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Upper middle class

The upper middle class comprises highly educated professionals and managers whose household incomes exceed twice the national median—typically ranging from $150,000 to $300,000 annually in the United States as of 2024, depending on household size and location—enabling lifestyles marked by homeownership, retirement savings, and discretionary spending on education and travel, yet falling short of the asset wealth that defines the true economic elite.^[1]^[2] This stratum, often constituting 10-15% of the population in developed economies, derives its position primarily from meritocratic attainment of advanced degrees (e.g., master's or doctoral) and occupations requiring specialized expertise, such as physicians, attorneys, engineers, and corporate executives, rather than inherited capital or entrepreneurial windfalls.^[3]^[4] Unlike the broader middle class, which includes routine white-collar and skilled trades, the upper middle class exhibits higher rates of geographic mobility to high-cost areas, investment in children's elite schooling, and cultural emphasis on delayed gratification through career investment, contributing disproportionately to innovation and tax revenues while facing pressures from rising housing and education costs that erode relative purchasing power.^[5] In global terms, even the lower bounds of U.S. upper middle-class incomes place households in the top decile of worldwide earners, underscoring the term's parochial application to affluent Western contexts amid broader international income disparities.^[6] Key defining characteristics include a reliance on human capital accumulation—evident in over 80% holding at least a bachelor's degree and many pursuing continuous professional development—contrasting with the upper class's diversification into passive income streams.^[4] Controversies surrounding this group often center on perceptions of insulated privilege, such as advocacy for policies favoring credentialism that may hinder lower-class ascent, though empirical mobility data affirm pathways via education remain viable for high performers regardless of origin.^[7] Their economic role is pivotal: upper middle-class consumption and labor sustain sectors like healthcare and technology, yet stagnant real wage growth since the 2000s has prompted debates on whether credential inflation and regulatory barriers are compressing opportunities once fueling post-war prosperity.^[5]

Definition and Criteria

Income and Wealth Metrics

In the United States, upper middle class income thresholds are typically situated at the higher end of the middle-income spectrum or the lower end of the upper-income category, often ranging from $150,000 to $250,000 annually for a household of three, adjusted for inflation, family size, and regional cost of living variations.^[1]^[8] The Pew Research Center delineates upper-income households—encompassing the upper middle class in broader classifications—as those exceeding twice the national median household income, approximately $169,800 in 2024 for a three-person household in areas with median living costs.^[1] Sociological frameworks from the Brookings Institution further refine this by positioning the upper middle class within the 80th to 95th income percentiles, excluding the top 1%, with representative 2015 household incomes up to $205,000 (equivalent to roughly $250,000 in 2024 dollars after inflation adjustment using CPI data).^[9] These thresholds escalate in high-cost metropolitan areas; for example, in Maryland, upper middle class status may require at least $158,126 annually as of 2025 estimates derived from state median incomes and percentile distributions.^[10] Nationally, analyses peg the onset of upper middle class earnings around $106,000 to $150,000 for the top quintile of middle-income households, reflecting dual-earner professional couples in fields like management or specialized professions.^[7]^[2] Income stability in this bracket correlates with lower volatility compared to lower classes, supported by Federal Reserve Survey of Consumer Finances data showing upper middle households maintaining earnings through economic cycles via diversified professional roles. Wealth metrics complement income, with upper middle class net worth generally spanning $500,000 to $2 million, accumulated via homeownership, retirement accounts, and moderate investments, distinct from the concentrated assets of the top 1%.^[11] Federal Reserve distributional data as of 2025 place upper middle wealth in the 75th to 90th percentiles, with median holdings around $700,000 to $1.2 million for households aged 45-64, driven by equity in primary residences (averaging 30-40% of total assets) and 401(k balances exceeding $300,000.^[12] Pew analyses of Federal Reserve figures indicate upper-income households (including upper middle) hold median net worth of $803,400, surpassing middle-income medians of $204,100, though this reflects lifecycle accumulation rather than liquid wealth.^[13] These figures underscore causal links between sustained high earnings, educational attainment, and asset-building behaviors, with upper middle households exhibiting lower debt-to-asset ratios (under 20%) than lower tiers. Regional disparities persist, as coastal urban net worth thresholds exceed national averages by 50% due to housing costs.^[14]

Educational and Occupational Indicators

The upper middle class is distinguished by elevated educational attainment, with members predominantly holding at least a bachelor's degree and frequently advanced degrees such as master's, professional (e.g., JD, MD), or doctoral qualifications. Data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics indicate that in 2023, individuals with professional degrees earned median weekly earnings of $2,080, compared to $1,493 for those with master's degrees and $1,334 for bachelor's degree holders, positioning these groups within or above typical upper middle class income ranges derived from household medians exceeding $150,000 annually in metropolitan areas.^[15] ^[16] These credentials are essential for entry into high-skill professions, reflecting a causal link between prolonged formal education and access to roles offering autonomy, expertise-based compensation, and socioeconomic mobility. Occupational profiles of the upper middle class center on professional, managerial, and technical fields requiring specialized training and cognitive demands, rather than manual labor or routine administrative work. Common roles include physicians and surgeons (median annual earnings $229,300 in 2023), lawyers ($145,760), software developers ($132,270), and financial managers ($156,100), as reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics; these occupations cluster in the upper income deciles, with over 70% of managers found in households above the 70th income percentile.^[17] ^[18] Engineering and architectural positions, alongside mid-to-senior business operations roles, also predominate, often yielding household incomes aligning with upper middle class benchmarks of 1.5 to 2 times the national median.^[19]

Occupation Category	Example Professions	Median Annual Earnings (2023, USD)
Healthcare Practitioners	Physicians, Dentists	229,300 (Physicians)
Legal	Lawyers	145,760
Management	Financial Managers, General Managers	156,100 (Financial)
Engineering/Tech	Software Developers, Civil Engineers	132,270 (Software)

This table illustrates select high-earning occupations typical of upper middle class employment, where earnings data underscore the premium on expertise-driven roles over sheer labor volume. While educational and occupational indicators strongly correlate with upper middle class status, individual outcomes vary by factors such as location, experience, and market demand, with Brookings Institution analysis emphasizing credentials as a key class marker independent of pure income metrics.^[20]

