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Bab

Siyyid ʿAlī Muḥammad Shīrāzī, known as the Báb (lit. "Gate"; 20 October 1819 – 9 July 1850), was a Persian merchant from a family of sayyids who founded Bábism, a messianic movement within Twelver Shīʿism, by declaring himself in 1844 as the bāb or intermediary to the Hidden Twelfth Imām.^[1] His initial claims of channeling divine revelation through the Imām soon evolved into assertions of independent prophetic authority, authoring extensive Arabic and Persian texts such as the Qayyūm al-Asmāʾ and the Persian Bayān, which reinterpreted Islamic law and eschatology in ways that directly challenged the Qajar clerical and political establishment.^[1]^[2] This provoked widespread persecution, including multiple imprisonments in Shiraz, Máh-Kú, and Chihríq, culminating in his public trial and execution by musket volley in Tabriz on orders of Prime Minister Mīrzā Taqi Khān Amīr Kabīr, amid fears of the movement's growing militancy and social disruption.^[1]^[1] Bábism rapidly attracted thousands of adherents in mid-19th-century Iran, fueled by apocalyptic expectations in Shīʿī millenarianism, but it devolved into violent confrontations, such as the Bábí uprisings in Mázandarán and Zanján (1848–1850), where followers' armed defenses against government forces resulted in heavy casualties on both sides and hardened official suppression.^[3]^[1] The Báb's execution failed to extinguish the movement, which splintered after his death; one faction coalesced around Mīrzā Yaḥyá (known as Ṣubḥ-i Azal), while another followed Ḥusayn ʿAlī Núri (Bahāʾuʾllāh), whose later claims positioned Bábism as a preparatory phase for a new dispensation, forming the basis of the Baháʾí Faith—though Bábism proper emphasized the Báb's unique station and retained distinct ritual and doctrinal elements not fully carried forward.^[3]^[1] These schisms and the original movement's emphasis on abrogation of prior laws underscore Bábism's radical departure from orthodox Islam, often viewed by contemporaries and historians as heretical innovation rather than mere reform.^[3]

Early Life and Background

Birth and Family

Siyyid ʿAlī Muḥammad Shīrāzī, later known as the Báb, was born on 20 October 1819 (1 Muḥarram 1235 AH) in Shiraz, in the province of Fars, Persia.^[1]^[4] He belonged to a family of Ḥusaynī sayyids—descendants of Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī—who were primarily engaged in mercantile trade in Shiraz and the port city of Bushehr.^[1] His father, Mīrzā Muḥammad Riḍā, operated a small mercantile business and died during the Báb's early childhood, with accounts varying between when the child was an infant, around five to six years old, or as late as age nine.^[4]^[5] His mother, Fāṭimeh Begum (also spelled Fatimih Bagum), came from a similar merchant background and relied on her brothers for support after her husband's death.^[6] The family had no other surviving children from this marriage, though the Báb later had a son, Aḥmad, from his own marriage in 1835. Following Mīrzā Muḥammad Riḍā's death, the young Siyyid ʿAlī Muḥammad was reared primarily by his maternal uncle, Hájí Mīrzá Siyyid ʿAlī, a merchant who assumed responsibility for his nephew's upbringing and education in Shiraz.^[5] This uncle, part of the extended sayyid merchant network, provided stability amid the family's modest circumstances, which lacked significant wealth or clerical prominence despite their prophetic lineage claims.^[1]

Education and Early Career

ʿAlī Muḥammad Shīrāzī received elementary education in Shiraz starting around 1826, at approximately age five or six, attending a local maktab in the Bāzār-i Murgh quarter under Shaykh ʿĀbid, a teacher influenced by Shaykhī thought.^[4] ^[7] For five to six years, his studies focused on basic Persian and Arabic grammar, Qurʾānic recitation, and calligraphy, though attendance was irregular due to his disinterest in formal schooling.^[4] ^[7] He lacked advanced madrasa training in religious sciences like fiqh, relying instead on informal instruction from maternal uncles, and later attempted but did not complete studies under Mullā ʿAbd al-Khāliq Yazdī around 1835 owing to insufficient preparatory knowledge.^[1] ^[7] After his father's death circa 1826–1827, Shīrāzī entered the family mercantile trade at age eight or nine, assisting in the clothier business at Bāzār-i Vākil in Shiraz.^[7] By 1834, at about fifteen, he partnered with his maternal uncle Ḥājjī Mīrzā Sayyid ʿAlī in commerce, initially in Shiraz and then in Būshihr from circa 1835 to 1840 or 1841, handling textiles, silk, and commodities along Gulf trade routes.^[1] ^[4] ^[7] Reputed for integrity and commercial success, he managed operations independently by 1840, though he composed religious prayers and showed growing detachment from business in favor of devotional activities.^[4] ^[7] In 1839–1840, he traveled to Karbalāʾ for pilgrimage, briefly attending lectures by Shaykhī leader Sayyid Kāẓem Raštī but without pursuing systematic study.^[1] Returning to Shiraz, he resumed independent trade at Sara-yi Gūmruk until his marriage to Khadīja Begum in August 1842 and the brief life of their son Aḥmad, born 1843 and deceased in infancy.^[1] ^[7]

Declaration and Initial Ministry

Claim of the Bábiyya

Siyyid ʿAlī Muḥammad Shīrāzī, a merchant from Shiraz born in October 1819, declared his prophetic mission on the evening of May 23, 1844 (corresponding to 5 Jamálíyyih 1260 in the Islamic lunar calendar), marking the inception of the Bábí movement known as Bábiyya.^[8]^[9] This private revelation occurred in his home in Shiraz to Mullá Ḥusayn Bushrúʾí, a 26-year-old Shaykhí scholar dispatched by the Shaykhí leader Sayyid Kázim Rashtí to search for the promised Mahdí or precursor figure.^[10]^[5] The Báb asserted that he was the Báb, or "Gate," serving as the divinely authorized intermediary through whom the concealed Twelfth Imam (Muḥammad al-Mahdí) would soon communicate with humanity, fulfilling eschatological expectations within Twelver Shíʿism's Shaykhí branch, which anticipated such a gate prior to the Imam's full manifestation.^[9]^[11] The declaration unfolded during an extended conversation lasting into the early hours, where the Báb reportedly recited a commentary on the Súrih of Joseph from the Qurʾán, demonstrating exhaustive knowledge of Shíʿí hadíth and independently deriving over 500 verses—far exceeding Mullá Ḥusayn's request for a single commentary—thus convincing his interlocutor of his authority. Mullá Ḥusayn, who had been seeking the herald of the Imam's advent since Rashtí's death in 1843 amid widespread messianic fervor in Persia, immediately pledged allegiance, becoming the first Letter of the Living (Ḥurúf al-Ḥayy) and the inaugural convert to Bábism.^[10]^[5] This claim did not initially position the Báb as abrogating Islamic law but as restoring its pure observance through renewed divine guidance, aligning with Shaykhí emphasis on spiritual purity and the imminent Qáʾim (Riser).^[9] The Bábiyya claim emerged against a backdrop of intensified apocalyptic anticipation in 19th-century Persia, where economic distress, clerical corruption, and the Shaykhí schism from Usúlí Shíʿism fueled quests for renewal; Shaykh Ahmad iḥsáʾí (d. 1826) had prophesied a Báb al-Báb (Gate of the Gate) to precede the Imam's return, a role the Báb implicitly filled by directing followers to await further proofs.^[11]^[12] While Bábí sources, such as Nabil's The Dawn-Breakers (written 1888–1890 based on eyewitness testimonies), portray the event as transformative with the Báb's instantaneous composition of texts, non-Bábí Persian chronicles like those of Muslim adversaries acknowledge the declaration's occurrence but frame it as heretical innovation.^[13] The claim rapidly attracted a core group of eighteen disciples, termed Letters of the Living, who propagated the message covertly amid growing suspicion from Qajar authorities and Shíʿí ʿulamaʾ.^[5]

First Disciples and Teachings in Shiraz

On the evening of 22 May 1844, Mullá Ḥusayn-i-Bushru'i, a Shaykhi scholar seeking the promised Qá'im (Mahdi), met Siyyid ʿAlí-Muḥammad (the Báb) in his home in Shiraz after sending a message announcing his arrival.^[14] During their conversation, which extended until dawn on 23 May, the Báb declared himself to be the Báb, or gate, to the Hidden Twelfth Imam of Twelver Shiʿism, and affirmed his role as the awaited figure by revealing an extensive commentary on the Qur'anic Surah of Joseph (Surah Yusuf), demonstrating knowledge beyond Mullá Ḥusayn's scriptural questions.^[1] ^[5] Mullá Ḥusayn, convinced by this encounter, became the Báb's first disciple, earning the title Bábu'l-Báb (Gate of the Gate), and pledged to propagate the message.^[15] Following this declaration, Mullá Ḥusayn converted additional followers in Shiraz, leading to the formation of the Letters of the Living (Ḥurúf al-Ḥayy), the Báb's initial cadre of 18 disciples—17 men and one woman, Fátimih Baraghání (later known as Táhirih)—recognized between late May and July 1844.^[15] These included relatives and associates such as the Báb's uncle Ḥájjí Mírzá Siyyid ʿAlí, his wife and secretary, and other local seekers influenced by Shaykhism's messianic expectations.^[1] The group convened in Shiraz for instruction, where the Báb emphasized spiritual purity, detachment from worldly attachments, and recognition of his station as the herald of a new prophetic dispensation, drawing on Shiʿi eschatology while introducing elements of independent revelation.^[5] The Báb's early teachings in Shiraz centered on his intermediary role between humanity and the divine, initially framing himself as the Báb to the Imam rather than a full-fledged prophet, though his discourses hinted at broader claims by interpreting Islamic texts allegorically and calling for renewal of faith through direct divine effusions.^[1] He instructed disciples to disperse and teach discreetly, avoiding confrontation, while composing initial writings that critiqued clerical authority and stressed ethical transformation over ritualistic adherence.^[5] This period of private ministry lasted until early September 1844, when provincial authorities, alerted by rumors, confined the Báb and compelled his departure from Shiraz under guard.^[1] Scholarly analyses note that these teachings, preserved in later Bábí compilations like those of Nabil-i-Azam, reflect a blend of Shiʿi mysticism with innovative doctrines, though accounts derive primarily from Bábí adherents, warranting caution against hagiographic inflation.

