WASH
WASH, an acronym for water, sanitation, and hygiene, refers to the provision of safe drinking water, adequate sanitation facilities for waste disposal, and hygiene practices such as handwashing to interrupt fecal-oral transmission pathways and prevent infectious diseases.[1][2] These components form an integrated public health approach, particularly emphasized in development aid and global health initiatives targeting low-resource settings where inadequate WASH contributes to high rates of diarrheal illnesses, stunting, and other morbidity.[3] Empirical evidence from systematic reviews and meta-analyses demonstrates that household-level WASH interventions, including improved water quality, sanitation infrastructure, and hygiene education, reduce the odds of all-cause childhood mortality by approximately 17%, with stronger effects observed for post-neonatal infants.[4][5] This impact stems from causal reductions in pathogen exposure, as poor WASH facilitates transmission of enteric pathogens responsible for a substantial fraction of under-five deaths, though sustained benefits depend on behavioral adherence and infrastructure maintenance.[6] Globally, progress has been uneven: between 2000 and 2022, over 2 billion people gained access to safely managed drinking water, elevating coverage to 74% by 2024, yet 2.1 billion still lack it, with similar deficits in sanitation (where open defecation persists for hundreds of millions) and basic hygiene facilities (unavailable to 1.7 billion).[7][8] These gaps disproportionately affect sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, hindering Sustainable Development Goal 6 targets and perpetuating cycles of poverty and disease despite billions invested in sector-wide programs since the 1990s.[9] Key achievements include scaled chlorination and latrine construction reducing disease burdens in targeted communities, but challenges like urban slum overcrowding and climate-induced water scarcity underscore the need for context-specific, evidence-based implementations over generalized aid models.[10]Definition and Core Components
Water Supply Services
Water supply services in WASH programs focus on delivering sufficient quantities of microbiologically safe water for drinking, cooking, and basic hygiene needs, emphasizing infrastructure that ensures accessibility, availability, and quality.[1] These services distinguish between basic access—such as from improved sources like boreholes or protected wells—and safely managed services, which require water to be located on premises, available when needed, and free from fecal contamination and priority chemical pollutants.[11] Common infrastructure includes groundwater extraction via hand-dug or drilled wells with pumps, surface water treatment systems, rainwater harvesting, and piped distribution networks for household connections.[12] [13] Global coverage of safely managed drinking water reached 74% in 2024, up from 68% in 2015, with 961 million additional people gaining access over that period, though 2.1 billion—about one in four—still lack it, often relying on surface water or distant unimproved sources.[7] In sub-Saharan Africa, coverage lags at around 40%, compared to over 90% in Europe, highlighting stark regional disparities driven by investment gaps and infrastructure decay.[14] Urban areas generally achieve higher access via piped systems, while rural populations depend on communal points like hand pumps, which face frequent breakdowns.[15] Key challenges in developing countries include post-construction functionality, with empirical studies showing 30-50% of rural water points non-operational within two years due to mechanical failures, community management deficits, and insufficient spare parts.[16] Population growth and climate variability exacerbate scarcity, as demand outpaces supply in arid regions, while contamination from agricultural runoff or inadequate treatment persists despite improved sources.[17] [18] Sustainable models prioritize local governance and private-sector involvement for maintenance, yet financing shortfalls—often below 1% of GDP in low-income nations—hinder scaling.[19] [20]Sanitation Systems
Sanitation systems in the context of WASH comprise the technologies, infrastructure, and services for the safe containment, transport, treatment, and disposal or reuse of human excreta and wastewater, aimed at preventing human exposure and environmental pollution.[1] These systems are essential to block fecal-oral transmission routes depicted in models like the F-diagram, where inadequate management allows pathogens to contaminate water, soil, and food chains.[21] Systems are classified as on-site or off-site based on waste handling. On-site systems treat and dispose of excreta at the generation point, predominant in rural and low-density urban areas of developing regions; examples include pit latrines, septic tanks, and dry ecological toilets. Simple pit latrines feature a excavated hole with a slab and superstructure, while improved variants like ventilated improved pit (VIP) latrines incorporate ventilation pipes to minimize odors and insect vectors. Septic tanks provide anaerobic digestion in buried chambers, separating solids from liquids for soil absorption via soak pits or drains. Ecological systems, such as urine-diverting dry toilets (UDDTs) and composting toilets, avoid water use by separating urine and feces, enabling pathogen die-off through dehydration or composting for potential agricultural reuse after stabilization.[22][23][22] Off-site systems collect wastewater via sewers or simplified networks for conveyance to centralized treatment facilities, more feasible in high-density urban areas with reliable water supply; treatment involves secondary processes like activated sludge for biological degradation, followed by disinfection. In low-income settings, hybrid approaches like simplified sewerage connected to on-site treatment are emerging to bridge infrastructure gaps.[21][22] Globally, as of 2022, 57% of the population (about 4.6 billion people) used safely managed sanitation services, defined by the WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme (JMP) as improved facilities not shared, with excreta either treated and disposed on-site or transported to off-site treatment. This metric excludes unimproved options like open defecation or bucket latrines; conversely, 43% (3.5 billion people) lacked such access, with highest deficits in sub-Saharan Africa (where coverage stood at 29%) and Central/Southern Asia. Progress from 2000 to 2022 reduced open defecation from 1.3 billion to 419 million users, though population growth offset absolute gains in some regions.[8][9][8] A critical limitation in on-site dominant low-income countries is fecal sludge management (FSM), encompassing emptying, haulage, treatment, and safe reuse or disposal of accumulated waste from pits and tanks. Many systems overload within 3-5 years without emptying, leading to overflows or abandonment; manual pit emptying, practiced by 80-90% of services in urban slums of cities like those in India and sub-Saharan Africa, exposes workers and communities to pathogens due to lack of protective equipment and direct discharge into waterways. Mechanized vacuum trucks are cost-prohibitive (often $50-200 per emptying), fostering informal markets with inadequate treatment—only 10-20% of sludge reaches dedicated facilities in most developing cities, per case studies. Effective FSM requires integrated chains with regulated services, but regulatory enforcement and financing shortfalls perpetuate risks, undermining system sustainability.[24][25][26]Hygiene Promotion