Distinctions from Adjacent Classes

The upper middle class is primarily distinguished from the lower and core middle classes by elevated educational credentials, typically advanced degrees such as master's or professional doctorates, and engagement in autonomous, high-status professions like medicine, law, engineering, or senior management, which generate household incomes often exceeding twice the national median—approximately $161,000 or more in 2023 terms for a three-person household.^[1]^[21] In contrast, middle-class households, defined by Pew Research as those with incomes between two-thirds and double the median (roughly $53,700 to $161,000 adjusted for household size), more frequently hold bachelor's degrees or less and occupy roles with moderate autonomy, such as mid-level administration, teaching, or skilled trades, resulting in greater exposure to economic volatility and limited capacity for wealth-building beyond basic security.^[22] This occupational divide enables upper middle-class families to afford premium housing in desirable suburbs, private education, and investment portfolios, fostering intergenerational mobility through human capital rather than routine labor.^[23] Relative to the upper class, the upper middle class relies predominantly on meritocratic earnings from salaried positions rather than inherited capital or ownership stakes in major enterprises, with net worth typically accumulating to several million dollars through disciplined saving and 401(k) contributions, but lacking the scale for true financial independence.^[23] Upper-class individuals, comprising the top 1-2% by wealth, often derive status from generational assets—such as family trusts, real estate holdings, or equity in legacy businesses—yielding passive income that dwarfs professional salaries and confers social and political influence independent of labor market performance.^[24] For instance, while an upper middle-class physician household might earn $300,000 annually to sustain a lifestyle of luxury vehicles and travel, upper-class counterparts leverage inherited portfolios valued at tens of millions, enabling philanthropy, board seats, or venture capital without equivalent career demands.^[25] This distinction underscores a causal reliance on personal achievement versus entrenched privilege, with upper middle-class wealth vulnerable to market disruptions or career interruptions absent the buffers of old money.^[26]

Characteristic	Middle Class	Upper Middle Class	Upper Class
Income Range (2023 Household, approx.)	$53,700–$161,000	$161,000–$500,000+	$500,000+ (with high passive components)
Primary Wealth Source	Wages/savings	Career earnings/investments	Inheritance/business ownership
Education/Occupation	Bachelor's or less; mid-level roles	Advanced degrees; elite professions	Varied; elite networks/executive

Historical Development

Industrial Era Emergence

The upper middle class emerged in Britain during the late 18th century as the Industrial Revolution generated demand for specialized skills in managing expanding factories, infrastructure, and commerce, shifting economic power from agrarian elites toward educated professionals and entrepreneurs. Innovations in steam power after 1800 and iron production spurred the creation of roles in engineering and administration, forming a stratum reliant on merit-based expertise rather than land ownership.^[27] This group distinguished itself through salaried positions and investments, with early examples including factory overseers and merchant bankers who accumulated wealth independent of aristocratic patronage.^[28] By the mid-19th century, key professions solidifying the upper middle class included civil engineers, solicitors, accountants, and physicians, whose numbers grew substantially due to state expansion, imperial trade, and urban development, as evidenced in the 1851 census data on occupational distribution.^[28] These occupations offered annual incomes often exceeding £500, far above the £100 threshold for lower middle-class shopkeepers or clerks, enabling access to private education, suburban residences, and cultural pursuits that reinforced social separation from manual laborers.^[27] Social mobility was facilitated by technical institutes and apprenticeships, though entry remained limited to those with capital for training, underscoring causal links between industrial output—such as Britain's coal production rising from 10 million tons in 1800 to 100 million by 1850—and the proliferation of high-skill roles.^[27] In the United States, parallel developments occurred from the 1830s onward with canal and railroad construction, fostering an upper middle class of professionals like attorneys and manufacturers' agents, whose incomes averaged $1,000–$2,000 annually by the 1850s, supporting family investments in real estate and colleges.^[29] This emergence reflected broader causal dynamics of mechanization displacing unskilled labor while elevating coordinators of production, though regional variations persisted, with Northern industrial hubs outpacing Southern agrarian economies.^[30] Historical social tables indicate that middle-income groups, including proto-upper middle professions, expanded from comprising about 10–15% of the population in 1759 to over 20% by 1891 in England and Wales, driven by sustained GDP growth averaging 1–2% annually post-1760.^[31]

Post-War Expansion and Prosperity

The post-World War II economic expansion in the United States, from 1945 to the early 1970s, facilitated the growth of the upper middle class through rapid increases in professional and managerial occupations, bolstered by policies promoting education and homeownership. Real GDP grew at an average annual rate of approximately 3.8% between 1948 and 1973, with broad-based wage gains across income levels contributing to household income expansion.^[32] The Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944, known as the GI Bill, played a pivotal role by providing over 7.8 million veterans with access to higher education, resulting in a surge in college enrollment from 1.5 million students in 1940 to 2.7 million by 1947, many of whom transitioned into white-collar professions such as engineering, law, and management.^[33] This educational uplift enabled entrants to achieve incomes placing them in the upper tiers of the distribution, with the number of families earning $5,000 or more rising to 9 million by 1950, up from 7 million in 1947, at a time when median family income hovered around $3,000.^[34]^[35] Homeownership rates among this group accelerated due to GI Bill-backed low-interest mortgages, which spurred suburban development and asset accumulation; national homeownership climbed from 44% in 1940 to 62% by 1960, disproportionately benefiting educated professionals who leveraged stable careers for long-term financial security.^[36] Clerical, professional, and service occupations expanded to comprise 50% of the workforce by 1950, reflecting a shift from agricultural and manufacturing dominance, with professional roles offering salaries often exceeding twice the median and enabling lifestyles marked by discretionary spending on automobiles and appliances.^[37] Income growth was relatively equitable during this compression of inequality, as top-decile shares fell to under 35% by the 1950s from pre-war highs, allowing upper middle households—typically in the 80th to 95th percentiles—to capture gains from productivity surges without the extreme concentration seen in later decades.^[38] This prosperity was underpinned by causal factors including pent-up consumer demand after wartime rationing, U.S. industrial dominance amid European reconstruction, and moderate taxation that preserved incentives for investment and labor participation. In Western Europe, similar dynamics unfolded under the Marshall Plan (1948–1952), which disbursed $13 billion in U.S. aid to rebuild infrastructure and stimulate demand, fostering upper middle class growth among engineers, administrators, and technicians in recovering economies like West Germany and France. Real wages rose steadily, with professional incomes in countries such as the United Kingdom increasing by 50–70% in real terms from 1945 to 1960, supported by expanded secondary and tertiary education systems that mirrored the GI Bill's effects on occupational mobility.^[39] However, implementation varied; discriminatory practices limited benefits for non-white veterans in the U.S., concentrating upper middle class expansion among white households, while European welfare states emphasized universal access but faced slower initial recoveries due to war devastation.^[40] Overall, this era's causal realism—rooted in supply-side industrial capacity, demand stimulation, and human capital investment—contrasted with later stagnation, yielding verifiable prosperity metrics like doubled per capita income in the U.S. from 1945 to 1970.^[39]