Imprisonment and Expanding Influence

Confinement in Máh-Kú and Tabriz

Following his arrest in Shiraz and subsequent detention in Tihran, the Báb, whose given name was Siyyid ʿAlí Muḥammad Shírází, was transferred in July 1847 to the remote fortress of Máh-Kú in northwestern Persia, under orders from Prime Minister Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí to isolate him from followers and enforce strict confinement. The fortress, perched on a mountain peak and known for its harsh, desolate conditions, was guarded by a warden named ʿAlí Khán, instructed to prevent all visitors and communication, with the Báb confined to a small, unheated cell lacking basic amenities.^[16] Despite these restrictions, ʿAlí Khán gradually relented after personal interactions with the Báb, permitting limited access to disciples and scribes, which allowed the production of significant writings and reportedly led to the warden's sympathetic stance toward the prisoner.^[16] This leniency, observed by local officials, prompted complaints to higher authorities, resulting in the Báb's transfer on April 9, 1848, to the fortress of Chihriq after approximately nine months at Máh-Kú.^[17] In July 1848, amid growing unrest among his followers, the Báb was summoned from Chihriq to Tabriz for interrogation by provincial authorities and Islamic clergy, under the oversight of Crown Prince Násiru'd-Dín Mírzá.^[17]^[18] He was held in confinement in Tabriz, initially outside the city gates before being brought into the barracks for examination, where guards enforced isolation to curb excitement among local supporters.^[19] The detention lasted several days, during which the Báb faced questioning on his claims but maintained his assertions of divine authority, leading to a formal declaration of his mission before the assembly.^[17] Following the proceedings, he was returned to Chihriq under heavier guard, with Tabriz confinement serving primarily as a site for ecclesiastical scrutiny rather than prolonged isolation.^[18] These episodes of captivity in Máh-Kú and Tabriz underscored the Persian government's efforts to suppress the emerging Bábí movement through geographic and custodial controls, though they inadvertently facilitated the dissemination of his teachings via converted local figures and smuggled correspondences.^[13]

Writings and Revelations During Captivity

During his imprisonment in the remote fortress of Máh-Kú, beginning in July 1847, the Báb dictated an estimated 8,000 verses over nine months, including prayers, supplications, and commentaries on Qur'anic verses, despite initial restrictions on writing materials.^[20] These works were revealed through rapid dictation to his amanuensis, with his voice reportedly carrying echoes across the mountains, gradually softening the attitudes of guards and locals.^[20]^[21] Key among them was the Kitáb-i-Asmá' ("Book of Names"), a collection of invocations and explanations spanning about 3,000 pages, with portions composed in Máh-Kú addressing themes of divine unity and the names of God.^[22]^[23] Transferred to the fortress of Chahríq in April 1848 under harsher confinement, the Báb produced the bulk of his major scriptures, including the Persian Bayán, initiated around late 1847 or early 1848 and largely completed by 1850.^[24]^[25] This text, structured in nine vahíds (each comprising 19 bābs, for a total of 171 chapters), abrogates Islamic Sharia, outlines administrative laws for a new dispensation, and prophesies the coming of "He Whom God shall make manifest."^[24] The Arabic Bayán, an unfinished counterpart begun in Chahríq around 1848, reiterates core doctrines in Arabic with added eschatological emphasis.^[26]^[27] Other revelations from Chahríq include the Tablet of the Sermon of Wrath, a condemnatory address to Prime Minister Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, and various letters to Persian authorities asserting his messianic claims.^[26] These writings, totaling hundreds of thousands of words, demonstrate a shift toward systematic codification of doctrine amid isolation, with the Báb maintaining that his revelations proceeded from direct divine inspiration unhindered by captivity.^[21] Scholarly analyses, drawing from original manuscripts, confirm the prolific output but note interpretive variances, with Bahá'í compilations emphasizing fulfillment prophecies while early Bábí sources highlight revolutionary elements.^[28]

Letter of the Living and Organizational Structure

The Letters of the Living (Arabic: Ḥurúf al-Ḥayy) comprised the eighteen earliest disciples of the Báb, who recognized his claim to divine revelation between May and October 1844, shortly after his declaration on 23 May in Shiraz.^[29] These individuals, drawn largely from the Shaykhi school of Twelver Shi'ism, affirmed the Báb's station independently, without mutual consultation, as a testament to the movement's initial organic growth.^[30] The Báb himself constituted the nineteenth member, forming a symbolic "Váḥid" (unit of nineteen), which held eschatological significance in Bábí theology as representing the primal unity of the divine dispensation.^[31] Prominent among them was Mullá Ḥusayn-i-Bushru’i, the first Letter, a former student of Sayyid Kázim Rashtí who encountered the Báb in Shiraz and became his initial proselytizer.^[32] Others included Mullá ‘Alíy-i-Bastámí, the second to believe and the first dispatched to propagate in Iraq; Ḥájí Mirzá Ḥasan-i-Alí, a merchant from Tabriz; and Fátimih Baraghání (later known as Tahirih), the sole woman, renowned for her scholarship and poetry.^[33] The Báb instructed these apostles to disseminate his teachings through personal testimony, the recitation of his writings such as the Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’, and the enrollment of new believers, often organizing adherents into groups of nineteen to mirror the sacred structure.^[34] The organizational structure of the nascent Bábí community centered on this apostolic cadre, with the Letters functioning as authoritative teachers and witnesses under the Báb's remote guidance during his confinements.^[15] Lacking formal institutions or clergy, the early framework emphasized spiritual hierarchy based on proximity to the Báb's revelation, decentralized propagation, and communal unity through shared recognition of his authority. This approach enabled swift expansion, with estimates of several thousand adherents by 1847, though it also sowed seeds for later factionalism amid persecutions.^[34] The Báb's writings from Máh-Kú reinforced their roles, designating them as the "ministers of His Faith" and enjoining fidelity to the emerging order.^[35]

Conflicts with Authorities

Trial in Tabriz

In July 1848 (Sha'ban 1264 AH), Siyyid Ali Muhammad Shirazi, known as the Báb, was transferred from his confinement in Chihriq fortress to Tabriz, the provincial capital and residence of Crown Prince Nasir al-Din Mirza, to face interrogation on charges of heresy and apostasy against Islam.^[13] The proceedings, framed as a religious tribunal rather than a civil trial, were presided over by the crown prince, with participation from leading Shi'ite clerics including Nizam al-'Ulama (Haji Mulla Mahmud Tabrizi) and Haji Murtada-Quli Marandi 'Alam al-Huda.^[13] Prime Minister Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir had directed that the case be evaluated under Islamic law by the ulama, reflecting state efforts to legitimize suppression through clerical consensus amid growing Bábí influence and uprisings.^[13] The interrogation focused on the Báb's writings, doctrinal claims, and alleged violations of Shi'ite orthodoxy, such as his interpretations of Qur'anic verses on Moses, the division of booty, and his assertion of authority to abrogate Islamic law.^[13] Clerics demanded verification of authorship and challenged the grammatical validity of his revealed texts, citing perceived errors; the Báb responded by affirming divine origin, offering to produce verses on demand as proof, and referencing Qur'anic precedents for non-standard grammar in prophetic revelation.^[36] In a pivotal declaration before the assembly, he proclaimed himself the Qa'im (the promised Shi'ite messiah figure), stating, "I am that person you have been awaiting for one thousand years," thereby escalating his initial gatekeeper (báb) role to full mahdi status and directly confronting clerical expectations of the hidden Imam's return.^[13] Accounts vary on details like seating arrangements and the provision of tea or lamps, with Muslim sources (e.g., Namus-i Nasiri) portraying the Báb in a subordinate position, while Bábí narratives emphasize his composure.^[13] Shaykh 'Ali Asghar and Shaykh Abu'l-Qasim issued a fatwa condemning him to death for heresy, but execution was deferred—likely due to the crown prince's intervention or political caution—and the Báb was returned to Chihriq under stricter guard.^[13] This trial, documented in primary Muslim histories like Rawdat al-safa fidh-dhikr al-anbiya wal-awliya and Bábí texts such as Nuqtat al-Kaf, marked a turning point, publicly crystallizing the Báb's messianic claims and intensifying state persecution, though scholarly analyses note inconsistencies across biased accounts from both sides.^[13] A brief re-examination occurred in 1850 prior to his execution, but the 1848 event solidified clerical opposition.^[13]

Uprisings and Persecutions of Followers

The primary uprisings among the Báb's followers occurred in response to intensifying persecutions by Qajar authorities and Shi'i clergy, who viewed the Bábí movement as a heretical threat to established religious and political order. These conflicts, concentrated between 1848 and 1851, involved fortified defenses by Bábís against state forces, resulting in significant casualties and subsequent mass executions. Historians estimate around 3,000 Bábís killed across the major episodes, though figures vary due to reliance on partisan accounts from both Bábí and government sources.^[37] The earliest major clash was the Battle of Fort Tabarsí in Mazandaran province, spanning October 1848 to May 1849. Initially sparked by local tensions over Bábí conversions and clerical opposition to the Báb's claim as the Qá'im, several hundred Bábís under Mulla Husayn (later succeeded by Quddús) fortified the shrine of Shaykh Tabarsí after being denied safe passage. Qajar forces, numbering in the thousands, besieged the site for seven months, leading to heavy losses; approximately 600 Bábís died in combat or massacre following a negotiated surrender that was violated by the attackers.^[37]^[38] In 1850, concurrent uprisings erupted in Zanjan and Nayriz amid escalating state suppression. The Zanjan revolt began on 5 May 1850, triggered by a street confrontation after the killing of a Bábí prisoner, escalating into armed resistance led by the cleric Hujjat-i Zanjani. Around 2,000 poorly armed Bábís, including women defenders, held the Ali-Mardan Khan fortress against 20,000 government troops in a siege lasting until January 1851; nearly 1,900 Bábí fighters perished, with 66 survivors executed post-surrender and others tortured or dispersed.^[39]^[40] The Nayriz uprising, starting 27 May 1850 under Vahid (Sayyid Yahya Darabi), stemmed from urban clashes over conversions; Bábí forces resisted until 21 June, suffering heavy casualties through combat and deceitful surrenders, followed by torture of survivors. Vahid himself was captured and killed shortly after.^[37] These events intensified persecutions, including the execution of the Seven Martyrs of Tehran in February 1850 for propagating Bábí teachings, and widespread tortures such as branding and bastinadoing to extract recantations. Qajar prime minister Amir Kabir ordered systematic suppression, framing Bábís as rebels rather than religious dissenters, which rationalized mass killings despite occasional shah interventions for clemency. Bábí sources portray the uprisings as defensive holy wars, while state records emphasize sedition; academic analyses highlight mutual escalations driven by messianic fervor and regime insecurity.^[37]