Hygiene promotion within WASH encompasses targeted interventions to foster behaviors that prevent fecal-oral transmission of pathogens, including handwashing with soap at critical times, safe handling and storage of drinking water, proper food preparation, and consistent use of sanitation facilities.[27] These practices address the primary pathways of disease spread as depicted in the F-diagram, where hygiene interrupts transmission from feces to fluids, fields, flies, and fingers.[28] Core behaviors emphasized include handwashing with soap after defecation, before food preparation or eating, and after contact with child feces, alongside cleaning utensils and vegetables to minimize contamination.[29] Safe food handling involves separating raw and cooked foods, thorough cooking, and maintaining hygiene during preparation to reduce risks from pathogens like E. coli and Salmonella.[30] Promotion strategies employ community-led total sanitation approaches, mass media campaigns, school programs, and environmental cues such as visible handwashing stations to nudge sustained adoption.[29] Randomized controlled trials demonstrate that hygiene promotion interventions, particularly handwashing with soap, reduce diarrhea incidence by approximately 30% in low-income settings.[31] A 2022 meta-analysis of water, sanitation, and hygiene interventions found that combined efforts, including hygiene components, lowered diarrhea risk by up to 50% when paired with point-of-use water treatment, though standalone hygiene effects vary by context.00937-0/fulltext) In refugee camps, hygiene promotion has significantly decreased acute childhood diarrhea rates, underscoring its efficacy in high-burden environments.[32] Despite evidence of impact, challenges persist in achieving lasting behavioral change due to cultural norms, resource constraints, and limited scalability; for instance, interventions often yield short-term gains that fade without ongoing reinforcement.[33] In urban and rural settings, mixed results from behavior change campaigns highlight the need for tailored, context-specific approaches addressing barriers like water scarcity and social stigma around sanitation.[34] Empirical data indicate that while hygiene promotion enhances facility utilization, broader health outcomes depend on integrating it with infrastructure improvements, as isolated efforts frequently underperform in humanitarian crises.[35]Health and Disease Impacts
Attributable Disease Burden
 were responsible for approximately 1.4 million deaths globally, primarily through diarrhoeal diseases, soil-transmitted helminthiasis, schistosomiasis, and trachoma.00458-0/fulltext) [36] These conditions accounted for 74 million disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) lost, with diarrhoeal diseases comprising the vast majority of the burden.00458-0/fulltext) The age-standardized DALY rate attributable to unsafe WASH stood at 1244 per 100,000 population, reflecting a 66% decline from 1990 levels due to expanded access to improved services.[37] Diarrhoeal diseases, driven by pathogens such as Escherichia coli, Shigella, and rotavirus transmitted via contaminated water and poor hygiene, represented over 90% of WASH-attributable deaths and DALYs in the assessed outcomes.00458-0/fulltext) Unsafe sanitation alone contributed to 564,000 deaths, mostly from diarrhoea, while lack of handwashing facilities exacerbated fecal-oral transmission pathways.[38] Children under five years bore a disproportionate load, with nearly 800,000 annual deaths from diarrhoea linked to inadequate WASH, equivalent to about 4,000 daily fatalities in this group.[39] Cholera and typhoid fever, though less dominant in aggregate statistics, amplify burden in outbreak-prone regions with open defecation and untreated water sources.[40] The highest rates concentrated in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, where population-level exposure to unimproved facilities correlates strongly with elevated mortality; for instance, countries like Nigeria and India accounted for a significant share of global cases.[41] Global Burden of Disease analyses attribute these outcomes to direct causal chains: fecal contamination of water supplies leading to ingestion, compounded by absent soap access hindering hand hygiene post-defecation or before food handling.[37] Despite progress, persistent gaps in rural and low-income settings sustain the burden, underscoring that empirical interventions targeting WASH could avert nearly all associated morbidity if scaled effectively.[42]Empirical Evidence on Intervention Outcomes
Randomized controlled trials (RCTs) and meta-analyses indicate that water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) interventions generally reduce the incidence of diarrheal disease in children under five, with relative risk reductions ranging from 27% to 53% depending on the intervention type and setting.[43] A 2025 systematic review and meta-analysis of intervention trials found water supply interventions associated with a 33% relative risk reduction (RRR) for diarrhea, while handwashing interventions showed a 67% RRR, though sanitation effects were less consistent across studies.[44] However, impacts on broader health outcomes such as child stunting, all-cause mortality, and sustained pathogen reduction remain modest or context-dependent, with large-scale trials like the WASH Benefits studies in Bangladesh and Kenya demonstrating reductions in diarrhea prevalence but no significant effects on linear growth when WASH was implemented alone or combined with nutrition.30192-X/fulltext)[45] Water quality interventions, such as chlorination or filtration, consistently lower fecal contamination in stored drinking water and diarrheal episodes. In the WASH Benefits Bangladesh trial, water chlorination reduced Escherichia coli prevalence in stored water by over 90% and diarrhea prevalence by 16-25% in intervention arms.30192-X/fulltext) A Cochrane review of water treatment interventions corroborated small but significant improvements in child height-for-age z-scores, equivalent to about 0.1 standard deviations, though effects were primarily from handwashing and water supply combined rather than water alone.[46] Sanitation-focused interventions, including latrine construction to reduce open defecation, show variable results; a 2021 meta-analysis identified significant diarrhea reductions in three of four trials (up to 14.3% prevalence drop), but a component network meta-analysis in 2025 found stand-alone sanitation less effective than multi-component packages for pathogen control.[47][48] Hygiene promotion, particularly handwashing with soap, yields protective effects against both diarrheal and respiratory infections. Meta-analytic evidence estimates a relative risk of 0.84 for respiratory infections from handwashing, based on seven RCTs.[49] Combined WASH packages in cluster-randomized trials like SHINE in Zimbabwe and WASH Benefits in Kenya reduced oxidative stress and environmental enteropathogens modestly, but failed to achieve synergistic growth benefits beyond nutrition alone, with post-trial follow-up revealing rapid behavior reversion and loss of diarrhea protection.[50][51] For soil-transmitted helminths, a 2022 Cochrane review of 14 RCTs reported a slight reduction in infection prevalence (risk ratio 0.84), though confidence intervals were wide and heterogeneity high.[52] On mortality, a 2023 analysis of WASH interventions across multiple RCTs linked them to a 17% reduction in odds of all-cause child mortality, driven largely by diarrhea prevention in high-burden settings.[4] Yet, these gains are not universal; the WASH Benefits Kenya trial unexpectedly found no diarrhea reduction despite high intervention uptake, highlighting contextual factors like baseline water quality and adherence as moderators of efficacy.[53] Overall, while WASH interventions demonstrably interrupt fecal-oral transmission pathways, their causal impact on non-diarrheal outcomes like stunting appears limited without addressing concurrent malnutrition or sustained behavioral change, as evidenced by the absence of large effects in rigorous, multi-arm trials conducted since 2015.[45][54]Factors Limiting Health Gains