Late 20th to Early 21st Century Shifts

In the United States, the share of aggregate income accruing to upper-income households, which includes the upper middle class typically defined as those earning two to three times the national median household income, rose from 29% in 1970 to 48% in 2018, reflecting a polarization where high-earning professionals in fields like technology, finance, and medicine captured disproportionate gains amid broader middle-class contraction.^[41] This shift was driven by the expansion of the knowledge economy, with real wages for college-educated workers increasing steadily—high-wage occupations saw growth exceeding 50% from 1979 to 2019—while non-college-educated middle-wage roles stagnated at around 6% growth over the same period.^[42]^[43] Globalization and technological advancements further stratified upper middle-class professions, benefiting white-collar sectors such as software engineering and consulting, which thrived on outsourcing of routine tasks and demand for specialized skills, while insulating them from manufacturing declines that eroded lower-middle-class jobs.^[44] From 1980 to 2010, the premium for postsecondary education widened, with bachelor's degree holders' earnings rising 30-40% relative to high school graduates, enabling upper middle-class households to leverage credentials for stability in expanding service industries comprising over 75% of employment by the 1990s.^[45] However, this era also saw asset-based wealth accumulation accelerate, as upper-income families' share of total wealth climbed from 60% in 1983 to 79% by 2016, fueled by stock market gains and home equity in high-demand urban areas.^[41] Rising costs eroded purchasing power for key status markers, with housing prices in metropolitan areas outpacing median incomes by factors of 2-3 times from 1980 to 2020, compelling upper middle-class families to allocate larger shares of income—often exceeding 30%—to shelter in coastal hubs like San Francisco and New York.^[46] College tuition inflation compounded this, surging over 200% in real terms between 1980 and 2020, prompting reliance on dual high-earner households and delayed childbearing to sustain educational investments essential for intergenerational mobility.^[46] The 2008 financial crisis temporarily disrupted this trajectory, reducing upper middle-class net worth by 20-30% through housing and stock losses, though recovery by 2016 disproportionately favored asset owners in this bracket.^[47] Demographically, the upper middle class increasingly comprised dual-income professional couples, with women's labor force participation rising from 50% in 1980 to over 70% among college graduates by 2010, enabling household incomes to double in real terms for many but intensifying work-life pressures and fertility declines below replacement levels.^[48] These dynamics contributed to a shrinking overall middle-class share—from 61% of adults in 1971 to 50% by 2021— with upward mobility into the upper middle class becoming rarer without advanced degrees, as the proportion of households exceeding twice the median income grew from 14% in 1980 to 21% in 2018.^[49]^[48]

Socioeconomic Characteristics

Professional Profiles and Lifestyles

The upper middle class consists primarily of highly educated professionals in knowledge-based occupations that demand advanced skills, analytical expertise, and decision-making authority. Typical roles include physicians, surgeons, lawyers, engineers, architects, accountants, financial analysts, computer systems analysts, and mid-to-senior-level managers in business, technology, and finance sectors.^[18]^[22] These positions often require at least a bachelor's degree, with many necessitating graduate or professional qualifications such as MDs, JDs, or MBAs; as of 2022, 35% of U.S. adults holding a bachelor's degree or higher resided in upper-income households, compared to just 5% of those without a high school diploma.^[22] Workers in management, business and finance, computer occupations, science, and engineering fields are disproportionately represented in upper-income tiers, with 36% to 39% of such employees classified as upper-income in 2022 data.^[22] Household incomes for upper middle class families generally fall in the range of $117,000 to $150,000 annually as of 2023, enabling financial stability but often entailing high taxes and living costs in metropolitan areas.^[50] These professionals frequently work extended hours—sometimes 50-60 per week or more—to maintain career progression and earnings, reflecting a trade-off between high compensation and work-life balance demands.^[51] Lifestyles among the upper middle class emphasize security, achievement, and family-oriented investments over ostentatious consumption. They commonly reside in spacious single-family homes in suburban or urban-edge communities with strong schools and low crime rates, own reliable luxury vehicles, and allocate significant resources to private schooling, extracurricular activities, and college savings for children.^[52] Discretionary spending supports travel, cultural pursuits like theater or skiing, and home improvements, fostering a pattern of deferred gratification focused on long-term asset accumulation such as retirement accounts and real estate equity.^[52] Despite relative affluence, many face pressures from escalating costs in housing, education, and healthcare, which can strain finances without inherited wealth or upper-class buffers.^[53]

Cultural Values and Family Dynamics

Members of the upper middle class typically prioritize cultural values centered on individual achievement, educational attainment, and professional success, viewing these as pathways to self-reliance and social mobility. Empirical studies indicate that higher socioeconomic status correlates with a psychological orientation toward independence, self-expression, and long-term planning, contrasting with more interdependent orientations in lower classes.^[54] This manifests in a strong emphasis on credentials and human capital accumulation, where educational qualifications serve not only as economic tools but as markers of cultural distinction and deferred gratification.^[20] For instance, mainstream U.S. middle-class values, which extend upward, include high motivational priorities for self-direction and achievement, often embodied in career-oriented lifestyles and community involvement through professional networks rather than overt religiosity, with middle- and upper-class individuals exhibiting lower devoutness in religious practice compared to working-class counterparts.^[55]^[56] Family dynamics in the upper middle class are characterized by greater stability and intentional child-rearing practices that reinforce these values. Data from longitudinal analyses show that less than one-third of ever-married individuals in middle- and upper-class households experience divorce, significantly lower than rates exceeding 50% in working-class and poor groups, attributing this to selective partnering among college-educated professionals who delay marriage until financial stability is achieved.^[57]^[58] Upper-middle-class families maintain higher marriage rates, with upper-class shares holding steady at around 80% ever-married into adulthood, while middle-class rates have declined modestly; this stability causally supports economic mobility, as children from intact two-parent households exhibit higher relative and absolute mobility outcomes.^[59]^[60] Children in these families face reduced risks of parental relationship dissolution, with upper-middle-class origins linked to 20-30% lower breakup probabilities in adulthood compared to working-class backgrounds, driven by norms of mutual investment in education and career compatibility.^[61] Parenting in upper-middle-class households often involves intensive investment in children's cognitive and extracurricular development to perpetuate class advantages, including enrollment in advanced schooling and activities fostering achievement-oriented habits. Middle-income parents, overlapping with upper-middle demographics, are nearly evenly split on replicating versus diverging from their own upbringing, with 44% opting for changes that emphasize structured enrichment over traditional models.^[62] Upper-middle-class couples, particularly college graduates, demonstrate marital resilience through shared professional aspirations, with divorce rates around 30% versus 41-46% in lower strata, underscoring how economic security and aligned values buffer against dissolution.^[63]^[64] These dynamics contribute to smaller family sizes but higher per-child resource allocation, prioritizing quality over quantity to align with cultural imperatives of excellence and autonomy.