Execution in Tabriz

The Báb, having been convicted of apostasy during his trial in Tabriz in 1848 and subsequently imprisoned in remote fortresses, was ordered executed in mid-1850 by Prime Minister Mírzá Taqi Khán (Amír Kabír) amid efforts to quash Bábí insurrections in cities like Mázandarán and Zanján. Transferred from the fortress of Chihriq to Tabriz under heavy guard, he arrived shortly before the appointed date. On the morning of 9 July 1850, the 31-year-old Siyyid Alí-Muhammad was publicly executed in the city's barrack square by a firing squad drawn from an Armenian Christian regiment, selected for their reputed marksmanship.^[41] European consular dispatches provide the earliest non-Persian accounts, reporting the Báb's death by a straightforward volley of musketry that inadvertently elevated the movement's profile. British chargé d'affaires Martin Sheil wrote on 22 July 1850 that "the founder of this sect has been executed at Tabriz. He was killed by a volley of musketry and his death was on the point of giving his religion a lustre." Similarly, Russian consul Ivan Anitchkov noted days later that the two condemned men "faced death gallantly," with no indication of irregularities. These reports, derived from local intelligence rather than direct observation (as consuls were absent or uninvolved), align on the outcome but omit details of scale or sequence, reflecting pragmatic diplomatic summaries over granular eyewitness testimony.^[42]^[41] Bábí and later Bahá'í chronicles, compiling purported eyewitness statements from Tabrizi residents (including soldiers and spectators), describe a more dramatic sequence: the Báb and his young disciple Áqá Ján (Anís), who had volunteered to share his fate, were roped together and suspended against a wall before 750 assembled musketeers. The initial discharge reportedly severed the bindings without wounding them, enabling the Báb to ascend to his cell for a final discourse; recaptured amid the confusion, they faced a secondary squad of ten soldiers, whose fire killed both, leaving the Báb's body lacerated by over 750 bullets yet his face reportedly serene and unmarked. Such narratives, preserved in works like Nabil's Dawn-Breakers (1890), emphasize divine protection but rely on oral traditions filtered through adherents, raising questions of embellishment absent in independent diplomatic records.^[43]^[44] The execution intensified persecution of Bábí followers, with the bodies initially denied burial and left on display to deter sympathizers; believers later retrieved and secretly interred them in Tabriz before exhumation and transport to eventual reburial on Mount Carmel. While consular accounts treat the event as a routine suppression of sedition, faith-based sources frame it as martyrdom confirming the Báb's claims, underscoring interpretive divides between empirical state violence and theological significance.^[41]

Teachings and Theological Claims

Core Doctrines and Abrogation of Sharia

The Báb's teachings emphasized the oneness of God (tawhid) as an unknowable essence manifesting through successive divine revelations, with each prophet abrogating prior laws to suit the age, culminating in his own role as the herald of a new era. Central to his doctrine was the station of the Báb (meaning "Gate") as intermediary to the Hidden Imam of Twelver Shi'ism, evolving into his self-proclamation as the Qāʾim al-Mahdi in 1844, empowered to renovate religion and usher in eschatological fulfillment.^[3]^[45] He introduced the concept of "He whom God shall make manifest," a future figure prophesied to supersede even the Báb's dispensation within a short period, rendering his laws provisional and preparatory.^[46] This framework rejected finality in Muhammad's revelation, asserting ongoing prophetic cycles driven by divine will rather than human stagnation.^[47] A defining doctrinal shift occurred in 1848, when the Báb abrogated Islamic Sharia, declaring the Qur'an's legal ordinances obsolete and incompatible with the new revelation, a move formalized during his imprisonment and articulated in the Persian Bayán (composed 1848–1852).^[46] This abrogation nullified core Islamic practices, including the five daily prayers (replaced by two), fasting during Ramadan (substituted with a 19-day period), pilgrimage to Mecca (redirected to the Báb's house in Shiraz), and inheritance laws (simplified to favor immediate family with state oversight for remainders). The Bábí code prioritized symbolic and ethical imperatives over ritual minutiae, mandating avoidance of impurity (e.g., prohibiting contact with non-believers in certain contexts) and enjoining virtues like universal love, forgiveness, and detachment from worldly attachments, while structuring society around units of 19 (e.g., a 19-month calendar, 19-letter alphabet for unity).^[46]^[9] The Persian Bayán positioned these laws as transitional, explicitly stating their susceptibility to abrogation by the promised successor, thus embedding impermanence into the doctrine to avert dogmatism and align with anticipated cosmic renewal. This abrogative principle extended to social reforms, such as elevating women's status (e.g., equal inheritance shares) and prohibiting monasticism or clerical hierarchies, though implementation remained incomplete due to persecution, with many prescriptions retaining mystical or anticipatory tones rather than strict enforcement.^[46] Scholarly analyses, including those by Denis MacEoin, highlight how this legal overhaul dismantled Shi'i orthodoxy's foundations, blending revolutionary intent with esoteric symbolism to foster a theocratic order centered on the Báb's authority.^[46]

Views on Prophecy and the Qá'im

The Báb explicitly claimed to be the Qá'im (He Who Ariseth), the eschatological figure anticipated in Twelver Shi'i traditions as the deputy of the Hidden Imam who would manifest divine authority, revive true religion, and usher in an era of justice. This declaration occurred during his initial revelation to Mullá Ḥusayn on May 23, 1844, in Shiraz, where he identified himself as fulfilling prophecies attributed to Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq and others concerning the Qá'im's appearance after approximately 1,000 years of occultation, aligning with the Hijri year 1260.^[48]^[49] In his early writings, such as the Qayyúm al-Asmá', he interpreted Qur'anic verses like Surah Al-Qiyamah to affirm his station as the Qá'im, emphasizing a spiritual resurrection rather than a literal one, and positioned himself as the point of divine unity linking past prophets to future revelation.^[50] The Báb's conception of the Qá'im integrated traditional Shi'i expectations with a novel theological framework, portraying the figure not as a mere restorer of Islamic law but as an independent divine messenger whose advent abrogated the Sharí'a of Muhammad and initiated a new prophetic dispensation. He argued that the Qá'im's role encompassed fulfilling hadith prophecies—such as those in Biḥár al-Anwár foretelling signs from Moses, Jesus, Joseph, and Muhammad—while transcending them through revelations like the Persian and Arabic Bayáns, which outlined a hierarchical structure of Letters of the Living as apostles.^[51] This claim challenged the Islamic doctrine of prophetic finality (khatam al-nabiyyin), as the Báb's laws, including ritual purity, prayer cycles adjusted to 19 units, and a new calendar, superseded prior dispensations, signaling the end of the prophetic cycle begun with Adam.^[52] In Bábí theology, prophecy operated through a chain of manifestations—divine envoys reflecting God's attributes in progressive revelations tailored to humanity's capacity—extending beyond Muhammad to include the Báb as the Primal Point (Nuqṭih al-Úlá). He taught that each manifestation abrogates the previous one's laws after a set interval, with his own dispensation lasting 1,999 years until superseded by "He Whom God shall make manifest," a superior figure prophesied in the Bayán to appear within 19 years of the Báb's public call.^[53] This eschatological outlook framed the Qá'im's mission as preparatory, emphasizing spiritual transformation over political dominion, though it provoked accusations of heresy from Shi'i ulamas who viewed such claims as violating the finality of the Qur'an and the Imam's return.^[49]

Eschatological and Millenarian Elements

The Báb's teachings framed his 1844 declaration as the advent of the Qāʾem (the Riser), fulfilling Twelver Shīʿī prophecies of the Mahdī's return to usher in the Day of Resurrection and Judgment, reinterpreting these events as a spiritual apocalypse rather than a literal cataclysm.^[54] In works such as the Persian Bayán, he described the "Hour" of Islamic eschatology as coinciding with his revelation, symbolizing the culmination of Muḥammad's prophetic cycle and the initiation of a new dispensation, where outdated Sharīʿa laws are abrogated to enable universal renewal.^[55] This demythologization transformed apocalyptic imagery—such as the trumpet blast or earthly upheavals—into metaphors for inner transformation and societal reconfiguration, emphasizing causal progression from divine revelation to human obedience rather than supernatural intervention.^[55] Central to this eschatology was the prophecy of "He Whom God Shall Make Manifest," a superior manifestation expected within 1,970 years (or approximately 19 full cycles of the Bábí calendar) after the Báb's mission, destined to eclipse his station and establish a global order of peace and justice.^[56] The Báb mandated his followers to recognize and turn toward this figure upon clear signs, positioning his own role as preparatory and heraldic, akin to John the Baptist preceding Christ, which infused Bábism with deferred millenarian anticipation rather than immediate utopia.^[57] This element drew from Shīʿī hadiths anticipating the Qāʾem's brief tenure before a greater redeemer, but the Báb extended it to promise a progressive unfolding of divine will, culminating in the eradication of conflict and the unification of humanity under one faith.^[54] Millenarian aspects manifested in directives for a theocratic structure, including the appointment of Bábí "kings" and laws envisioning a hierarchical society transitioning to equity, reflecting an expectation of revolutionary sociopolitical change post-revelation.^[58] Scholarly analyses, such as those examining the Persian Bayán's second wuḥīd, highlight symbolic eschatological motifs—like the "gathering on the mountain" as communal fidelity amid trials—portraying persecution as purifying for the promised age, though critics note the movement's early uprisings evidenced literalist interpretations among some followers diverging from the Báb's allegorical intent.^[59] Empirical patterns in Bábí texts prioritize causal realism in salvation, linking eschatological fulfillment to active proselytism and adherence, with no verifiable emphasis on a literal thousand-year reign but rather cyclical prophetic renewals averting decline.^[60]