![F-diagram of fecal-oral transmission pathways][float-right] Large-scale randomized controlled trials, such as the WASH Benefits studies in Bangladesh and Kenya and the SHINE trial in Zimbabwe, have demonstrated limited or null effects of water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) interventions on child linear growth (stunting) and inconsistent reductions in diarrhea prevalence, despite prior smaller studies suggesting 20-30% reductions in diarrheal incidence.[45] 30268-2/fulltext) This discrepancy, often termed the "WASH efficacy puzzle," arises because household-level interventions fail to fully interrupt complex fecal-oral transmission pathways, as depicted in the F-diagram, which includes fluids, fingers, fields (food), flies, and fomites, requiring comprehensive blockage for substantial health impacts.[55] Observational data linking poor WASH to stunting via environmental enteric dysfunction are strong, yet trial results indicate that incremental improvements, like pit latrines and point-of-use chlorination, do not sufficiently reduce pathogen exposure when community-level contamination persists.30268-2/fulltext) A primary limiting factor is spillover contamination from untreated neighbors and environments, diluting intervention effects in cluster-randomized designs; for instance, in the WASH Benefits Kenya trial, mechanistic modeling showed that preexisting WASH conditions and high baseline disease prevalence reduced projected efficacy, with interventions failing to achieve transformative reductions in fecal indicator bacteria.[56] Behavioral adherence also constrains gains, as sustained handwashing and toilet use often wane without ongoing enforcement, leading to rebound contamination; meta-analyses confirm that while point-of-use water treatment can lower diarrhea risk by 25-50%, real-world uptake in trials averages below 70%, undermining population-level pathogen control.[57] [35] Furthermore, interactions with nutrition and other morbidities limit attributable health improvements, as stunting reflects cumulative insults beyond WASH alone—trials combining WASH with nutrition showed modest additive effects on growth but no synergies, suggesting multifactorial causality where diarrhea accounts for only a fraction of undernutrition.30192-X/fulltext) Inadequate intervention intensity exacerbates this; basic facilities like non-sewered latrines do not eliminate open defecation or animal feces exposure, and recent evaluations advocate "transformative WASH" involving piped water and sewerage for meaningful mortality reductions, as evidenced by null diarrhea outcomes in community-driven programs where water quality remained unchanged.[58] [59] Systemic issues, including population density and climate-driven pathogen persistence, further attenuate benefits, with modeling indicating that high-transmission settings require near-universal coverage to overcome these thresholds.[17]Economic and Implementation Realities
Cost-Effectiveness Evaluations
Evaluations of water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) interventions frequently utilize cost-effectiveness analysis (CEA) frameworks, measuring outcomes in terms of cost per disability-adjusted life year (DALY) averted or benefit-cost ratios (BCR), which compare economic returns from health gains, productivity improvements, and reduced healthcare expenditures. In low- and middle-income countries, where diarrheal diseases account for a significant portion of child mortality, these interventions often demonstrate favorable economics, with costs typically ranging from $1 to $200 per DALY averted across components, though empirical trial data reveal variability influenced by adherence, context, and complementary measures.[60] BCRs for scaled programs can exceed 3:1 for basic water supply and 5:1 for sanitation promotion toward open defecation-free status, assuming 3% discount rates and DALY valuations of $1,000–$5,000, with rural implementations yielding higher ratios (e.g., 6.8 for water, 5.2 for sanitation) due to elevated baseline risks.[61] Hygiene-focused efforts, particularly handwashing promotion with soap, exhibit among the lowest costs, estimated at $3.35 per DALY averted globally, outperforming infrastructure-heavy options like household [water](/page/Water) connections (200 per DALY) in modeled scenarios.[62] National-scale programs could generate net savings of $2–5 billion annually for under $100 million in investment, with BCRs reaching 92:1 in India and 35:1 in China by averting diarrhea and respiratory infections.[62] Point-of-use water treatments, such as chlorination dispensers or in-line systems, further enhance cost-effectiveness, reducing under-5 all-cause mortality by 25–28% in randomized controlled trials (RCTs) at $27–$65 per DALY, with potential to save 305,000 lives yearly if scaled to 220 million unpiped-water households.[63] Sanitation interventions, including latrine construction and community-led total sanitation, incur higher upfront expenses but deliver sustained benefits; BCRs range from 2.5 (urban) to 5.7 (open defecation-free initiatives), with regional disparities showing lower returns in Sub-Saharan Africa (e.g., 1.2–3.9) versus higher in Oceania (up to 47).[61] Combined WASH packages amplify impacts, yielding BCRs of 4.9–6.3 and costs of $24–$1,152 per DALY, as synergies reduce multiple transmission pathways for pathogens.[60] Nonetheless, systematic reviews highlight limitations: many estimates rely on models rather than long-term RCTs, which often report smaller diarrhea reductions (10–20%) than assumed, potentially inflating BCRs if usage wanes or externalities like animal reservoirs persist.[60] Long-term sustainability—dependent on maintenance and behavior—can diminish returns, underscoring the need for context-specific pilots over generalized projections.[61]Market Mechanisms and Private Solutions
Private sector participation in water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) leverages market incentives to expand access and improve service quality, often outperforming public monopolies in efficiency and coverage where regulatory frameworks support competition and investment. Public-private partnerships (PPPs), such as affermage and concession models, have connected 24 million additional households to piped water since 1990 across 36 major projects, serving over 170 million people globally by 2008. In Senegal, an affermage contract implemented in the 1990s increased urban water coverage to 76% by 2006, reduced non-revenue water losses from 31% to 19%, and achieved 97% billing recovery rates through operational efficiencies like optimized staffing (from 5.5 to 3.2 employees per 1,000 connections). Similarly, in Colombia's Cartagena, a semi-public partnership raised water coverage from 73% to 99% and sanitation from 60% to 82% between 1996 and 2008, with non-revenue water dropping from 41% via private management expertise. These outcomes stem from private operators' incentives to minimize costs and maximize connections, contrasting with public utilities' frequent underinvestment and losses.