Consumption Patterns and Aspirations

Upper middle class households prioritize inconspicuous consumption, focusing expenditures on non-visible investments that signal cultural capital and long-term security, such as elite education, organic and health-oriented foods, and experiential activities, rather than ostentatious luxury goods like designer clothing or vehicles.^[65] This shift, documented in sociological analyses, reflects a broader trend among affluent professionals where spending on private schooling, extracurriculars for children, and wellness services—often costing thousands annually—serves as markers of distinction, supplanting earlier patterns of visible materialism.^[66] In the United States, data from the 2023 Consumer Expenditure Survey indicate that consumer units in the highest income quintile (approximating upper middle and higher earners, with before-tax incomes exceeding $200,000 on average) allocated about 18% of expenditures to housing (favoring larger suburban homes or urban properties in high-quality school districts), 5-7% to education (including tuition and supplies), and elevated shares to recreation and entertainment compared to lower quintiles.^[67] These patterns emphasize durability and human capital enhancement over disposables; for instance, upper middle class families often budget 10-15% of income for private K-12 education or college savings plans, viewing them as essential for maintaining socioeconomic position amid rising costs.^[65] Travel spending also features prominently, with many households funding multiple annual trips—averaging $5,000-10,000 per family for domestic and international destinations—to cultivate global awareness and family bonding, though this varies by location and family size.^[67] Healthcare outlays skew toward preventive and specialized services, including gym memberships, nutritionists, and elective procedures, comprising up to 8% of budgets in top quintiles, driven by dual emphases on longevity and productivity.^[67] Aspirations among the upper middle class center on intergenerational transmission of advantages, including securing top-tier professions for offspring through rigorous academic preparation and networking, alongside personal goals of financial independence via diversified investments and debt avoidance.^[66] Surveys and economic analyses reveal a focus on asset accumulation—such as home equity and retirement accounts—to buffer against economic volatility, with many aiming for unencumbered retirement by age 65, supported by consistent savings rates of 15-20% of income. This cohort often aspires to subtle status elevation, like community leadership roles or cultural patronage, while eschewing overt displays to align with merit-based narratives of achievement.^[68] Empirical tracking shows these goals correlate with higher life satisfaction when met, though pressures from escalating education and housing costs can strain realizations, prompting adaptive strategies like relocation to cost-effective regions.^[67]

Regional and Global Variations

United States Context

In the United States, the upper middle class consists primarily of white-collar professionals with advanced educational credentials, typically holding bachelor's degrees or higher, and occupying roles in medicine, law, engineering, finance, and management. Household incomes for this group generally range from about $150,000 to $250,000 annually, depending on family size, location, and cost-of-living adjustments, positioning them above the middle class (defined by Pew Research as 67% to 200% of median income, or roughly $56,600 to $169,800 for a three-person household in 2022 data scaled to recent figures) but below the wealthiest upper class.^[1] ^[22] This segment represents a significant portion of upper-income households, whose median income reached $256,900 in 2023, reflecting gains from post-1970 economic shifts favoring skilled labor.^[22] Demographically, upper middle class households are disproportionately white and Asian American, with marriage rates higher than in lower strata—over 70% of upper-income adults are married compared to 50% in middle-income groups—and smaller family sizes enabling concentrated wealth accumulation. Homeownership rates exceed 80% in this class, often in suburban enclaves with median home values surpassing $400,000, facilitated by dual high-earner incomes and access to credit. Educational emphasis drives intergenerational mobility, with parents prioritizing college attendance; upper-income families allocate substantial resources to private schooling and extracurriculars, correlating with children's higher earnings potential.^[22] ^[69] Regional variations are pronounced due to housing costs and economic hubs: in high-cost coastal metros like San Francisco or New York, upper middle class thresholds exceed $250,000 to sustain lifestyles including multiple vehicles and annual vacations, while in the Midwest or South, $120,000 to $180,000 suffices for comparable status. This class contributes disproportionately to state tax revenues and consumer spending on durables, underpinning local economies, though urban concentration amplifies exposure to progressive policies that may erode disposable income through property and income levies. Empirical data from Census and Pew analyses underscore that such households maintain financial stability via diversified assets like 401(k)s and real estate equity, averaging net worths of $500,000 or more, distinct from middle-class precarity.^[70] ^[21]

European Perspectives

In Europe, the upper middle class is generally defined as households earning between 150% and 200% of the national median disposable income, encompassing professionals in fields such as medicine, law, engineering, and senior management who possess higher education credentials and stable employment. This segment represents a smaller proportion of the population compared to the broader middle class, which averages 64% across EU countries, reflecting compressed income distributions fostered by progressive taxation and social welfare systems. Empirical analyses indicate that upper middle-class households prioritize financial security and quality-of-life enhancements, such as private schooling and cultural pursuits, though high tax burdens—often exceeding 40% effective rates—limit disposable income relative to equivalent U.S. earners.^[71]^[72] Country-specific thresholds vary significantly due to economic disparities; for instance, in Germany, upper middle-class household incomes typically range from €60,000 to €100,000 annually after taxes, enabling home ownership in suburban areas and foreign travel, while in Italy or Spain, equivalent status requires €50,000 to €80,000 amid higher youth unemployment and regional inequalities that constrain upward mobility. Nordic countries like Denmark and Norway exhibit the largest middle-class shares (around 80% in 2010 data), with upper tiers benefiting from universal healthcare and generous parental leave, fostering family stability but also cultural norms emphasizing collectivism over ostentatious consumption. In contrast, Southern European nations show middle-class erosion post-2008 financial crisis, with upper middle households facing precariousness from austerity measures and housing costs that outpace wage growth.^[73]^[74]^[75] Compared to the United States, Europe's upper middle class enjoys greater income stability through safety nets but lower absolute wealth accumulation, as evidenced by smaller upper-income tiers (typically under 20% versus 29% in the U.S.) and slower wealth growth since 1991. This structure arises from causal factors like robust labor protections and inheritance taxes that redistribute gains, reducing intergenerational privilege but also entrepreneurial incentives; Pew data from 11 Western European countries show middle-class income shares holding steady or declining modestly, unlike sharper U.S. polarization. Cultural values emphasize work-life balance and public goods over private extravagance, with upper middle professionals often residing in dense urban centers like Paris or London, where property values—averaging €10,000 per square meter in prime areas—demand dual high incomes.^[76]^[77]^[78]