Writings and Literary Output

Persian Bayán and Other Major Works

The Persian Bayán constitutes the Báb's principal doctrinal and legal text, systematically outlining the principles, laws, and eschatological framework of Bábí theology. Revealed in Persian during his imprisonment in the fortress of Maku from late summer 1847 to May 1848, it structures its content into nine vahíds (units), each comprising nineteen chapters except the incomplete final vahíd with ten chapters, yielding roughly 8,000 verses.^[61] The work abrogates Islamic Sharia in favor of new ordinances, anticipates a subsequent divine manifestation, and employs numerological symbolism centered on the number nineteen, such as designating nineteen Letters of the Living as foundational apostles.^[61] ^[62] Among the Báb's other major works, the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' (Commentator on the Names) stands as his inaugural scriptural composition, dictated over two days commencing the night of 23 May 1844 to Mullá Ḥusayn, the first convert. This Arabic commentary on the Qur'anic Sūrah of Joseph spans 111 chapters and exceeds 9,300 verses, interweaving exegesis with claims of independent revelation and apocalyptic prophecies.^[63] ^[4] The Arabic Bayán, composed in Arabic during the Báb's final months in the prison of Chihríq around 1848–1850, parallels the Persian version as a complementary exposition but extends to an intended eleven vahíds, remaining unfinished at the time of his execution. It reiterates core laws and doctrines while emphasizing linguistic purity and theological proofs, distinct from the Persian text in form though overlapping in substance.^[64] ^[65] Additional significant compositions include the Dalá'il-i-Sab'ih (Seven Proofs), a mid-1840s treatise presenting arguments for the Báb's station through Qur'anic interpretation and historical analogy, and the Kitáb-i-Asmá' (Book of Names), revealed in 1849–1850 as a mystical enumeration of divine attributes and laws.^[66] The Báb's output, often produced at extraordinary speeds—such as completing the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' in under 48 hours—encompassed over a dozen major books alongside hundreds of shorter tablets, prayers, and commentaries on Qur'anic verses.^[4] ^[21]

Style, Content, and Authenticity Debates

The Báb's writings, primarily in Persian and Arabic, exhibit a distinctive style characterized by dense symbolism, rhythmic prose, and structural emulation of Qur'anic forms, often employing repetition and layered meanings to convey theological concepts. Scholars sympathetic to Bábí claims, such as Nader Saiedi, describe this as a "style of oneness" where all elements interconnect symbolically, recreating Islamic concepts in a revelatory framework. ^[67] However, critics including Denis MacEoin have characterized portions as consisting of "numerous lengthy passages which consist of variants (few of them genuine) on Arabic words," questioning their literary sophistication and viewing them as derivative rather than innovative. ^[68] The Báb categorized his output into five modes in works like the Panj Sha'n, ranging from rhymed prose to more esoteric forms, which some analyses attribute to an intent to surpass classical Persian and Arabic literary traditions. ^[69] Debates on content center on the writings' esoteric density and evolving doctrines, with early texts like the Qayyúm al-Asmá' (1844) featuring aggressive eschatological calls interpreted by some as endorsing jihad against unbelievers, later moderated in the Persian Bayán (1848–1850). ^[70] Proponents argue this progression reflects provisional laws preparing for a successor manifestation, while skeptics like MacEoin contend it reveals doctrinal inconsistency stemming from charismatic improvisation rather than coherent revelation. ^[71] Islamic orthodox critiques, as articulated in 19th-century Persian polemics, dismiss the content as heretical distortions of Shí'í theology, particularly the abrogation of Sharí'a and claims to supersede Muhammad's prophethood. ^[72] Modern assessments note the writings' inaccessibility without deep Arabic proficiency, leading to varied interpretations that prioritize symbolic over literal readings. ^[73] Authenticity debates primarily concern the transmission and provenance of texts, with most major works like the Persian Bayán verified through multiple contemporary manuscripts, some dictated to amanuenses while others penned by the Báb himself during imprisonment. ^[65] ^[74] Claims of miraculous rapidity—such as composing the 5000-verse Qayyúm al-Asmá' in a single night (July 1844)—are upheld in Bábí tradition as proof of divine inspiration but contested by critics who cite grammatical irregularities in the Arabic and argue they reflect human effort amplified by followers' hagiography. ^[75] ^[21] While no widespread evidence of outright forgery exists, discrepancies in copied versions and the Báb's own revisions have fueled scholarly caution regarding interpretive authenticity, particularly in Bahá'í appropriations that emphasize continuity over the original millenarian urgency. ^[76] MacEoin's analyses further highlight potential interpolations or exaggerations in volume claims, attributing much to post-facto compilation by disciples amid persecution. ^[71]

The Bábí Movement and Schisms

Internal Divisions: Azal vs. Bahá

Following the execution of the Báb on July 9, 1850, in Tabriz, the Bábí community, numbering several thousand adherents amid widespread persecution, confronted a leadership vacuum. The Báb had designated Mīrzā Yaḥyā Nūrī (c. 1831–1912), titled Ṣubḥ-i-Azal ("Dawn of Eternity"), as his successor in key texts such as the Persian Bayán and letters composed during his imprisonment in the Château de Mah-Kú and Tabriz. This appointment, conveyed through intermediaries like Mullá Ḥusayn, positioned Azal as the interim authority to preserve doctrinal unity and shield the nascent movement from factionalism, while awaiting "Him Whom God shall make manifest"—a messianic figure the Báb prophesied would appear soon after, abrogating and fulfilling his dispensation. Most surviving Bábís, including prominent Letters of the Living, initially deferred to Azal's nominal leadership, though his youth (about 19 at the time) and reclusive tendencies limited active governance.^[3]^[77] Tensions escalated during the Ottoman exile in Baghdad (1853–1868), where Mīrzā Ḥusayn-ʿAlī Nūrī (1817–1892), Bahá'u'lláh and Azal's half-brother, emerged as a de facto guide through his organizational efforts, mystical writings, and survival of assassination attempts following the 1852 attempt on the life of Nāṣir al-Dīn Shāh. On April 21, 1863, in the Garden of Riḍván near Baghdad, Bahá'u'lláh privately declared to a small circle—including family and early Bábí leaders—that he embodied the promised Manifestation, interpreting the Báb's prophecies as pointing to an imminent successor within roughly 19 years of his own mission's inception (corresponding to 1844 plus lunar adjustments). Azal, who had joined the exiles in Baghdad around 1856, rejected this claim, asserting in letters and interpretations that no such figure would arise for at least 1,000 years and accusing Bahá'u'lláh of testing believers' fidelity to the Báb or even of deviation. This opposition, rooted in Azal's reading of the Báb's texts as foreclosing early abrogation, drew a minority of Bábís—estimated at under 100 by the late 1860s—while the majority, influenced by Bahá'u'lláh's charisma and communal leadership during crises, shifted allegiance.^[78]^[77] The schism solidified during the 1866–1868 exile in Edirne (Adrianople), where overt conflict erupted: Azal's followers disseminated critiques, and Bahá'í accounts allege two poisoning attempts on Bahá'u'lláh attributed to Azal or his associates, prompting Ottoman authorities to separate the groups in 1868—Bahá'u'lláh and most adherents to Acre (ʿAkkā), Azal with a remnant (about 70–80) to Famagusta, Cyprus. The Azalī (or Bayání) faction, emphasizing strict adherence to the Báb's laws without further prophetic revelation, dwindled into obscurity, maintaining secretive communities in Iran and Cyprus, with Azal issuing limited writings like commentaries on the Bayán but avoiding public proselytism amid Qajar suppression. In contrast, Bahá'u'lláh's followers formalized a new covenant, producing expansive scriptures that reinterpreted Bábí eschatology as transitional, leading to the institutionalization of the Bahá'í Faith. Scholarly analyses, drawing on primary Bábí manuscripts, affirm Azal's formal succession as verifiably documented, though Bahá'í historiography often minimizes it as provisional; the split reflects not mere personal rivalry but irreconcilable hermeneutics over prophetic timing and authority, with Azalí views preserved in scant, non-institutional sources vulnerable to marginalization.^[3]^[77]

Suppression and Diaspora

Following the Báb's execution on July 9, 1850, in Tabriz, the Qajar authorities, under Prime Minister Amir Kabir, escalated military campaigns against Bábí strongholds, viewing the movement as a heretical threat to Shi'i orthodoxy and state stability.^[37] Conflicts at Shaykh Tabarsi (November 1848–January 1849), Nayriz (May–June 1850), and Zanjan (May 1850–January 1851) resulted in heavy casualties, with approximately 500 Bábís killed at Tabarsi out of around 1,500 total deaths in that siege.^[58] At Zanjan, led by Hujjat-i Zanjani, government forces besieged Bábí defenders for over seven months, leading to hundreds of Bábí fatalities amid reports of atrocities including rape and mutilation of captives.^[37] These uprisings, often triggered by local disputes but framed by ulama as apostasy, were suppressed through sieges, false truces, and summary executions, eroding Bábí military capacity.^[34] The 1852 assassination attempt on Naser al-Din Shah by three Bábís—Siyyid Husayn of Tarbiyat, Muhammad-Taqi of Khuy, and Muhammad-Baqir of Bushruyih—on August 15 in Tehran prompted a final purge.^[3] Amir Kabir ordered the arrest and execution of known Bábí leaders across Persia; in Tehran alone, around 27 to 50 adherents were strangled and their bodies burned on August 31, 1852, to prevent veneration of remains.^[3] This wave, combined with earlier conflicts, claimed an estimated 2,000 to 3,000 Bábí lives between 1848 and 1853, dismantling the movement's organized structure in Persia, though Bahá'í sources inflate figures to 20,000, a claim dismissed by historians as conflating later persecutions.^[34]^[37] Surviving leaders, such as those aligned with Subh-i Azal, faced imprisonment or dispersal, rendering public Bábí activity untenable.^[37] The suppression fragmented Bábí communities, forcing survivors underground in Persia or into exile, primarily to Ottoman territories like Iraq, where early missionary efforts had established small groups of about 70 believers in Baghdad and Karbala by the 1840s.^[34] Post-1853, Bábism persisted marginally outside Iran through these pockets and limited propagation to India, but lacked institutional cohesion.^[34] The Azalí branch, rejecting Bahá'u'lláh's claims, maintained a tenuous presence; in 1868, Ottoman authorities exiled Azal (Mirza Yahya) and followers to Cyprus, where a small community endured until the 20th century, though numbers dwindled to dozens.^[79] This diaspora, numbering in the low hundreds at most, contrasted with Persia's underground remnants, estimated at a few thousand adherents by mid-century, who practiced covertly amid ongoing sporadic executions into the 1890s.^[3] The effective end of Bábism as a viable religion in its homeland stemmed from state-ulama alliance, causal to its transformation via schism rather than outright extinction.^[34]