[64][64] Small-scale private providers fill gaps in underserved areas, delivering reliable services where public infrastructure lags. In Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, small-scale water providers (SSWPs) supply 20% of suburban households with 24/7 access at tariffs of $0.2–3.5 per cubic meter, often surpassing public operators' intermittent service despite higher connection fees ($60–120). Sanitation marketing initiatives stimulate local supply chains by training entrepreneurs to produce and sell affordable latrines and hygiene products, creating demand through targeted promotion rather than subsidies. In Kenya, Sanergy's model deploys low-cost, franchise-operated toilet units that process waste into fertilizer, serving urban slums while generating revenue from end-products. Such mechanisms enhance sustainability by aligning provider incentives with user affordability, evidenced by higher adoption rates in market-driven programs compared to aid-dependent builds, which often fail post-subsidy.[64][65][66] Hygiene markets thrive on private innovation in products like soap and handwashing stations, with multinational firms scaling distribution in low-income settings. Unilever's Domestos initiative in India and Indonesia trains local masons and marketers to promote toilet construction and usage, boosting household adoption through commercial viability rather than free distribution. In Ghana, Clean Team's container-based sanitation service collects waste from pay-per-use toilets, achieving scalability via user fees and partnerships that recover costs without relying on donors. Empirical data indicate these private solutions reduce disease transmission more durably than top-down interventions, as profit motives ensure maintenance and adaptation to local needs, though success requires addressing barriers like finance access for micro-entrepreneurs. Overall, market mechanisms demonstrate higher cost-recovery (e.g., 95% in Niger's affermage by 2008) and productivity gains, underscoring private enterprise's role in overcoming public sector inefficiencies in WASH delivery.[66][66][64]Systemic Failures and Aid Inefficiencies
Numerous studies document high failure rates in WASH infrastructure, particularly water points in rural Africa, where 30-40% of boreholes and handpumps are estimated to be non-functional at any given time, a rate that has persisted for decades despite repeated interventions.[67] In broader assessments, up to 60% of water projects across Africa fail within years, often reverting communities to contaminated sources due to mechanical breakdowns, lack of spare parts, and absent maintenance protocols.[68] [69] These failures are exacerbated by drilling in geologically unsuitable sites or ignoring yield guidelines, resulting in abandonment rates far exceeding the 4.5% benchmark for sustainable operations.[70] Systemic design flaws compound these issues, as many aid programs prioritize rapid construction over long-term viability, with short project cycles—typically 1-3 years—failing to incorporate local governance or user training, leading to disuse or deterioration post-handover.[71] In sub-Saharan Africa, WASH initiatives frequently overlook community engagement and capacity building, fostering dependency rather than ownership, while time and budget pressures shift focus from outcomes to inputs like borehole counts.[72] Holistic approaches are rare, resulting in fragmented services that ignore interconnected needs such as sanitation linkages or behavioral reinforcement, perpetuating cycles of reinvestment without progress.[73] Corruption further erodes aid efficacy, with misallocation of resources, procurement bribery, and fund diversion inflating project costs and undermining sustainability in developing countries' water sectors.[74] Globally, an estimated 10% of water sector investments lost to corruption translates to over $75 billion in annual losses, deterring private investment and skewing allocations toward politically favored areas rather than high-need communities.[75] In Africa, such practices manifest in inequitable targeting and service breakdowns, where embezzled maintenance budgets leave infrastructure idle, as evidenced by persistent low functionality despite aid inflows exceeding billions annually.[76] [77] These inefficiencies reflect deeper aid paradigms that emphasize donor metrics over beneficiary accountability, with programs often designed in silos by external actors disconnected from local realities, yielding minimal health gains despite substantial funding.[72] Empirical reviews highlight that while upfront costs are covered, post-construction support is chronically underfunded, leading to service lapses that negate initial benefits and require redundant expenditures.[78] Consequently, global WASH aid has stalled sustainable coverage in many regions, underscoring the need for models prioritizing endogenous financing and oversight to mitigate recurrent failures.[71]Social and Behavioral Dimensions
Cultural Barriers to Adoption
In many developing regions, cultural norms favoring open defecation persist due to perceptions that it aligns with natural or ritual purity, hindering latrine adoption even when facilities are provided. For instance, in rural coastal Odisha, India, qualitative interviews revealed that traditional habits, including beliefs that squatting in open fields promotes better digestion and avoids the "impurity" of enclosed spaces, contribute to low latrine use rates, with only 11% of households consistently utilizing available toilets despite government campaigns.[79] Similarly, in parts of Ethiopia, taboos associating indoor defecation with spiritual contamination or ancestral displeasure correlate with sustained open practices, as evidenced by household surveys showing cultural bylaws and norms explaining 20-30% variance in sanitation uptake.[80] Taboos surrounding excreta handling further exacerbate resistance, often rooted in caste or purity ideologies. In India, where open defecation affected 550 million people as of 2014, socio-religious concepts of ritual cleanliness lead to aversion toward manual scavenging or latrine maintenance, with Dalit communities disproportionately burdened yet stigmatized for waste-related labor; empirical studies link this to a 15-25% lower adoption rate in high-caste villages compared to others, independent of economic factors.[81] In West African Idoma communities, defecating indoors is deemed a taboo, culturally encoded as disrespectful to land spirits, prompting elders to reject latrines and perpetuate open practices that sustain fecal-oral transmission pathways.[82] Religious and customary beliefs also impede hygiene behaviors, such as handwashing or water storage. Among some Kenyan pastoralist groups, superstitions viewing stored water as inviting malevolent forces result in preferences for untreated river sources, with cross-sectional data from Makueni County indicating that 62% of non-adopters cited cultural incompatibility over infrastructural deficits.[83] In Ghanaian schools, children's feces are culturally regarded as innocuous, normalizing open defecation and correlating with higher diarrheal incidence, as rapid assessments documented beliefs that bush defecation signifies freedom and health.[84] These barriers, while empirically tied to higher disease burdens—such as a 2-3 fold increase in child stunting in open-defecation prevalent areas—underscore the causal role of entrenched norms in overriding material incentives for change.[85]Gender Roles and Household Dynamics