Asia and Emerging Markets

In China, the upper middle class consists primarily of urban professionals in technology, finance, manufacturing, and state-owned enterprises, with household incomes typically ranging from RMB 300,000 to RMB 500,000 annually (approximately US$42,000 to US$70,000), enabling ownership of property, vehicles, and private education for children.^[79] This segment emerged rapidly post-1978 reforms, growing from negligible numbers to over 100 million individuals by the mid-2010s, driven by export-led industrialization and urbanization that lifted per capita disposable income from under US$200 in 1978 to US$5,734 nationally in 2024, with urban upper-middle earners averaging significantly higher at around RMB 11,827 per capita in recent years.^[80]^[81] However, expansion has slowed since 2020 due to property market corrections, youth unemployment exceeding 15% in urban areas, and regulatory crackdowns on private sectors, compressing disposable income growth to 5.3% nominally in 2024 while real estate wealth erodes for many.^[82] India's upper middle class, comprising about 5-10% of the population or roughly 70-100 million people as of 2024, features salaried professionals in IT services, pharmaceuticals, and consulting, with household incomes above INR 1.5 million (US$18,000) annually, affording urban apartments, imported goods, and overseas travel.^[83] This group has doubled in size over the past decade amid a services-led boom, contributing to household consumption reaching US$2.1 trillion in 2023, yet faces erosion from food inflation averaging 8-10% in 2024 and stagnant real wages in non-IT sectors, prompting reduced discretionary spending on durables like automobiles.^[84]^[85] Projections suggest that by 2030, nearly half of Indian households could enter upper-middle or higher income brackets if GDP growth sustains above 6%, though structural barriers like skill mismatches and agricultural dependency limit broader ascent.^[86] Across Southeast Asia and ASEAN economies, the upper middle class—defined by incomes 2-5 times the national median, often in export manufacturing and services—has grown resiliently despite post-pandemic slowdowns, with upper-middle spending in Indonesia and Malaysia holding steady amid lower segments' contraction.^[87] Countries like Thailand and Malaysia, at 28.8% and 45.1% of U.S. per capita income levels in 2024 respectively, host expanding cohorts of managers and entrepreneurs benefiting from supply-chain shifts from China, though vulnerability to global demand fluctuations caps annual household growth at 3-4%.^[88] In broader emerging markets such as Brazil and South Africa, the upper middle class remains smaller and more volatile, representing 5-8% of populations with incomes enabling private healthcare and education, fueled by commodity booms but hampered by fiscal instability and inequality where top 10% income shares exceed 40%.^[89] Brazil's segment, concentrated in São Paulo and Rio, drives retail and real estate but contracted 10-15% during 2015-2020 recessions before partial recovery via agribusiness exports.^[90] South Africa's upper middle, tied to mining and finance, faces emigration and crime pressures, limiting net expansion despite GDP per capita rises. Overall, emerging market middle-class households, including upper tiers, are projected to double from 354 million in 2024 to 687 million by 2034, with Asia dominating 65% of global additions by 2030, contingent on policy reforms to sustain productivity gains over demographic dividends.^[91]^[92]

Economic Role and Impact

Contributions to Innovation and Growth

The upper middle class, often comprising professionals with advanced degrees in fields such as engineering, medicine, and business, supplies a critical mass of human capital for research and development (R&D) in knowledge-intensive industries. These individuals drive innovation through direct participation in high-skill roles that generate patents, new technologies, and process improvements, which in turn elevate productivity and GDP growth. For example, empirical research links higher education attainment—prevalent among the upper middle class—to firm-level innovation outputs, with causal estimates showing that expansions in tertiary education contribute positively to overall economic expansion by enhancing technological capabilities.^[93] In the United States, gains in educational levels have accounted for 11 to 20 percent of labor productivity increases from the 1960s to the 1990s, periods when upper middle class expansion paralleled rises in professional occupations tied to R&D spending, which reached 2.8 percent of GDP by 2022.^[94]^[95] Socioeconomic origins further amplify this role, as upper middle class family environments provide the resources, networks, and early exposure necessary for inventive pursuits. Data from merged administrative records on income, patents, and cognitive ability reveal that children from top-quartile income households—aligning with upper middle class thresholds—are approximately ten times more likely to become inventors than those from the bottom quartile, even after controlling for IQ, due to factors like access to quality schooling and mentorship.^[96] This disparity persists into adulthood, where upper middle class professionals file a disproportionate share of utility patents in sectors like information technology and pharmaceuticals, sectors that contributed over 40 percent of U.S. private R&D expenditures in 2021, fostering spillover effects on economy-wide growth rates averaging 2-3 percent annually in high-innovation periods.^[97] Beyond invention, the upper middle class fuels entrepreneurial activity that translates ideas into scalable enterprises, supporting job creation and market dynamism. Professionals from this stratum, benefiting from financial cushions and professional networks, initiate ventures in high-growth areas; for instance, analyses of startup founders show overrepresentation of those with college degrees and prior careers in tech or finance, correlating with faster revenue scaling and external capital attraction.^[98] Their savings and investments channel capital into equities and venture funds, indirectly financing R&D-intensive startups—U.S. venture capital disbursements hit $170 billion in 2021, much of it from affluent household portfolios—thereby sustaining innovation cycles that have historically added 0.5 to 1 percentage point to annual GDP growth in advanced economies.^[99] This mechanism counters narratives of class immobility by demonstrating causal pathways from upper middle class stability to broader economic vitality, grounded in observable patterns of human capital deployment rather than redistribution alone.