Legacy and Interpretations

Influence on Bahá'í Faith

The Bahá'í Faith positions the Báb as an independent Manifestation of God whose primary mission was to herald the advent of Bahá'u'lláh, identified as "He Whom God shall make manifest" in the Báb's writings. Declaring his mission on May 23, 1844, in Shiraz, the Báb prophesied that this successor figure would appear within a period of nineteen years, a timeline aligned with Bahá'u'lláh's public proclamation in April 1863 in Baghdad's Riḍván garden. This prophetic framework, detailed in texts like the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' (Commentary on the Surih of Joseph), establishes the Báb's dispensation as a transitional six-year period (1844–1850) preparing adherents for a fuller revelation, with Bahá'í theology viewing the Báb as the return of figures such as John the Baptist or the Qá'im of Shi'i Islam.^[80]^[81] The Báb's prolific writings, exceeding 500,000 verses across over 200 works, constitute a foundational element of the Bahá'í canon, with authorized selections translated into English and other languages for devotional and doctrinal study. Key texts like the Persian Bayán outline principles of divine unity, progressive revelation, and ethical conduct that permeate Bahá'í teachings, including the emphasis on the harmony of science and religion, the equality of men and women, and the elimination of extremes in wealth and poverty. Bahá'u'lláh explicitly affirmed the Báb's scriptures as authoritative precursors, stating that much of his own guidance echoes the Báb's insights, except in administrative laws tailored to a global era. However, the Báb's esoteric and apocalyptic style, often encoded in numerical symbolism (e.g., the significance of the number 19), influences Bahá'í liturgical practices, such as the nineteen-month calendar and daily obligatory prayers structured around nineteen units.^[82]^[83]^[84] Legally, the Báb's Bayán prescribed a theocratic code with stringent hudud punishments, ritual purity laws, and injunctions like the eventual destruction of non-Bábí literature to purify culture for the Promised One's era—measures framed as provisional and contingent on future fulfillment. Bahá'u'lláh systematically abrogated these in the Kitáb-i-Aqdas (revealed circa 1873), replacing them with milder, universally applicable ordinances focused on personal morality, family law, and social harmony, while confirming select elements like pilgrimage sites and fasting periods. This abrogation underscores the Báb's role as a legislative forerunner whose laws served to signal rupture from Islamic sharia rather than endure verbatim, enabling the Bahá'í Faith's adaptation to diverse civilizations without the Bábí code's insular or punitive aspects.^[85]^[86]^[45] Historically, the Báb's appointment of apostolic figures, including Bahá'u'lláh among the Letters of the Living, provided organizational precedents for the early Bahá'í community, fostering a cadre of committed proselytizers who transitioned en masse to Bahá'u'lláh's cause post-1863. By the 1860s, over 90% of surviving Bábís had embraced Bahá'u'lláh, marginalizing the rival Azalí faction and ensuring the Báb's legacy as the nucleus of Bahá'í expansion, which grew from Persian exiles to a global movement numbering millions by the twentieth century. This continuity reflects the Báb's eschatological emphasis on renewal, though Bahá'í authorities caution against literalist adherence to his unfulfilled prophecies or rituals, prioritizing interpretive harmony with Bahá'u'lláh's dispensation.^[84]^[87]

Islamic Orthodox Critiques

Orthodox Twelver Shia scholars rejected the Báb's claims primarily on the grounds that they contravened the Qur'anic doctrine of Muhammad as the Seal of the Prophets (khatam al-nabiyyin, Quran 33:40), rendering any subsequent prophetic assertion as disbelief (kufr) and heresy (ilhad).^[88] The Báb's progression from declaring himself the "gate" (bab) to the Hidden Imam in 1844, to the Qa'im (a title for the Imam's return) in 1845, and ultimately to an independent prophet with a new scripture (the Persian Bayán) abrogating Islamic law, was seen as a direct assault on the finality of the Sharia and the ongoing occultation of the Twelfth Imam, which precludes any intermediary manifestation or new revelation.^[71] This theological breach positioned Bábism not as a messianic renewal within Shiism but as a schismatic innovation (bid'ah) that undermined the Imamate's exclusive authority.^[89] Prominent mujtahids actively opposed the Báb through public denunciations and legal opinions. Mulla Muhammad Taqi Baraghani, a leading cleric in Qazvin, issued sharp critiques labeling the Báb's doctrines as fabrications and urged their rejection, contributing to widespread anti-Bábí propaganda among the ulama; his assassination by a Bábí adherent on January 30, 1847, intensified clerical resolve against the movement as seditious.^[58] Similarly, precursor figures like Mulla Ali Bastami faced combined Sunni-Shia fatwas in the 1830s for analogous messianic claims, with rulings from Baghdad's scholars declaring such assertions apostasy punishable by death, setting a precedent for treating Bábí proclamations as heretical threats to communal order. These positions aligned with broader ulama consensus, as evidenced in consultations with Qajar officials, where clerics affirmed the Báb's execution on July 9, 1850, in Tabriz as justified under apostasy laws (hadd al-riddah).^[7] Sunni scholars, adhering strictly to the abrogation of prophethood post-Muhammad, viewed the Báb's self-proclaimed status equivalently as false prophecy (nubuwah kadhib), devoid of miraculous validation and incompatible with Sunni eschatology, which anticipates no such intermediary figure before the Day of Judgment.^[9] This rejection extended to Bábism's ritual innovations, such as altered prayer forms and calendar reforms, deemed corruptions of the Sunnah. Overall, orthodox critiques framed the movement as a peril to Islamic unity, prompting fatwas that facilitated state suppression and executions of adherents, with estimates of 2,000–20,000 Bábís killed by 1852 amid uprisings like those at Shaykh Tabarsi (1848–1849).^[58]

Modern Scholarly Assessments

Modern scholars assess the Báb's movement as a charismatic break from Twelver Shi'ism, rooted in Shaykhī eschatology and marked by escalating prophetic claims that disrupted 19th-century Persian society. In From Shaykhism to Babism (1979), Denis MacEoin traces the Báb's declaration on May 22, 1844, as initially positioning him as the bāb (gate) to the Hidden Imam, evolving by 1848 into claims of qāʾimiyya (the Imam's return) and a new divine dispensation abrogating Islamic law, which MacEoin attributes to charismatic overreach rather than consistent revelation, evidenced by inconsistencies in early texts like Qayyūm al-asmāʾ.^[71] This progression, MacEoin argues, alienated moderate followers and fueled internal schisms, drawing on primary sources such as Nuqṭat al-kāf and ulama refutations like those of Karīm Khān Kirmānī.^[3] Abbas Amanat's Resurrection and Renewal (1989) offers a detailed socio-historical analysis, portraying the movement's growth from 18 initial disciples in 1844 to widespread unrest by 1850, driven by apocalyptic reinterpretations of Shi'i hadiths that cast the Báb as the promised Mahdi facing martyrdom akin to the Imams. Amanat documents causal links to events like the sack of Karbala in 1844 and uprisings in Mazandaran and Zanjan (1848-1850), estimating 2,000-3,000 Bábí deaths, while emphasizing the Báb's role in mobilizing merchant and clerical networks against Qajar stagnation.^[90] He views the Báb's prophetic assertions as innovative, introducing cyclical revelations beyond Islam, but grounded in unmet expectations of the Hidden Imam's advent rather than empirical fulfillment.^[3] Textual authenticity remains contested; MacEoin scrutinizes manuscripts in Cambridge and British Library collections, questioning uniform authorship of works like the Persian Bayān due to post-1850 dating discrepancies and potential Azalī interpolations, prioritizing non-Bahá'í chronicles for reliability.^[71] ^[47] In contrast, compilations by Moojan Momen, such as Studies in Bábí and Bahá'í History (1982), affirm core texts' divine origin but face critique for reliance on institutionally curated archives, potentially skewing towards retroactive harmonization with later doctrines.^[91] These assessments, informed by declassified Persian records and European consular reports, reject hagiographic inflation, instead highlighting Bábism's empirical legacy as a millenarian catalyst for violence and schism, with limited verifiable prophetic validation beyond subjective follower testimonies.^[3]

Controversies and Debates

Validity of Prophetic Claims

The Báb, born Siyyid Ali Muhammad Shirazi in 1819, publicly declared in 1844 that he was the Báb, or gate, to the Twelfth Imam (Muhammad al-Mahdi) in Twelver Shi'ism, interpreting this as fulfilling eschatological expectations tied to the Islamic lunar year 1260 AH (1844 CE), calculated from hadith-derived timelines for the Imam's return.^[92] He progressively elevated his claim to being the Qa'im (Riser) and Mahdi himself, and by 1848, asserted independent prophetic authority with a new revelation superseding Islam, authoring texts like the Persian Bayán to codify laws and predict future events, including his own execution and the advent of "Him Whom God shall make manifest" (later identified by Bahá'ís as Bahá'u'lláh).^[93] These assertions positioned the Báb as inaugurating a new prophetic cycle, but their validity hinges on empirical fulfillment of predictions and alignment with Shi'i eschatology. Proponents, primarily within the Bahá'í tradition, cite specific prophecies as evidence of divine inspiration, such as the Báb's anticipation of his 1850 martyrdom by firing squad in Tabriz, where an initial volley reportedly failed to kill him immediately due to a snapped rope and misaimed shots, allowing a second execution—interpreted by believers as partial fulfillment despite the outcome.^[94] Other claimed fulfillments include numerical prophecies aligning with 1844 (e.g., aggregating gematria values from Shi'i texts like the hadith of the "twelve letters" or Imam durations totaling 1260 years), his prediction of exactly 360 "Letters of the Living" (disciples) before full revelation, and foretelling the schism and suppression of the Bábí movement, which saw violent persecution killing thousands by 1852.^[95] Bahá'í exegesis further links these to broader Islamic prophecies of a herald figure, arguing the Báb's voluminous output—over 500,000 verses in six years—demonstrates superhuman capacity, though Bahá'u'lláh himself emphasized rational proofs over miracles, cautioning that supernatural claims could be fabricated.^[92] Independent historical records, including Qajar court documents and European consular reports from 1840s-1850s Persia, confirm the timing and scale of events but provide no non-partisan verification of predictive accuracy beyond retrospective interpretation.^[96] Orthodox Shi'i critiques, rooted in hadith collections like those of al-Kulayni and al-Saduq, reject the claims for discrepancies: the Mahdi is prophesied to reappear with a broad forehead, aquiline nose, and global conquest filling the earth with justice after tyranny, emerging from Mecca to defeat oppressors like the Sufyani, not as a young Shirazi merchant executed after six years amid local unrest.^[97] The Báb's shifting self-designations—from gate to Imam to independent prophet—contradict the expected singular, victorious return of the concealed Imam, and his abrogation of Quranic law (e.g., new rituals in the Bayán) violates finality doctrines in Quran 33:40, where Muhammad is the "Seal of the Prophets."^[98] Iranian ulama, including Muhammad Shah's convened assemblies in 1845-1848, interrogated and dismissed the Báb for failing to produce irrefutable miracles or align with scriptural proofs, viewing his movement as a heretical offshoot akin to prior messianic pretenders like Muhammad Ahmad in Sudan.^[99] No archaeological or extra-textual evidence supports supernatural interventions, and eyewitness accounts of "miracles" (e.g., the Tabriz execution) rely on Bábí narratives without corroboration from neutral observers like British diplomat Justin Sheil, who documented the event factually but attributed survival to chance.^[100] Modern scholarly assessments, drawing on 19th-century Persian chronicles like those of the Báb's amanuensis and Qajar historians, frame the claims within millenarian fervor amid Shi'i apocalypticism post-Safavid decline, where numerological expectations peaked in 1260 AH, fostering charismatic leadership without necessitating literal prophecy.^[88] Analyses note the Báb's writings exhibit poetic intensity but internal inconsistencies (e.g., initial adherence to Sharia evolving to abrogation), and post-execution schisms—exemplified by the 1860s Azal-Bahá'u'lláh rift—undermine claims of unified divine authority, as a true prophet would foresee and prevent such divisions per Islamic criteria.^[75] Empirical evaluation reveals prophecies as often vague or retrofitted (e.g., disciple count adjusted post-facto), lacking falsifiable precision testable against non-believer records, while causal factors like socioeconomic unrest in Qajar Iran better explain the movement's rise than prophetic validation. Bahá'í sources, while detailed, exhibit interpretive bias toward fulfillment, whereas Islamic traditionalism prioritizes hadith conformity, yielding no consensus on validity beyond faith-based acceptance.^[101]