In households lacking reliable WASH infrastructure, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, women and girls bear the primary responsibility for water collection, often spending substantial daily time on this task. Empirical data indicate that women globally dedicate approximately 250 million hours per day to fetching water, more than three times the time spent by men.[86] In Malawi, women average 54 minutes daily on water collection compared to 6 minutes for men, while across 24 countries, adult females serve as primary collectors in households expending over 30 minutes per trip.[87] [88] This division stems from cultural norms assigning resource-gathering proximate to domestic spheres to women, integrating tasks with childcare and meal preparation.[89] Sanitation and hygiene duties similarly fall disproportionately on women, who maintain latrines, handle waste disposal, and oversee handwashing and cleaning in the home. A study in Tanzania's Geita District revealed women positioned as "cleaners" responsible for hygiene practices, while men contributed minimally, reinforcing a gendered labor split where women promote and execute household sanitation.[90] In sub-Saharan Africa, women and girls collectively expend 40 billion hours annually on water-related chores alone, exacerbating physical strain from carrying heavy loads over distances.[91] These roles limit women's mobility and expose them to risks like assault during collection trips, with opportunity costs including foregone education for girls and income generation for women.[92] Household dynamics reflect this imbalance, as women's time poverty curtails participation in decision-making and bargaining within the family. Cross-sectional analyses in Zambia and Honduras link improved WASH access to shifts in women's roles, potentially freeing time for empowerment indicators like asset control, though causal pathways remain mediated by persistent norms rather than infrastructure alone.[93] Research in Kenya demonstrates that involving women in sanitation choices enhances household outcomes, suggesting targeted agency can mitigate dynamics where men's oversight dominates resource allocation.[94] However, without addressing underlying gender norms, WASH interventions often fail to alter entrenched divisions, as evidenced by stalled progress in women's free time despite some infrastructure gains.[95] In low-wealth households, this perpetuates cycles where daughters assist mothers, entrenching intergenerational labor patterns.[96]Individual Responsibility in Hygiene
Individual responsibility in hygiene encompasses personal behaviors such as handwashing with soap, safe handling of drinking water, proper food preparation, and consistent use of sanitation facilities, which directly influence disease transmission within WASH frameworks.[97] Empirical studies demonstrate that these practices significantly reduce diarrheal incidence; for instance, handwashing with soap at key times lowers the risk of diarrheal diseases by 42-47%.[98] Similarly, community-based hand hygiene promotions have been shown to decrease childhood diarrhea by an average of 47% in controlled interventions.[99] Behavioral adoption of hygiene routines requires personal initiative, often amplified by education but ultimately dependent on individual compliance. Systematic reviews indicate that handwashing interventions, when effectively implemented at the household level, reduce diarrhea by 23-40%, highlighting the causal role of consistent personal action over mere access to facilities.[100] In contexts where infrastructure exists but usage lags, such as improper water storage leading to recontamination, individual vigilance—through boiling, chlorination, or covered storage—prevents up to 30% of hygiene-related morbidity.[101] Food hygiene practices, including washing utensils and vegetables, further mitigate risks of enteric pathogens, with evidence from field trials showing reduced household illness rates tied to routine personal adherence.[102] Challenges to individual responsibility include knowledge gaps and habitual inertia, yet first-principles analysis underscores that pathogen transmission via fecal-oral routes is proximately interrupted by personal barriers like thorough handwashing post-defecation or before eating. Interventions promoting sustained behavior change, such as targeted nudges or community modeling, yield lasting health gains only insofar as individuals internalize and execute them, as evidenced by scoping reviews of hygiene adoption in low-resource settings.[103] Quantitative assessments of personal hygiene tools reveal that self-reported and observed practices correlate with lower infection rates, emphasizing accountability beyond systemic provision.[104] In high-burden areas, where aid-supplied soap or latrines often go underutilized, empirical outcomes affirm that individual agency accounts for a substantial portion of WASH efficacy, independent of infrastructural scale.[105]Applications in Key Settings
Household and Community Levels
At the household level, WASH interventions emphasize access to safely managed drinking water, basic sanitation facilities, and hygiene practices such as handwashing with soap. As of 2024, global coverage of safely managed drinking water services reached 74% of households, an increase from 68% in 2015, while safely managed sanitation covered 58%, up from 48% over the same period.[106] [107] Despite these gains, approximately 2.1 billion people lack safely managed water, and 1.7 billion lack basic hygiene services at home, including 611 million without any facilities.[108] Household-level improvements, including point-of-use water treatment and storage, have been linked to reduced diarrheal disease risk, with combined WASH interventions achieving up to a 30% reduction in such illnesses.00937-0/fulltext) Handwashing with soap specifically lowers diarrhea incidence by 23-40%, particularly among vulnerable groups like children and those with weakened immune systems.[100] [109] Community-level approaches, such as Community-Led Total Sanitation (CLTS), focus on mobilizing households to eliminate open defecation through participatory methods that trigger disgust and collective action. Evaluations indicate CLTS modestly boosts latrine construction rates and reduces community tolerance for open defecation, with one large-scale program in Indonesia increasing toilet use and decreasing soil-transmitted worm infestations.[110] Community-driven WASH programs have shown households 24 percentage points more likely to use improved water sources and 18 percentage points more likely to adopt improved sanitation.[111] However, evidence for direct health benefits remains mixed; while sanitation coverage improves, sustained reductions in diarrheal diseases or nutritional outcomes like child height are not consistently observed, highlighting the role of sustained behavior change beyond initial infrastructure.[112] Sustainability at both levels depends on integrating behavioral interventions with infrastructure, as one-time hardware provision often fails without ongoing hygiene promotion. Access to improved water and sanitation correlates with a 24.5% reduction in under-five diarrheal disease, but household water insecurity persists in linking poor practices to elevated risks.[113] [114] Community training enhances CLTS outcomes, with evidence from Ethiopia and Ghana showing better latrine maintenance when local actors receive support.[115] Overall, while household and community WASH efforts demonstrably curb transmission pathways for fecal-oral diseases, causal impacts on mortality require addressing adherence and contextual factors like poverty.[116]Educational and Institutional Environments