Tax Burden and Fiscal Sustainability

In the United States, upper middle class households, typically defined as those with adjusted gross incomes (AGI) between approximately $150,000 and $250,000 annually, face effective federal income tax rates averaging 14-18% on their AGI, depending on deductions, credits, and filing status.^[100] ^[101] This group, roughly corresponding to the 80th to 95th income percentiles, encounters marginal federal rates of 24% to 32%, which, when combined with payroll taxes (up to 15.3% on wages below the Social Security cap) and average state and local taxes (around 8-12% of income in high-tax states), result in total effective tax burdens often exceeding 25-30% of income.^[100] ^[102] These rates position the upper middle class as a key revenue source, with the broader top 20% of earners (including this segment) accounting for about 87% of total federal individual income taxes paid in 2022, while the bottom 50% contributed just 3%.^[100]^[103] This disproportionate contribution underscores the upper middle class's role in funding federal expenditures, which reached $6.1 trillion in fiscal year 2022, driven largely by entitlements like Social Security and Medicare that benefit broader demographics.^[104] However, fiscal sustainability remains challenged by persistent deficits—$1.7 trillion in 2023—and rising debt-to-GDP ratios projected to exceed 180% by 2053 without reforms, per Congressional Budget Office estimates, as entitlement spending grows with an aging population.^[105] Relying further on upper middle class taxation risks eroding incentives for labor participation and investment; empirical analyses indicate that marginal rate increases above 30-40% total (federal plus state) correlate with reduced work hours and geographic mobility toward lower-tax jurisdictions, as observed post-2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act reversals in high-tax states.^[106]^[107] Cross-nationally, European nations with heavier middle-class tax burdens—often 40-50% effective rates including value-added taxes—exhibit slower GDP growth and higher emigration of skilled professionals compared to the U.S., suggesting causal links between progressive taxation concentrated on productive cohorts and diminished economic dynamism.^[108] In the U.S. context, sustaining fiscal health demands balancing revenue needs with growth-preserving policies, as revenue from upper middle class sources alone cannot offset entitlement expansions without broader base-broadening or spending restraint; historical data show that rate cuts, like those in 1981 and 2017, expanded the tax base via increased activity, yielding net revenue gains over time.^[100]^[106] Failure to address these dynamics could exacerbate intergenerational inequities, with younger upper middle class workers bearing amplified loads amid stagnant real wage growth for this stratum since the 2000s.^[105] Empirical research identifies education as the foremost driver of upward mobility into the upper middle class, with postsecondary attainment enabling access to high-skill professions and elevated earnings. In the United States, individuals completing a bachelor's degree or higher achieve median lifetime earnings approximately 66% greater than high school graduates, facilitating entry into occupations like management, engineering, and medicine that define upper middle class status.^[109] This effect persists across cohorts, as expanded access to higher education has correlated with increased intergenerational mobility for men, though returns vary by institution quality and field of study.^[110] Stable family structures exert a causal influence on mobility outcomes, with children raised in intact two-parent households demonstrating significantly higher rates of socioeconomic advancement. Analysis of U.S. tax data reveals that children from continuously married parents in the bottom income quintile are over twice as likely to reach the top quintile in adulthood compared to peers from single-parent or unstable homes, attributable to enhanced parental investment, supervision, and resource allocation.^[111] This pattern holds independent of income levels, underscoring family stability's role in transmitting human capital and behavioral norms conducive to professional success.^[112] Social capital, particularly cross-class connections and professional networks, amplifies mobility by providing mentorship, job referrals, and informational advantages. Harvard economist Raj Chetty's analysis of anonymized Facebook data from over 72 million users shows that a one standard deviation increase in cross-class friendships at the community level raises children's income ranks by 20 percentiles, with low-income youth in high-social-capital areas earning 20% more as adults.^[113] Professional networks similarly propel advancement, as evidenced by studies linking intentional relationship-building to career progression and wage premiums of 10-15% through opportunity access.^[114] Community-level factors, including quality K-12 schooling and reduced residential segregation, further enable mobility pathways to upper middle class strata. Areas with stronger schools and lower segregation exhibit upward mobility rates 30% higher, as measured by children's expected earnings relative to parents, per Chetty's geographic analyses of 20 million Americans born 1978-1983.^[115] Absolute mobility remains robust overall, with 70-80% of U.S. adults out-earning their parents' generation, driven by economic growth and individual agency rather than systemic stasis.^[116]

Controversies and Empirical Rebuttals

Meritocracy and Achievement Narratives

The upper middle class, typically comprising professionals in fields like medicine, law, engineering, and management with household incomes ranging from approximately $150,000 to $250,000 annually in the United States as of 2023, is frequently associated with narratives emphasizing meritocratic ascent through cognitive ability, educational attainment, and sustained effort.^[8] Empirical studies indicate a robust correlation between intelligence quotient (IQ) scores and income levels, with each additional IQ point associated with an annual income increase of $234 to $616, controlling for factors such as age and experience; this suggests that higher cognitive capacities, which facilitate complex problem-solving and professional performance, contribute significantly to achieving upper middle class status.^[117] Similarly, obtaining a bachelor's degree has been shown to neutralize much of the intergenerational transmission of socioeconomic advantage, implying that personal educational investment overrides inherited privilege in determining class position.^[118] Analyses of social-class mobility reveal that genetic factors linked to educational success predict upward mobility, as polygenic scores associated with years of schooling correlate with intergenerational income gains independent of parental status.^[119] In Charles Murray's examination of white American stratification from 1960 to 2010, the upper middle class—defined by high educational and occupational metrics—exhibits separation from lower strata not primarily through inherited wealth but via adherence to norms of industriousness, family stability, and continuous skill acquisition, which align with merit-based selection in competitive labor markets.^[120] Cross-national data further support that belief in meritocracy, reinforced by schooling, correlates with economic outcomes, as individuals prioritizing effort over structural excuses tend to invest in human capital development leading to professional roles characteristic of the upper middle class.^[121] Critiques portraying upper middle class achievement as largely ascriptive overlook evidence from longitudinal studies showing that while family background provides initial advantages like access to quality education, sustained mobility requires individual traits such as conscientiousness and intellectual aptitude, which regress toward population means across generations absent exceptional merit.^[119] For instance, middle-class families benefit disproportionately from meritocratic reforms in elite admissions by leveraging preparation for standardized assessments, yet this reflects investable effort rather than insurmountable barriers, as outcomes remain tied to performance metrics over legacy preferences.^[122] These patterns underscore a causal chain wherein innate and cultivated abilities drive selection into high-productivity occupations, sustaining upper middle class prosperity through value creation rather than rent-seeking.^[123]

Critiques of Privilege and Inequality

Critics argue that the upper middle class, often defined as households in the top income quintile earning over $130,000 annually as of 2023 data, engages in "opportunity hoarding" that exacerbates socioeconomic inequality by restricting access to high-quality education, neighborhoods, and professional networks for those below them.^[124] This hoarding manifests through exclusionary zoning laws that upper middle-class homeowners support to preserve property values and school quality, effectively blocking affordable housing development and limiting upward mobility for lower-income families; for instance, in U.S. metropolitan areas, such policies have contributed to housing shortages, with median home prices in upper middle-class suburbs rising 50-100% faster than national averages between 2000 and 2020.^[8] ^[124] Another mechanism cited is the favoritism in elite higher education and early career opportunities, where upper middle-class families leverage geographic proximity to top public schools, paid extracurriculars, and unpaid internships that require financial independence, creating barriers for working-class youth; data from the Brookings Institution indicates that children from the top quintile are 10 times more likely to attend Ivy League institutions than those from the bottom quintile, perpetuating intergenerational transmission of advantage.^[124] Professional licensing requirements in fields like law, medicine, and finance—dominated by upper middle-class professionals—further entrench this by imposing high entry costs, such as extended education and certification fees averaging $200,000-500,000 per career path, which correlate with stagnant occupational mobility rates hovering below 10% for non-college entrants since 1980.^[125] Tax policies are also critiqued for disproportionately benefiting the upper middle class through deductions for mortgage interest, property taxes, and 529 college savings plans, which subsidize their homeownership and education investments while offering minimal relief to renters or lower earners; according to 2022 IRS data, these provisions primarily aid households earning $100,000-200,000, reducing their effective tax rates by 5-10% compared to similar expenditures by middle-class families.^[124] Such advantages, proponents of this view contend, foster a "glass floor" that cushions upper middle-class descendants from downward mobility, with empirical studies showing that 70-80% of children from this group maintain or exceed their parents' status, versus 30-40% for the middle class overall.^[125] These critiques, often advanced by analysts like Richard Reeves of the Brookings Institution—a think tank with documented progressive policy leanings—emphasize that while the top 1% garners attention for wealth concentration, the upper middle class's subtle rigging of institutional access sustains broader inequality, as evidenced by stagnant intergenerational mobility rates at 0.4 correlation coefficients in U.S. data from 1940-2010.^[124] ^[8] However, such arguments rely heavily on correlational evidence and overlook countervailing factors like merit-based competition in saturated markets.