Role in 19th-Century Persian Unrest

The Bábí movement, originating from the Báb's declaration in Shiraz on May 23, 1844, as the gate to the Twelfth Imam and later as an independent prophet, directly challenged the religious and political authority of the Qajar dynasty and Twelver Shia clergy, fostering conditions for localized uprisings amid broader socioeconomic strains in Persia. Adherents' rejection of established Islamic practices, including claims of abrogating the Quran and Sharia, mobilized a millenarian following that interpreted persecution as a prelude to apocalyptic renewal, leading to defensive fortifications and armed clashes interpreted by the state as sedition.^[49] These conflicts, peaking between 1848 and 1853, exacerbated instability in a regime already grappling with fiscal crises, tribal revolts, and European pressures, as Bábí networks drew from disaffected merchants, clergy, and peasants seeking reform or divine intervention.^[102] The siege of Fort Tabarsi in Mazandaran (October 1848–January 1849) exemplified early Bábí resistance, where approximately 300–400 followers under leaders like Quddús fortified a shrine against provincial forces and clerical mobs, resulting in over 1,500 total deaths, including nearly a third Bábís, after a truce betrayal.^[38] Similarly, the Zanjan uprising (May 1850–January 1851), led by the cleric Hujjat-i Zanjani, saw up to 2,000 Bábís entrench in a citadel against Qajar troops under Amir Khan Sardar, stemming from local disputes over conversions and escalating to open revolt with claims of self-defense against mob attacks, though government records framed it as heretical insurgency threatening dynastic order.^[40] ^[37] In Nayriz (June–July 1850), Yahya Vahid's conversion of around 1,500 locals prompted two sequential clashes with state forces, yielding hundreds of Bábí casualties and fort destructions, as followers resisted disarmament amid fears of annihilation.^[103] These episodes, occurring during the Báb's imprisonment (from mid-1847) and execution on July 9, 1850, in Tabriz—where he was publicly shot by a regiment after a failed first volley—intensified Persian unrest by polarizing communities and straining Qajar resources, with sieges diverting troops from border defenses and fueling clerical-state alliances against perceived threats to Shiism.^[39] Bábí actions, rooted in eschatological expectations rather than coordinated rebellion, nonetheless contributed causally to violence through fortified stands that invited escalation, as provincial governors enforced edicts from Prime Minister Hájí Mírzá Áqásí to suppress the sect, resulting in the movement's near-decimation by 1853 and a shift underground. While Bábí sources emphasize defensive jihad interpretations, Persian chronicles attribute the disorders to the founder's disruptive doctrines, underscoring how theological dissent amplified existing fractures in a theocratic monarchy.^[104]

Historical Evidence and Eyewitness Accounts

The arrest and interrogation of Siyyid ʿAlī Muḥammad Shirāzī, known as the Báb, in Shiraz in July 1845 followed complaints from local clergy regarding his claims of direct communication with the Hidden Imam, as documented in Qajar administrative records and contemporary clerical petitions preserved in Persian archives. These official correspondences, including fatwas issued by Shiʿi ulama such as Muḥammad Taqī Bārghānī, describe eyewitness observations of the Báb's gatherings with seekers, where he expounded on Qurʾanic verses in ways deemed heretical, prompting his initial confinement under house arrest in his uncle's home.^[1]^[49] During his transfer to and examination in Tabriz in 1848, state-sponsored interrogations by Prime Minister Mīrzā Taqī Khān Amīr Kabīr and assembled ulama elicited testimonies from officials present, who reported the Báb's defiant assertions of abrogating Islamic law and heralding a new dispensation, refusing to perform ritual prayers as demanded to prove orthodoxy. Persian court chronicles, such as those compiled in the Nāʾīṭ al-Vaḥīd, corroborate these sessions through summaries of proceedings attended by eyewitnesses including the crown prince Nāṣir al-Dīn Mīrzā, noting the Báb's composure amid threats but attributing his positions to delusion or sedition rather than inspiration. Adherent accounts, like those relayed from early disciples such as Mullā Ḥusayn Bushrūʾī, claim miraculous foreknowledge displayed during these events, though such elements lack independent verification and reflect the hagiographic tendencies in Bábí narratives.^[1]^[49] The execution on July 9, 1850 (28 Shaʿbān 1266 AH), in Tabriz's barracks square involved a firing squad of approximately 750 Christian Armenian soldiers under Muslim officers, as ordered by Amīr Kabīr to quell Bábí unrest; eyewitness testimonies from soldiers and spectators, later recorded in Persian diplomatic dispatches and European consular reports, uniformly confirm the event's occurrence and the Báb's binding alongside disciple Mīrzā Muḥammad ʿAlī Zunūzī (Anīs). Multiple accounts, including those from a Muslim guard and an Armenian participant preserved in oral histories transcribed post-event, describe the first volley severing the ropes without striking the pair—attributed by opponents to musket misfire or ricochet off a wall, and by adherents to divine intervention—after which the Báb was located in an adjoining cell finishing a dictation and subsequently killed by a smaller second volley aimed at the chest. These details find partial corroboration across hostile Qajar sources, which emphasize the execution's finality and disposal of the body to prevent veneration, though discrepancies in volley numbers and miracle claims highlight interpretive biases: Persian records downplay any anomaly to underscore state authority, while Bábí recollections amplify supernatural elements without contemporaneous non-adherent affidavits.^[1]^[41]^[49] European eyewitness contact remains sparse, limited to indirect observations during imprisonment; an English physician in Tabriz, Dr. William Cormick, examined the Báb medically in 1848 or 1850 at official request and later recounted his calm demeanor and messianic self-identification in interviews, providing one of the few neutral contemporary Western testimonies unaligned with either Persian suppression or Bábí exaltation. Broader traveler accounts, such as those from British envoys in Tehran, reference Bábí disturbances via second-hand reports from Persian informants but lack direct sightings of the Báb himself in Shiraz during the 1840s, underscoring the movement's isolation from foreign observers until post-execution diaspora. Scholarly analyses of these sources note their scarcity for early phases, relying heavily on Persian archival fragments and filtered disciple narratives, with systemic underreporting in official records due to the Qajar regime's interest in minimizing sectarian threats.^[1]^[84]