Access to water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) facilities in educational institutions, particularly schools, is critical for mitigating disease transmission, supporting cognitive development, and reducing absenteeism among students. Poor WASH infrastructure contributes to outbreaks of diarrheal diseases, helminth infections, and other illnesses that impair health and learning outcomes.[117] Globally, progress remains insufficient, with WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme (JMP) projections estimating only 86% of schools will have basic drinking water services and 87% basic sanitation by 2030, requiring accelerated efforts to meet universal access targets.[118] Hygiene services lag further, projected at 74% coverage.[118] Studies demonstrate that improved WASH interventions enhance school attendance, with students in facilities offering better services exhibiting up to 80% regularity compared to lower rates in deficient settings.[119] This effect is pronounced for girls, where inadequate sanitation exacerbates absenteeism during menstruation, potentially leading to higher dropout rates; menstrual hygiene management, including private facilities and waste disposal, addresses these barriers.[120] [121] Peer-reviewed evidence links WASH improvements to reduced infectious disease prevalence and better academic performance, underscoring causal pathways from hygiene to educational attainment.[122] In broader institutional environments, such as prisons and workplaces, WASH deficiencies amplify risks due to population density and limited mobility. In prisons, overcrowding and inadequate maintenance lead to heightened disease transmission, with reports highlighting systemic failures in water access and sanitation that undermine detainee health.[123] Data gaps persist for non-educational institutions, complicating global monitoring, though high-risk settings like these demand prioritized infrastructure investments to prevent outbreaks.[124] Behavioral components, including handwashing promotion, remain essential across settings but face challenges from cultural norms and resource constraints.[125]Healthcare Facilities and High-Risk Sites
In healthcare facilities, adequate water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) services are essential for infection prevention and control (IPC), as they enable hand hygiene, safe disposal of infectious waste, and sterilization of medical equipment, thereby reducing healthcare-associated infections (HAIs). Globally, HAIs affect millions annually, with rates reaching 15% or higher in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), where poor WASH contributes significantly through pathways like contaminated water used for patient care or inadequate sanitation leading to fecal-oral transmission of pathogens such as Clostridium difficile and antimicrobial-resistant bacteria. According to WHO and UNICEF estimates for 2023, approximately 1.1 billion people were served by facilities lacking basic water services, while 3 billion lacked basic sanitation services, exacerbating risks during procedures like childbirth or surgery.[126] [127] [128] Basic hygiene services, including functional handwashing stations with soap and water, were absent in facilities serving 722 million people in 2023, directly impairing compliance with IPC protocols that require hand hygiene before and after patient contact. Inadequate waste management and environmental cleaning in these settings further propagate HAIs, with at least 50% of such infections in LMICs attributed to antimicrobial-resistant organisms traceable to poor sanitation and hygiene practices. Empirical studies in rural health facilities demonstrate that WASH deficiencies correlate with higher nosocomial infection rates, such as sepsis in neonatal units, where contaminated water sources amplify bacterial loads. Improving WASH has been shown to avert thousands of deaths annually from preventable diseases like those caused by soil-transmitted helminths, assuming full attribution to WASH failures.[129] [130] [131] High-risk sites, including refugee camps, disaster-affected areas, and conflict zones, face amplified WASH challenges due to overcrowding, disrupted infrastructure, and transient populations, leading to outbreak-prone conditions like cholera epidemics from shared latrines and untreated water. In fragile and conflict-affected contexts, only 63% of healthcare facilities had basic water services in recent assessments, with hygiene coverage at 46% and sanitation at even lower levels, heightening transmission risks for vulnerable groups such as pregnant women and children. UNHCR-led emergency responses prioritize rapid deployment of water trucking, latrine construction, and hygiene kits, yet sustainability remains limited by reliance on short-term aid, resulting in recurrent disease burdens; for instance, without soap and handwashing facilities, refugees in camps like Dadaab, Kenya, exhibit low compliance rates, sustaining cycles of diarrheal diseases.[132] [133] [134] In these settings, integrating WASH with IPC measures—such as chlorination of water supplies and vector control—has demonstrably reduced infection rates, as evidenced by post-emergency evaluations showing declines in acute watery diarrhea following targeted interventions. However, systemic issues like underfunding and poor maintenance persist, with economic analyses estimating billions in avoidable healthcare costs from WASH-related HAIs alone.[135] [136]Environmental and Climate Interactions
Resource Sustainability Challenges
Water scarcity poses a fundamental barrier to sustainable WASH services, limiting access to sufficient quantities for drinking, sanitation flushing, and hygiene practices, particularly in arid and semi-arid regions where demand outstrips recharge rates. Globally, 2.1 billion people—about one in four—lacked access to safely managed drinking water as of 2025, with scarcity exacerbating inequities in low-income countries. [137] [138] In rural West Africa and similar areas, reliance on groundwater for WASH has led to overexploitation, where extraction rates exceed natural replenishment, resulting in declining water tables and failed boreholes that undermine community-level systems. [139] [140] Groundwater depletion accelerates in 30% of the world's regional aquifers due to intensified pumping for domestic and agricultural uses intertwined with WASH needs, with rates worsening over the past four decades amid population growth and urbanization. [141] Climate variability compounds this, as droughts reduce surface water availability and recharge, while floods contaminate sources, forcing greater dependence on already stressed aquifers without adequate mapping or management. [142] [143] In sub-Saharan Africa, for instance, such dynamics have rendered many handpumps inoperable, affecting 200–400 people per site and indirectly impacting thousands through reduced hygiene and sanitation efficacy. [140] Sanitation sustainability faces parallel strains from inadequate wastewater treatment, with approximately 80% of global wastewater discharged untreated into ecosystems, polluting freshwater bodies and closing the loop of resource degradation that hampers WASH recovery efforts. [144] This untreated effluent contributes to nutrient overloads and pathogen persistence, diminishing water quality for reuse and increasing treatment costs, while energy-intensive conventional plants strain limited resources in developing contexts. [145] [146] Population pressures amplify these issues, as urban migration outpaces infrastructure scaling, leading to fecal sludge accumulation in on-site systems without viable emptying or reuse pathways, further entrenching cycles of scarcity. [147] Overall, these challenges underscore the need for integrated resource monitoring to prevent irreversible depletion, though institutional underfunding and data gaps in groundwater assessment persist as barriers to proactive interventions. [148] [142]Adaptation Through Technology and Markets