Evidence-Based Defenses of Class Dynamics

Class dynamics in modern economies, including the positioning of the upper middle class—typically comprising professional households with incomes between approximately $100,000 and $250,000 annually—arise from differential investments in human capital, risk-taking, and productivity, which empirical evidence indicates enhance overall societal welfare through efficient resource allocation. Economic theory posits that stratification rewards marginal contributions, incentivizing individuals to acquire skills and innovate, as higher returns correlate with greater effort and output; cross-state data from the United States demonstrate that regions with stronger innovation ecosystems exhibit elevated top income shares, reflecting how such rewards sustain technological advancement and aggregate growth.^[126]^[127] This dynamic counters narratives of arbitrary privilege by linking class position to verifiable inputs like education and conscientiousness, where studies confirm a substantial meritocratic component in U.S. economic outcomes, allocating high-value roles to those demonstrating cognitive ability and diligence.^[128] The upper middle class sustains fiscal systems by bearing a disproportionate tax load, funding infrastructure, education, and social programs that benefit broader society. In 2021, the top 5 percent of earners—encompassing much of the upper middle class—paid 61 percent of federal income taxes, totaling over $1.3 trillion, while the top 1 percent alone contributed 40.4 percent of adjusted gross income taxes despite comprising just 1.4 percent of taxpayers.^[104]^[100] This progressive burden enables redistribution without fully eroding incentives, as evidenced by sustained investment in human capital by upper middle households, who prioritize education expenditures that amplify long-term productivity across generations. Empirical analyses further reveal that income disparities, when stemming from skill premiums rather than rents, bolster enterprise expansion and labor productivity by channeling resources to high-profit innovators. Critiques portraying class dynamics as inherently unjust overlook causal mechanisms where stratification fosters stability and growth; for instance, a robust upper middle class provides a consumer base for innovation-driven products and invests in entrepreneurial ventures, with data indicating that middle-income expansions correlate with higher human capital accumulation and GDP per capita rises in cross-country comparisons.^[129] While some academic sources emphasize equality's virtues, potentially influenced by institutional preferences for outcome uniformity, econometric models grounded in incentive structures affirm that merit-based hierarchies outperform egalitarian alternatives in generating verifiable prosperity, as unequal rewards mitigate free-riding and promote specialization.^[130] Thus, upper middle class dynamics exemplify adaptive economic ordering, where empirical outcomes validate persistence over enforced homogenization.