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BĀB, SAYYED ʿALĪ MOḤAMMAD ŠĪRĀZĪ (1235/1819-1266/1850), the founder of Babism. Born in Shiraz on 1 Moḥarram 1235/20 October 1819, he belonged to a family of ...
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Babism was a 13/19th-century messianic movement in Iran and Iraq under the overall charismatic leadership of Sayyed ʿAlī-Moḥammad Šīrāzī, the Bāb (1235/1819- ...<|control11|><|separator|>
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He was born a Sayyid or descendent of the Prophet Muhammad (through the 3rd twelver Imam Ḥusayn, d. 61/ 680) on the 1st Muḥarram 1235 AH or October 20th 1819.<|separator|>
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[8]
Chronology of Principal Events Related in the Dawn-Breakers
Nov 8, 2012 · Birth of Siyyid 'Ali-Muhammad-i-Shirazi (the Bab). 1822, Birth of ... Declaration by the Bab of his mission to Mulla Husayn-i-Bushru'i ...
[9]
An Introduction to Bab'i faith - Islam Awareness
... Sayyid Ali Muhammad in Shiraz on May 22, 1844. In this encounter Sayyid Ali Muhammad presented himself as the Bab, the “gate” to the hidden imam. Mulla ...Missing: Siyyid details
[10]
How the Baha'i Faith Began: The Declaration of the Bab
May 22, 2024 · On this day in May of 1844, Siyyid Ali Muhammad declared his mission as the Bab to an ardent spiritual seeker named Mulla Husayn. Younger ...
[11]
Babiyya | Encyclopedia.com
The Babi movement began during a period of heightened chiliastic expectation for the return of the Twelfth Imam (or Hidden Imam), who Shi'ite Muslims believe ...<|separator|>
[12]
Bahá'í History
Here they accepted the claims of Sayyid `Alí Muhammad, who took the title of the Báb (q.v.). The Báb called his earliest disciples the "Letters of the Living" ( ...
[13]
Trial of the Báb - Bahá'í Library Online
Mirza Mahdi Khan Za'im al-Dawla published his book on the Babis and Bahá'ís in Cairo in 1321/1903-4, which makes it by far the latest of the Muslim accounts.<|separator|>
[14]
The Life of the Báb - Bahai.org
Born in Shiraz, a city in southern Iran, on 20 October 1819, the Báb was the symbolic gate between past ages of prophecy and a new age of fulfilment for ...
[15]
Letters of the Living (Hurúf-i-Hayy) - The Baha'i Encyclopedia Project
Between May and July 1844, seventeen men and one woman became the first followers of the Báb (Siyyid 'Alí-Muhammad), a young merchant from the city of Shiraz in ...
[16]
Release the Sun - Bahá'í Library Online
' "Five days after the Bab had uttered this prediction, orders were issued to transfer Him and me to the castle of Mahku and to deliver us into the custody of ...
[17]
1848 - Bahaipedia, an encyclopedia about the Bahá'í Faith
Aug 6, 2021 · July: The Báb is taken to Tabriz for interrogation in July while the Conference of Badasht was being held. He formally declared His mission to ...Missing: imprisonment | Show results with:imprisonment
[18]
Baha'i History of Adharbayjan - Wendi and Moojan Momen
In July 1848 the Báb was summoned to Tabriz to face trial before the Crown Prince Násiru'd-Dín Mírzá and then returned to Chihríq. During the period when the ...
[19]
A selected timeline of events related to the Dawnbreakers
Jun 2, 2011 · 1848-07 The Báb was tried in Tabríz. “The detention of the Báb outside the gate of Tabríz failed to allay the excitement which reigned in the ...<|separator|>
[20]
[PDF] Life of the Báb: Transforming Máh-Kú - Brilliant Star Magazine
In His nine months at Máh-Kú, the Báb revealed about 8,000 holy verses. As He dictated His writings, His voice rang out, echoing through the mountains and ...Missing: Chahríq | Show results with:Chahríq
[21]
[PDF] The Writings of the Bab - Bahá'í Library Online
The great bulk of the writings emanating from the Báb's prolific mind was, however, reserved for the period of His confinement in Máh‑Kú and Chihríq. To this ...Missing: Chahríq | Show results with:Chahríq
[22]
Articles and Resources - Bahai.org
The Kitáb-i-Asmá (the “Book of Names”) was revealed by the Báb during His imprisonment in Mah-Ku and Chihriq and comprises some 3000 pages.Missing: Máh- | Show results with:Máh-
[23]
A Short Chronological List of the Báb's Writings - Bahá'í Library Online
Nov 6, 2024 · Some of the chapters were written during the Báb's imprisonment in Maku, and others while He was in Chihriq. More than three thousand pages ...Missing: Máh- Kú
[24]
From the Persian Bayán - Bahai.org
In this volume - written near the end of 1847 or the beginning of 1848 - the Báb presented the essential elements of His religious laws and concepts, and ...
[25]
The Báb's Bayan: An Analytical Survey | Baha'i Faith Articles
Mar 23, 2019 · The Bab revealed the Bayán (Utterance) in the fourth year of His revelation (1847-48).Missing: date | Show results with:date
[26]
The Bab's Imprisonment in the Fortress of Chihriq
Jan 11, 2010 · He revealed many of His Writings in Chihriq, including the Arabic Bayan and His powerful Tablet of 'Sermon of Wrath' to the then Persian Prime ...Missing: Máh- Kú
[27]
Arabic Bayán: Báb's Unfinished 1848 Divine Revelation in Bábism ...
Definition and Significance. The Arabic Bayán is an unfinished scripture written by the Báb around 1848, considered a key text in Bábism. · Etymology and Meaning.Missing: date | Show results with:date
[28]
[DOC] Study materials on the Bab - The Clarken Chronicles
His orders to 'Alí Khán, the warden of the fortress of Máh-Kú, were stringent and explicit. On His way to that fortress the Báb passed a number of days in ...
[29]
Letters of the Living - Bahaipedia, an encyclopedia about the Bahá'í ...
Dec 17, 2022 · The Letters of the Living, in Arabic Hurúf-i-Hayy (Arabic: حروف الحي), is a term used by the Báb to entitle the first eighteen Bábís.
[30]
Who Were the Letters of the Living? | Baha'i Blog
Apr 30, 2019 · The Letters of the Living is the title given by the Bab to His first 18 followers. The Bab was a merchant from Shiraz, Persia.Missing: career | Show results with:career
[31]
Babism - Bahá'í Library Online
Mirza Ali Mohammed, founder of the Mohammedan sect in Persia, whose doctrines have been denominated Babism, was born in Shiraz about 1824. Of his family, ...
[32]
How the second “Letter of the Living” recognized the Báb…
Aug 5, 2016 · This is the story of Mulla Aliy-i-Bastami, one of the Letters of the Living, the first to leave the House of God (Shiraz) and the first to suffer for His sake.
[33]
What are the 18 individuals known as "Letters of the Living" in the ...
Dec 16, 2024 · The Letters of the Living consisted of 18 of the Báb's earliest companions, some of whom became prominent figures in Bábí and even Bahá'í ...What are the Letters of the Living? - FacebookMullá ʻAlí-i- Bastámí (not pictured) was the second - FacebookMore results from www.facebook.com
[34]
The Babi Movement - Bahá'í Library Online
For the early years of Bábí expansion, the manifest goals of the movement were to win public support and gain adherents. To mobilize public support, the Bábís ...
[35]
Letters of the Living - Bahai9
Mar 9, 2025 · Seventeen Letters were gradually enrolled in the preserved Tablet of God, and were appointed as the chosen Apostles of the Bab, the ministers of His Faith, and ...Missing: Bábism | Show results with:Bábism
[36]
Trial of the Báb - Bahá'í Library Online
1997-05. "The Trial of the Bab" in Hashtrud's Abwab al-huda, from Mu`in al-Saltana p. 201 ff. There is also the account of `Alim-i Hashtrud, who was in Tabriz ...
[37]
MARTYRS, BABI - Encyclopaedia Iranica
Certainly, several accounts state that the persecution and martyrdom of the Babis was a factor in increasing sympathy for them amongst the general population ( ...Missing: dynasty | Show results with:dynasty
[38]
Shaykh Tabarsi: A Turning Point in the Bábí Faith - Wilmette Institute
May 5, 2019 · The episode left an estimated 1,500 dead, almost a third of whom were Bábís. During this upheaval, half of the Letters of the Living, including ...Missing: Babi | Show results with:Babi
[39]
The Bábí Uprising in Zanjan - Bahá'í Library Online
Jun 1, 2011 · The son of one of the `ulama was shot to death in the fighting that day and some forty others were wounded. It was Friday, 5 Rajab 1267/17 May ...
[40]
The Babi Uprising in Zanjan: Causes and Issues | Iranian Studies
Jan 1, 2022 · On 5 May 1850 the Babis of Zanjan rose in arms against the Qajar governor of the town. Led by a charismatic cleric known as Hujjat-i Zanjani ...Missing: Persia | Show results with:Persia
[41]
750 muskets - Sen McGlinn's blog - WordPress.com
Dec 25, 2008 · [Last revised, April 2019] Did a regiment of 750 musketmen line up to execute the Bab, in a barracks square in Tabriz, and all miss their ...
[42]
Martin Sheil's letter of 22 July 1850... - Bahai Forums
Sep 23, 2010 · "The founder of this sect has been executed at Tabriz. He was killed by a volley of musketry and his death was on the point of giving his ...
[43]
The Execution of the Báb - Bahai.org
The Báb's isolation and captivity had produced the opposite effect to that which the Amír-Nizám had confidently anticipated. Gravely perturbed, he bitterly ...Missing: writings | Show results with:writings
[44]
Martyrdom of the Bab - Bahá'í Library Online
This outline covers some of the closing events of Chihriq, the Bab's transfer to Tabriz, His examinations and imprisonments with some of His companions, and His ...
[45]
[PDF] Laws Abrogated by Bahá'u'lláh Contents
Bahá'u'lláh abrogates such restrictions and simply specifies "any surface that is clean". These verses constitute the prohibition of monasticism and asceticism ...
[46]
Deconstructing and Reconstructing the Shari'a - Bahá'í Library Online
Abstract: Ways in which the Bab and Bahá'u'lláh adopted and changed the Islamic shari`a in their own, new codes of law.
[47]
The Babi Movement - Islamic Studies - Oxford Bibliographies
May 26, 2016 · However, the Bab went radically beyond them by not only abrogating Islamic law (Sharia) but actually replacing it with a new religious and ...
[48]
2) The Báb - Holy-Writings.com - Read text
The young boy was sent to a local teacher named Shaykh 'Ábid for six or seven years for a private education (there being no public schools in Shiraz at the time) ...
[49]
[PDF] The sources for early Bábí doctrine and history - Bahá'í Library Online
Harawí became a Bábí during the Báb's stay in I fahán, but his faith was subsequently shaken when he heard of Shírází's claim to be the Qá'im. According to ...
[50]
The Qur'an Commentary of Sayyid 'Alí Muhammad, the Báb
The Bab says also that the word qayyúm refers to "the Qá'im of the House of Muhammad and he who is Hayy-i Qayyúm."[792] This numerical correspondence is ...
[51]
(PDF) Interpretation as Revelation: The Qur'an Commentary of the Báb
Aug 5, 2025 · The earliest of these, a commentary on the Chapter of the Cow, was written before the Báb made his claim to be the Promised One; the second is ...<|separator|>
[52]
(PDF) Dispensation of the Bab, The. - Academia.edu
The word Qá'im comes from the expression Qa'im-i-Al-i-Muhammad (He Who shall arise from the Family of Muhammad). The Qa'im has been a promised and expected ...
[53]
(PDF) Interpretation as Revelation - Academia.edu
This article attempts to describe and place in context two of the earliest writings of the Báb. Both writings are commentaries on the Qur'án.