Technological innovations in WASH have facilitated adaptation to climate-induced challenges, including erratic precipitation patterns and rising contamination risks from extreme weather. Scalable greywater recycling systems, which treat and reuse household wastewater for non-potable purposes, have been prioritized for drought-prone areas, reducing reliance on increasingly scarce freshwater sources by up to 30-50% in pilot implementations.[149] Similarly, modular, flood-resistant sanitation infrastructure, such as elevated or reinforced pit latrines and container-based systems, minimizes service disruptions during inundation events, with designs tested to withstand water levels exceeding 1 meter.[150] These technologies emphasize decentralized, low-energy solutions like solar-powered UV disinfection units for water treatment, which maintain efficacy in off-grid settings amid power outages from storms.[147] Market mechanisms have accelerated the deployment and affordability of such adaptations by incentivizing private investment and consumer-driven scaling. Public-private partnerships, exemplified by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation's Reinvent the Toilet Challenge launched in 2011, have funded over 25 prototypes of waterless sanitation technologies that process human waste into usable resources without sewer connections, targeting regions facing projected 20-30% water availability declines by 2050 due to climate shifts.[151] Market-based programming (MBP) integrates cash transfers with local supply chains to stimulate demand for resilient WASH products, as demonstrated in humanitarian responses where MBP restored sanitation markets in flood-affected areas 40% faster than traditional aid distribution.[152] In Nigeria, Sanitation and Hygiene Fund-supported initiatives since 2024 have engaged private vendors to deliver market-based latrine solutions, reaching over 100,000 households and fostering local manufacturing to counter climate-vulnerable open defecation practices. Private sector involvement extends to financing models like microfinance for household-level adaptations, enabling uptake of climate-resilient technologies in low-income settings. For instance, ventures commercializing bio-sand filters—slow-sand gravity systems removing 95-99% of pathogens—have expanded via market incentives, adapting to salinization from sea-level rise in coastal areas.[153] Empirical evaluations indicate these approaches yield higher sustainability than subsidized aid, with private-led innovations achieving 2-3 times greater long-term adoption rates in variable climates, though challenges persist in regulatory harmonization and equitable access.[154] Overall, integrating markets with technology counters aid dependency, aligning WASH resilience with economic viability amid environmental pressures.[155]Critiques of Emission-Focused Narratives
Critics of emission-focused climate narratives contend that an overemphasis on greenhouse gas mitigation strategies diverts attention and resources from adaptation measures critical for water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) in developing countries, where populations face immediate vulnerabilities to climate variability such as droughts and floods.[156] This prioritization stems from a documented "mitigation bias" in international climate finance, where funding for emission reductions significantly outpaces support for resilience-building interventions like climate-resilient water infrastructure and sanitation systems, despite developing nations contributing minimally to global emissions yet bearing disproportionate impacts.[157] For instance, adaptation finance gaps are estimated at $200 billion annually for developing countries, while mitigation efforts receive far greater inflows, often tied to technologies like renewables that may not address localized WASH challenges such as flood-resistant latrines or drought-tolerant water sources.[158] Such narratives, prevalent in policy frameworks like the Paris Agreement, are critiqued for imposing development constraints on low-income regions by promoting stringent emission targets that increase costs for essential services, including energy-dependent water pumping and treatment, without commensurate health co-benefits.[159] Empirical analyses highlight that basic WASH improvements yield high returns in reducing disease burdens—far exceeding the marginal benefits of emission cuts in these contexts—yet receive sidelined funding amid a global focus on fossil fuel phase-outs.[160] Moreover, sanitation systems in poor settings contribute to methane emissions through unmanaged waste, but upgrading to basic managed facilities simultaneously cuts these emissions and averts health crises, a synergy often overlooked in emission-centric discourses that prioritize industrial sectors over decentralized, life-saving infrastructure.[161] This bias is attributed to institutional incentives in developed nations and multilateral bodies, where measurable emission metrics dominate accountability frameworks, marginalizing harder-to-quantify adaptation outcomes like reduced diarrheal disease incidence amid climate stressors.[162] Proponents of balanced approaches argue that reallocating even a fraction of mitigation funds toward WASH could enhance causal resilience—directly linking improved hygiene practices to lower vulnerability—while acknowledging that unmitigated warming exacerbates WASH failures, such as contamination during extreme events. However, forcing uniform emission narratives on diverse global contexts risks perpetuating inequities, as evidenced by stalled progress in universal sanitation access despite pledges, underscoring the need for policy realism over alarmist mitigation orthodoxy.[163]Historical Evolution
Early Public Health Foundations
The foundations of modern public health interventions in water, sanitation, and hygiene emerged in 19th-century Britain amid rapid urbanization and recurrent epidemics, driven by empirical observations of disease patterns linked to environmental filth. Edwin Chadwick's 1842 Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great Britain documented how inadequate drainage, contaminated water supplies, and overcrowding in working-class districts correlated with elevated mortality rates, estimating that preventive sanitary measures could reduce deaths from diseases like typhus and cholera by up to two-thirds through systematic sewerage and water purification.[164] This report, based on surveys of medical officers and local data, shifted focus from individual moral failings to structural causes, influencing the Public Health Act of 1848, which established local boards of health to enforce sanitation standards.[165] Epidemiological investigations further solidified causal links between contaminated water and infectious diseases. In 1854, during a cholera outbreak in London's Soho district that killed 616 people, physician John Snow mapped fatalities and identified a cluster around the Broad Street pump, tracing contamination to a nearby cesspit leaking into the well; removal of the pump handle on September 8 correlated with a sharp decline in new cases, providing early evidence for waterborne transmission over the prevailing miasma theory.[166] Snow's dot map analysis, drawing on mortality records and household water sources, demonstrated how proximity to polluted pumps amplified risk, laying groundwork for targeted water source isolation as a public health tool.[167] These developments spurred engineering responses and institutional reforms across Europe and North America. London's "Great Stink" of 1858, caused by sewage overflow into the Thames, prompted Joseph Bazalgette's interceptor sewer system, completed in phases from 1860 to 1875, which diverted waste and reduced waterborne illnesses by improving urban hydrology.[168] Concurrently, hygiene practices gained traction; Ignaz Semmelweis's 1847 observations in Vienna hospitals showed that handwashing with chlorinated lime reduced puerperal sepsis mortality from 18% to under 2%, highlighting personal hygiene's role in breaking fecal-oral transmission chains, though adoption lagged until germ theory's validation in the 1880s.[169] By the late 19th century, these efforts had halved infant mortality in reformed cities, underscoring sanitation's primacy over vaccination or quarantine in controlling endemic diseases.[170]Post-WWII Development Aid Era