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Jun 13, 2025 · In 2024, China's national per capita disposable income reached RMB 41,314 (US$5,734), with real income growth recorded across all income groups.<|separator|>
[81]
Income by Income Level - China - CEIC
Disposable Income per Capita: Urban: Upper Middle Income data is updated yearly, averaging 11,827.130 RMB from Dec 1985 (Median) to 2024, with 40 observations.
[82]
China Overview: Development news, research, data | World Bank
China is now an upper-middle-income country. Although China eradicated extreme poverty in 2020, an estimated 17.0 percent of the population lived on less than ...
[83]
Understanding India's evolving middle classes - East Asia Forum
May 21, 2024 · There is no consensus on the actual size of India's middle class. ... The upper middle class is more likely to own luxury assets such as ...
[84]
How India's Middle Class is Shaping Consumer Sectors
Mar 23, 2025 · Consumption Patterns: India's household consumption has doubled over the past decade, reaching $2.1 trillion in 2023. This surge positions India ...
[85]
India's middle class tightens its belt, squeezed by food inflation
Nov 12, 2024 · India's city dwellers are cutting spending on everything from cookies to fast food as persistently high inflation squeezes middle class budgets.
[86]
India economic outlook, April 2024 - Deloitte
Apr 26, 2024 · By 2030, close to one in two households will belong to either high- or upper-middle-income categories with growing disposable incomes. That ...
[87]
[PDF] Where is ASEAN's middle class? - FSSA Investment Managers
ASEAN's middle class is growing, but income growth has stalled. Upper-middle class spending is resilient, while lower-middle class faces challenges. Indonesia' ...
[88]
ASEAN faces a tighter middle-income trap - East Asia Forum
Sep 10, 2025 · As of 2024, Thailand's income level is at 28.8 per cent of US level, Malaysia has reached 45.1 per cent and Indonesia stands at 19.2 per cent.
[89]
The Rise of Wealth, Private Property, and Income Inequality in China
Researchers found that the share of China's national income earned by the top 10% of the population has increased from 27% in 1978 to 41% in 2015.
[90]
[PDF] Targeting Middle-class in Emerging Markets: The Case of Brazil
In this context, Brazil is one of the most promising emerging markets regarding the size of the middle-class. In this paper, we examine opportunities and ...Missing: upper | Show results with:upper
[91]
The future of the middle class in emerging markets - Oxford Economics
Oct 16, 2024 · The middle class population in emerging markets is set to double over the next decade, expanding from 354 million households in 2024 to 687 ...
[92]
Asian Middle Class to Become the World's Dominant Economic Driver
Jul 7, 2025 · The OECD projects that 65% of the global middle class are expected to live in Asia by 2030, representing 3.5 billion people. Similarly, ...Missing: upper | Show results with:upper
[93]
Higher education and corporate innovation - ScienceDirect.com
Specifically, we identify that higher education has a strong impact on firm innovation, and through this effect, we link higher education to economic growth.
[94]
Findings From Education and the Economy: An Indicators Report
Increases in educational attainment were responsible for an estimated 11 to 20 percent of growth in worker productivity in the United States in recent decades.\ ...
[95]
https://nber.org/system/files/chapters/c13937/revisions/c13937.rev5.pdf
[96]
The Social Origins of Inventors | NBER
Dec 7, 2017 · In this paper we merge three datasets - individual income data, patenting data, and IQ data - to analyze the determinants of an individual's probability of ...
[97]
The social origins and IQ of inventors - CEPR
Dec 23, 2017 · To explore in more detail how socioeconomic background and IQ affect the probability of becoming an inventor, we merge three data sets:.
[98]
Start-ups that invest heavily in R&D grow faster and are more likely ...
Nov 28, 2024 · Start-ups that invest heavily in R&D grow faster and are more likely to raise external capital · Results from the 2024 Rising Star Monitor · How ...
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How Does Middle-Class Financial Health Affect Entrepreneurship in ...
May 21, 2015 · Analysis in this report shows that middle-class families account for 60 percent of new business ventures. According to the U.S. Small Business ...Missing: upper | Show results with:upper
[100]
Summary of the Latest Federal Income Tax Data, 2025 Update
New IRS federal income tax data shows that average tax rates for all income groups remain lower after the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA).
[101]
Who does and doesn't pay federal income tax in the U.S.
Apr 18, 2023 · Although average effective tax rates fell for all income groups, they fell the most for that upper-middle group, from 19.2% in 2017 to 16.6% in ...
[102]
Federal income tax rates and brackets | Internal Revenue Service
Jul 8, 2025 · 2024 tax rates for a single taxpayer ; 12%, $11,601, $47,150 ; 22%, $47,151, $100,525 ; 24%, $100,526, $191,950 ; 32%, $191,951, $243,725.Missing: middle | Show results with:middle
[103]
Who Pays Income Taxes? - Foundation - National Taxpayers Union
The top 10% of earners bore responsibility for 76% of all income taxes paid, and the top 25% paid 89% of all income taxes. Altogether, the top 50% of filers ...
[104]
Who pays the most income tax? | USAFacts
In 2022, the top 5% of earners collectively paid over $1.3 trillion in income taxes, or about 61% of the national total.
[105]
Taxing the Rich Could Raise Trillions — But That Alone Won't Fix ...
Dec 19, 2023 · For example, households in the top 1 percent of the U.S. income distribution pay an effective federal tax rate of 31.4 percent, while households ...Missing: middle | Show results with:middle
[106]
Effects of Income Tax Changes on Economic Growth | Brookings
This paper examines how changes to the individual income tax affect long-term economic growth. The structure and financing of a tax change are critical to ...Missing: upper | Show results with:upper
[107]
The Limits of Taxing the Rich - Manhattan Institute
Sep 21, 2023 · Consequently, a sustainable economic and tax agenda would limit upper-income-tax increases to 1% of GDP. In response to likely progressive ...
[108]
Big Government Requires High Taxes on the Middle Class
Nov 3, 2019 · In European welfare states, middle-class workers—not just the wealthy—shoulder a massive tax burden and get a highly intrusive government for ...
[109]
Higher Education as a Driver of Economic Mobility
College graduates have better labor market success than less-educated adults, including substantially higher wages and lower unemployment rates: the typical ...
[110]
How Has Educational Expansion Shaped Social Mobility Trends in ...
We study how educational expansion has contributed to the observed changes in mobility opportunities for men across cohorts.
[111]
Family Structure's Impact on Children's Education and Social Mobility
Family structure predicts mobility. Even if you're born in the bottom income bracket, your chances of moving up are good if your mother is continuously married.Missing: evidence | Show results with:evidence
[112]
The Family Factor: How Two-Parent Homes Drive Social Mobility
Oct 30, 2024 · The research is clear: a stable, two-parent home is the best predictor of social mobility for children.
[113]
[PDF] Social Capital and Economic Mobility - Opportunity Insights
Prior work has shown that upward mobility tends to be lower in communities with higher poverty rates, more income inequality, and greater racial segregation.
[114]
The importance of professional social networks for long-term ...
Aug 15, 2025 · Professional networking involves building intentional relationships to advance career development [1,2]. Networks facilitate resource ...
[115]
[PDF] Where is the Land of Opportunity? The Geography of ...
Third, we explore the factors correlated with upward mobility. High mobility areas have (1) less residential segregation, (2) less income inequality, (3) ...
[116]
Upward Mobility Is Alive and Well in America - Cato Institute
Jan 6, 2023 · Studies show the vast majority of adults have higher income than their parents did. This upward mobility across all income classifications was possible because ...
[117]
Do you have to be smart to be rich? The impact of IQ on wealth ...
This research shows that each point increase in IQ test scores raises income by between $234 and $616 per year after holding a variety of factors constant.
[118]
Reconsidering the 'meritocratic power of a college degree' - PMC
Previous research has shown that the intergenerational transmission of advantage disappears once individuals obtain a bachelor's degree.
[119]
Genetic analysis of social-class mobility in five longitudinal studies
Jul 9, 2018 · Upward mobility would indicate education-linked genetics encodes characteristics that foster success. We tested if education-linked polygenic ...
[120]
Timothy Noah Reviews Charles Murray's "Coming Apart
Feb 19, 2012 · Murray crunches a lot of data about people who inhabit what he calls “the SuperZips”—zip codes with the highest levels of income and educational ...
[121]
[PDF] Does Education Foster Beliefs in Meritocracy? Evidence from China
The study found that people with more schooling tend to hold stronger meritocratic beliefs, and education has causal effects on these beliefs.
[122]
[PDF] Who Benefits from Meritocracy? Diana Moreira Santiago Pérez ...
We argue that middle-class applicants benefited from the reform because they were overrepresented among "educated outsiders"–individuals with high levels of ...
[123]
Meritocratic beliefs and economic growth: A mediating effect of ...
Our findings demonstrate a positive link between meritocratic beliefs and economic growth, with some indications that this relationship is mediated by ...
[124]
Dream Hoarders - Brookings Institution
Jun 13, 2017 · Upper middle class opportunity hoarding, Reeves argues, results in a ... The Dream Hoarders: How America's Top 20 Percent Perpetuates Inequality.
[125]
The glass barrier to the upper middle class is hardening | Brookings
May 11, 2016 · Our empirical analysis confirms that different kinds of advantage are increasingly overlapping with each other. The framing of inequality in ...
[126]
[PDF] Innovation and Top Income Inequality - Harvard University
Apr 11, 2016 · Abstract. In this paper we use cross-state panel and cross US commuting-zone data to look at the relationship between innovation, top income ...
[127]
[PDF] Innovation and Top Income Inequality
In practice, innovation bene- fits are shared between firm owners, top managers and inventors, thus innovation affects all sources of income within the top 1%.<|control11|><|separator|>
[128]
How meritocratic is the United States? - ScienceDirect.com
The US has a significant, though not decisive, meritocratic impact, where economic positions are based on education, cognitive ability, and conscientiousness. ...Abstract · Defining Meritocracy · Section 4: Concluding...Missing: positive studies
[129]
The Role of the Middle Class in Economic Development: What Do ...
This paper finds that a larger middle class influences growth primarily through higher levels of human capital investment.Missing: upper GDP
[130]
Innovation and inequalities | Oxford Open Economics
Abstract. Innovation is a key source of sustainable growth, but it can affect inequalities in many ways—increasing some inequalities and decreasing others.Missing: upper middle class