[54]
ESCHATOLOGY iv. In Babism and Bahaism - Encyclopaedia Iranica
In 1260/1844 the Bāb claimed to inaugurate a new era of communication with the Hidden Imam and, a few years later, claimed to be the expected Qāʾem or Mahdi.Missing: Qaim | Show results with:Qaim
[55]
https://brill.com/view/book/edcoll/9789004462434/BP000007.xml
[56]
Babi and Baha'i Millennialism |
This article describes millennialism in Islam, which are exemplified by the Babi and Baha'i movements. It ensued with an Iranian youth, Sayyid Alí-Muḥammad ...
[57]
Catastrophe, Armageddon and Millennium - Bahá'í Library Online
Jul 16, 2010 · This paper is a preliminary consideration of selected Bábí-Bahá'í doctrines expository of apocalyptic symbolism associated with major Abrahamic ...
[58]
The Babi-State Conflict at Shaykh Tabarsi - jstor
"truth" could be established. The Bab's claim to mahdihood, publicly announced during the interro- gation in Tabriz, had significant repercussions for the ...
[59]
Symbol and Secret (1995) JRAS Review (1997) by Moojan Momen
... Bab, particularly the second w?hid of the Persian Bayan. Here the B?b gives a symbolic interpretation of such eschatological terms as the "Day of ...
[60]
https://brill.com/display/book/edcoll/9789004462434/BP000007.pdf
[61]
The Báb's Bayan
The Persian Bayan consists of nine vahids of nineteen chapters each, except for the last vahid, which has only ten chapters, constituting about 8,000 verses or ...
[62]
BAYĀN (2) - Encyclopaedia Iranica
The Ṣaḥīfat aʿmāl al-sana seems to have been written in Būšehr after the Bāb's return from the ḥajj, between May and June, 1845. It contains fourteen sections ...
[63]
Selections from the Writings of the Báb | Bahá'í Reference Library
A collection of excerpts from books and Tablets revealed by the Báb, including the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' (Commentary on the Súrih of Joseph), the Persian Bayán.Missing: imprisonment Máh- Kú Chahríq
[64]
The Bayan (Bayán-i-Farsí and Bayán-i-'Arabí) - Bahá'í Library Online
The Persian Bayán is a single work, revealed in Persian. The Arabic Bayán is also a single work, revealed in Arabic. Neither one is a compilation of the Báb's ...
[65]
[DOC] AN ANALYSIS OF THE PERSIAN BAYAN
The fifth báb contains a summary of all of the teachings of the Bayán and refers to none of the laws. Vahíd VII: Báb 6. The sixth báb forbids believers from ...
[66]
Writings of the Báb | Bahá'í Reference Library - Bahai.org
A collection of excerpts from books and Tablets revealed by the Báb, including the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' (Commentary on the Súrih of Joseph), the Persian Bayán, Dalá' ...
[67]
[PDF] The Writings of the Bab Notes from Talks from Nader Saeidi
The Báb, in His Writings, recreated all concepts. The style He used is that of oneness. For the. Báb, all is symbolic and related to each other. Truth is one.
[68]
Denis MacEoin Reviews Making the Crooked Straight H-Bahai, 2001
[1] I don't wish to appear facetious about the Bab's writing. There are numerous lengthy passages which consist of variants (few of them genuine) on Arabic ...
[69]
The Bab's Panj Sha'n (Five Modes) - H-Net
We know exactly when the Panj Sha'n was written: 19 March–4 April 1850. The day it was begun was both Naw-Rúz and 5 Jumádá I, the first day of the seventh Bábí ...
[70]
A Critical Examination of 20th-Century Baha'i Literature
Hatcher and Martin seek to minimize the presence of the jihad doctrine within the Bab's writings, concluding their discussion of the subject by stating that, " ...Missing: style | Show results with:style
[71]
[PDF] From Shaykhism to Babism: A Study in Charismatic Renewal
The present study seeks to explore a neglected but important development in the history of Iranian Shiʿism in the period immediately preceding the beginning ...
[72]
The Bāb and ʿAlī Muḥammad, Islamic and Post-Islamic - MDPI
By focusing on multiple meanings in the Bāb's texts, this paper analyzes the interplay between the Bāb's identity and his writings as they relate to Islam.
[73]
Mode of understanding the writings of the Bab : r/bahai - Reddit
Jul 12, 2024 · Many Babis believed in the claims of the Bab because they heard or read the divine verses. The same applies to belief in Baha'u'llah.Major Signs of The Last Hour : r/bahai - RedditWhat do we believe about the 12th Imam and His 4 gates? : r/bahaiMore results from www.reddit.com
[74]
Writings and Teachings of the Bab
The next level of authenticity belongs to the works of the Bab for which there exists a number of copies but none in the hand writings of the recognized ...Missing: debates | Show results with:debates
[75]
The Bab: An objective analysis - The Bahai Truth
Jan 19, 2015 · How can incorrect and stumbling words be considered miraculous? It is important to note here that the Bab was asked to produce the miracle ...
[76]
https://www.bahai-library.com/mccants_grammar_divine
[77]
Divisions and Authority Claims in Babism (1850-1866)
Abstract: Factors leading to the division of Babism into the Azalís and the Bahá'ís, and the question of succession and the claims of Mírzá Yahyá, ...Missing: schism | Show results with:schism
[78]
BAHAISM i. The Faith - Encyclopaedia Iranica
After 1873 the Bahais in Iran began to organize themselves in accordance with the Aqdas and gradually began to follow its laws. For example, because of that ...
[79]
The Cyprus Exiles - Bahá'í Library Online
Bahá'u'lláh made an open declaration in Edirne in about 1866 of his claim to be the messianic figure "He Whom God shall make manifest" prophesied by the Bab ...
[80]
The Mission of the Báb - Bahai World
Apr 21, 1995 · Finally, a striking feature of the Báb's writings, which has emerged as an important element of Bahá'í belief and history, is the mission ...
[81]
Waiting for the World to End | Baha'i Blog
May 24, 2011 · Baha'is believe that the prophecies foretold in the various religions were, in fact, fulfilled in 1844, in that small room in Shiraz.
[82]
The Dispensation of the Bab - Bahá'í Library Online
Feb 11, 2024 · The book reviews the teachings of the Báb about the nature of God and His prophets as well as the reasons which prompted the peoples to reject ...
[83]
The Bab as a Primary Source of Baha'u'llah's Teachings
Feb 17, 2020 · The majority of the teachings of Baha'u'llah, except for those laws and principles relating to Baha'i administration, can be found in the teachings of the Bab.Missing: authenticity | Show results with:authenticity
[84]
[PDF] The Babi and Baha'i Religions 1844-1944 Some Contemporary ...
... Bábí ... [F1] It should be noted, however, that these observers were themselves often dependent for information on inaccurate or biased reports from their ...
[85]
Abrogated laws - Bahai9
Feb 21, 2025 · "The Bayán hath been superseded by the Kitáb-i-Aqdas, except in respect of such laws as have been confirmed and mentioned in the Kitáb-i-Aqdas. ...
[86]
Destruction of books - Ocean of Lights
The severe laws and injunctions revealed by the Bab can be properly appreciated and understood only when interpreted in the light of His own statements ...
[87]
The Bab's Influence on Baha'i Life Today - BahaiTeachings.org
Oct 3, 2019 · The Bab is more than the herald of Baha'u'llah. So much of the Bab's laws, doctrines, principles and ethics pervade Baha'i thought and experience today.
[88]
Last Prophet and Last Day: Shaykhī, Bābī and Bahā'ī Exegesis of ...
This paper represents the first time that a wide-ranging survey and analysis of the Shaykhī, Bābī, and Bahā'ī viewpoints on the subject of the “Seal of the ...Missing: Qaim | Show results with:Qaim<|separator|>
[89]
(PDF) Last Prophet and Last Day: Shaykhī, Bābī and Bahā'ī ...
May 3, 2025 · The appearance of post-Islamic religions, the Bābī and Bahā'ī Faiths, is a theoretical impossibility from an orthodox Muslim perspective, since ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[90]
The Making of the Babi Movement in Iran, 1844-1850 - Abbas Amanat
"[Resurrection and Renewal] reflects extensive research by the author in the numerous Babi and Baha'i manuscript histories. From these he has succeeded in ...
[91]
Studies in Bábí and Bahá'í History
Mar 4, 2025 · About: This is the first collection of scholarly essays on the history of the Bahá'í Faith to be published as a book.
[92]
[PDF] PROOFS OF THE PROPHETS THE CASE FOR BAHÁ'U'LLÁH
As that volume demonstrates, Bahá'u'lláh does not consider only the proofs of the Prophethood claimed by the Báb, or proofs of His own prophetic claims. He ...
[93]
(PDF) A Bahá'í Approach to the Claim of Finality in Islam
Aug 5, 2025 · ... Qá'im, are further discussed in Sachedina's excellent study of ... Báb. and Bahá'u'lláh, in the Bahá'í view, humankind has entered a new ...
[94]
Famous Miracles in the Bahá'í Faith
May 6, 2015 · The biggest miracle of all happened in 1850, and was witnessed by at least ten thousand people – in the events surrounding the Martyrdom of the ...
[95]
The Mission of the Báb: Retrospective, 1844-1944 by Douglas Martin
It was to one such ardent seekerMulla Husayn-i-Bushrú'i. that, on the night of 22-23 May 1844, the Báb (a title meaning “Gate”) announced that He was the ...Missing: Mullá | Show results with:Mullá
[96]
[PDF] The Claims of the Bab - Iran Press Watch
Apr 18, 2008 · He immediately embarked on the mission of proclaiming the advent of the. Báb. • As a proof of the validity of the new. Revelation, he produced ...
[97]
Chapter 1: The Beginning of the Belief in the Mahdi - Al-Islam.org
The Prophet said: "Our Mahdi will have a broad forehead and a pointed nose. He will fill the earth with justice as it is filled with injustice and tyranny. He ...
[98]
Doubt: The Mahdi will arise with a New Religion? The Bahai ...
These prophecies about the Mahdi do not suit the Bab as he claimed to have brought a religion which is superior to Islam and a new book superior to the Quran.Missing: critiques | Show results with:critiques
[99]
World Order/Series2/Volume 30/Issue 2/Text - Bahaiworks
Jun 20, 2025 · The essay examines the four Islamic hearings into the claims of the Báb, the Prophet-Forerunner of the Bahá'í Faith, in 1845, 1846, 1848, and ...<|separator|>
[100]
A Christian Exploration of the Baha'i Faith
Aug 13, 2025 · Initially, the Bab instructed his followers to observe Shariah Islamic law, but he soon began proclaiming that his new revelation transcended it ...
[101]
The Bab confesses about The Mahdi - Bahai Awareness
In these comments extracted from Bab's earliest works, the Bab categorically and unambigiously confesses to the existence of Imam Mahdi (as).
[102]
The Social Basis of the Babi Upheavals in Iran (1848-53) - jstor
In the middle of the nineteenth century, Iran was shaken by a se upheavals caused by the BabT movement.' Although of short dur upheavals engulfed the entire ...
[103]
(PDF) Bábí-State Conflict at Shaykh Tabarsí - ResearchGate
Aug 5, 2025 · ... Bábí-. s t ate conﬂicts in the context of a Bábí concept of h o ly war (“Babi Concep t ” ) . The Journal of Bahá'í Studies 14. 1/2. 200454.
[104]
the babi concept of holy war - Brill
[The best overall account is still that of Abbas Amanat, Resurrection and. Renewal: the making of the Babi Movement in Iran, Cornell University Press, 1989.].