining its role in the governing coalition.[2]| Election Year (Knesset) | Votes | Vote Share (%) | Seats |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1984 (11th) | 63,605 | 3.1 | 4 |
| 1988 (12th) | 107,709 | 4.7 | 6 |
| 1992 (13th) | 129,347 | 4.9 | 6 |
| 1996 (14th) | 259,976 | 8.5 | 10 |
| 1999 (15th) | 430,676 | 13.0 | 17 |
| 2003 (16th) | 258,879 | 8.2 | 11 |
| 2006 (17th) | 299,054 | 9.5 | 12 |
| 2009 (18th) | 286,300 | 8.5 | 11 |
| 2013 (19th) | 331,868 | 8.8 | 11 |
| 2015 (20th) | 241,613 | 5.7 | 7 |
| April 2019 (21st) | 258,275 | 6.0 | 8 |
| September 2019 (22nd) | 330,199 | 7.4 | 9 |
| 2020 (23rd) | 352,853 | 7.7 | 9 |
| 2021 (24th) | 316,008 | 7.2 | 9 |
| 2022 (25th) | 392,964 | 8.2 | 11 |
Knesset Representation and Coalition Dynamics
Shas has secured representation in every Knesset since its debut in the 1984 election for the 11th Knesset, drawing support predominantly from Sephardi and Mizrahi communities. Its seat totals have fluctuated, peaking at 17 in 1999 before stabilizing in the 7-12 range in most subsequent elections. The following table summarizes Shas's Knesset seats by election year: [2]
| Election Year | Seats |
|---|---|
| 1984 | 4 |
| 1988 | 6 |
| 1992 | 6 |
| 1996 | 10 |
| 1999 | 17 |
| 2003 | 11 |
| 2006 | 12 |
| 2009 | 11 |
| 2013 | 11 |
| 2015 | 7 |
| April 2019 | 8 |
| September 2019 | 9 |
| 2020 | 9 |
| 2021 | 9 |
| 2022 | 11 |