Following World War II, international development aid increasingly incorporated water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) interventions as foundational to public health and economic progress in newly independent and low-income nations, driven by organizations such as the World Health Organization (WHO), established in 1948, which linked environmental sanitation to broader development goals.[171] Early efforts emphasized technical engineering solutions, including rural water supply guidelines published by WHO in 1959 and World Bank financing for large-scale urban infrastructure projects starting in the 1960s, reflecting a transfer of Western models like piped systems and latrines to address disease burdens from inadequate facilities.[171] These initiatives, supported by bilateral aid from entities like the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) from its inception in 1961, prioritized quantifiable infrastructure outputs over local governance, often resulting in systems that lacked maintenance due to insufficient community buy-in or fiscal capacity in recipient countries.[172] By the 1970s, multilateral coordination intensified, culminating in the 1977 United Nations Water Conference at Mar del Plata, which proclaimed the International Drinking Water Supply and Sanitation Decade (IDWSSD) for 1981–1990, aiming to extend safe water and sanitation to an additional 2 billion people worldwide through national plans and international funding.[173] The WHO and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) collaborated with the World Bank to mobilize resources, producing manuals such as the Bank's 1982 sanitation guidelines and emphasizing cost-recovery mechanisms alongside community participation to enhance sustainability.[171] However, progress fell short of targets, with coverage increases hampered by over-reliance on top-down technical fixes that ignored contextual factors like institutional corruption and uneven aid allocation; for instance, while some regions saw expanded access, rural areas often reverted to open defecation due to failing pumps and absent hygiene education.[174] This era's approaches, critiqued in later analyses for their universalist bias—favoring Global North expertise and metric-driven outcomes—laid groundwork for persistent challenges, including equity gaps where low-income populations were sidelined by urban-focused investments.[171] Peer-reviewed evaluations highlight that while WASH aid correlated with health gains in select cases, systemic failures stemmed from depoliticizing poverty, treating WASH as an apolitical technical sector rather than one intertwined with power dynamics and local capacities.[175] By the decade's end, the New Delhi Statement of 1990 called for renewed emphasis on hygiene and operation-maintenance, signaling a partial shift, though aid models retained a focus on donor-defined efficiency over evidence of long-term causal impacts on morbidity.[171]Modern Global Campaigns and Shifts
The transition from the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) marked a pivotal shift in global WASH strategies, expanding from halving the unserved population by 2015 to achieving universal access to safely managed water, sanitation, and hygiene services by 2030 under SDG 6.[171] The MDGs focused primarily on basic access to improved sources, achieving partial success with over 2 billion people gaining improved water access and 2.1 billion improved sanitation between 2000 and 2015, yet leaving 663 million without improved water and 2.3 billion without improved sanitation.[171] In contrast, SDGs emphasized integration across sectors, hygiene promotion, equity in service ladders (distinguishing basic from safely managed), and sustainability amid climate pressures, reflecting recognition that siloed infrastructure investments often failed to sustain long-term behavior change or resilience.[171] This evolution incorporated first-principles assessments of causal pathways, prioritizing fecal-oral transmission prevention through combined interventions rather than isolated targets.[171] Key modern campaigns emerged to operationalize these goals, notably Sanitation and Water for All (SWA), a UN-hosted multi-stakeholder partnership launched in 2009 with nearly 150 members including governments, donors, civil society, and private entities.[176] SWA's high-level meetings, starting with a 2010 ministerial event co-chaired by sanitation ministers from Ghana and the Netherlands, aimed to secure political commitments for increased domestic financing and sector coordination, resulting in over 100 countries adopting national WASH plans by 2020.[176] Complementary efforts include the WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme (JMP), which since 2000 has produced biennial progress reports using household surveys to track disparities, revealing that from 2000 to 2024, 2.2 billion gained safely managed drinking water while 2.8 billion improved sanitation access, though rural-urban and wealth-based gaps persist.[15] These campaigns shifted emphasis toward evidence-based monitoring, with JMP data informing targeted investments in underserved groups like women and girls, who bear disproportionate burdens in water collection.[106] Strategic shifts have increasingly integrated hygiene behavior change and resilience, exemplified by global hygiene promotion drives like Global Handwashing Day (initiated October 15, 2008, by the Public-Private Partnership for Handwashing) and heightened WASH responses during the COVID-19 pandemic, which underscored hygiene's role in outbreak prevention.[171] Post-2015, approaches moved from top-down aid to hybrid models promoting local governance, private-sector innovation (e.g., low-cost latrines), and climate-adaptive technologies, addressing MDG-era critiques of unsustainable donor-driven projects that often collapsed post-funding.[171] WHO/UNICEF reports highlight ongoing challenges, with global WASH financing at $9-20 per capita annually—far below the $100+ needed for SDG targets—prompting calls for reallocating resources toward high-impact, cost-effective interventions like community-led total sanitation over subsidized hardware alone.[15] Despite progress, trajectories indicate SDG 6 is off-track, with only 74% of the population using safely managed sanitation in 2022, necessitating rigorous evaluation of campaign efficacy beyond self-reported metrics.[106]Global Status and Policy Debates
Current Access Metrics and Trends
As of 2024, 74% of the global population—approximately 6 billion people—had access to safely managed drinking water services, defined as water from an improved source free from fecal and priority chemical contamination, available when needed, and within a reasonable distance from home.[7] This represents an increase from 68% in 2015, during which period 961 million additional people gained such access, though population growth limited net proportional gains in some regions.[7] For sanitation, 58% of the world's population used safely managed services in 2024, up from 48% in 2015, with 1.2 billion people achieving access over that decade; safely managed sanitation entails disposal or treatment of excreta to prevent human contact, including sewers connected to treatment plants or improved onsite facilities.[106] Basic handwashing facilities with soap and water available at home reached about 70% coverage globally by 2022, with slower progress in hygiene compared to water and sanitation due to behavioral and infrastructural barriers.[137]| WASH Service | Global Coverage (2024) | Coverage (2015) | Population Gained Access (2015-2024) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Safely Managed Drinking Water | 74% | 68% | 961 million |
| Safely Managed Sanitation | 58% | 48% | 1.2 billion |