Fact-checked by Grok 2 weeks ago

Caste system in India

The caste system in India constitutes a hereditary form of social stratification deeply embedded in Hindu society, theoretically structured around four varnas—Brahmins (priests and scholars), Kshatriyas (warriors and rulers), Vaishyas (merchants and traders), and Shudras (artisans and laborers)—with Dalits (formerly untouchables) excluded from this framework and subject to historical exclusion. This system manifests primarily through thousands of endogamous jatis, localized occupational and kinship-based communities that exhibit greater practical rigidity than the broader varna categories, which originated as functional divisions in Vedic texts like the Rigveda's Purusha Sukta around 1500 BCE but evolved into birth-based inheritance over centuries. Genetic studies confirm long-standing endogamy among castes, with distinct haplogroups indicating separation predating colonial influences, though intermixing occurred at lower levels. In contemporary India, the Constitution of 1950 abolished untouchability and caste-based discrimination while instituting affirmative action reservations—allocating 15% for Scheduled Castes, 7.5% for Scheduled Tribes, and 27% for Other Backward Classes in public employment and education—to address disparities, yet caste remains salient in matrimonial practices (where over 90% of marriages are endogamous) and political mobilization. Empirical surveys reveal that while a majority of Hindus (around 64%) identify with a caste and view it as important to their identity, recent experiences of caste discrimination are reported by only 20% or fewer across groups, suggesting attenuation in urban settings despite persistent rural hierarchies and sporadic violence. Controversies persist over the system's origins—debated as indigenous evolution versus colonial amplification—and the efficacy of reservations, which have expanded access for lower castes but face critiques for perpetuating divisions amid economic growth that has lifted many irrespective of birth.

Core Concepts and Terminology

Varna System

The varna system refers to the ancient Hindu classification of society into four functional groups, derived from Vedic texts as a division of labor aligned with cosmic and individual qualities. The earliest textual reference appears in the Rigveda's (10.90.12), composed around 1500–1200 BCE, which describes the primordial being sacrificing himself to create the varnas: Brahmins emerging from his , Kshatriyas from his , Vaishyas from his thighs, and Shudras from his feet. This frames varna as an organic societal structure rather than a rigid hierarchy, emphasizing interdependence for dharma (cosmic duty). Brahmins were tasked with spiritual knowledge, teaching, and ritual performance; Kshatriyas with protection, governance, and warfare; Vaishyas with agriculture, trade, and wealth generation; and Shudras with manual labor and service to the other groups. The Bhagavad Gita (4.13), dated to circa 400 BCE–200 CE, reinforces this by stating that the four varnas were instituted by divine ordinance based on guna (inherent qualities like sattva for purity, rajas for action, and tamas for stability) and karma (actions), not solely birth, allowing for theoretical mobility through aptitude and conduct. Unlike the later jati system of thousands of hereditary, endogamous occupational subgroups, varna was a broader, idealistic focused on societal roles rather than or strict , with early Vedic showing of occupational flexibility before hereditary solidification around the post-Vedic . Historical analyses indicate that while varna provided a for , its evolved, with texts like the Manusmriti (circa 200 BCE–200 CE) introducing birth-based rigidity, diverging from the original guna-karma . Empirical from ancient inscriptions and Buddhist texts, such as the Jatakas (circa 400 BCE), portrays varna as non-hierarchical in practice, with inter-varna interactions and role changes, contrasting later ritual purity emphases.

Jati and Subcaste Networks

Jatis form the practical, endogamous building blocks of the Indian caste system, consisting of hereditary groups traditionally linked to specific occupations, regions, and ritual statuses, numbering in the thousands across Hindu society. These units enforce strict intragroup marriage, with subcastes—finer divisions often based on local variants or occupational nuances—serving as the core endogamous circles to maintain lineage purity and social cohesion. Jati affiliation determines access to communal resources, rituals, and dispute resolution, fostering dense interpersonal ties that extend beyond kinship to encompass broader network obligations. Socially, jati and subcaste networks prioritize endogamy to preserve group identity, with marriages arranged within these bounds to avoid status dilution; this practice, rooted in hereditary roles, limits exogamy and reinforces boundaries through customs like gotra prohibitions within subcastes. Economically, these networks compensate for institutional gaps by providing mutual aid, such as informal credit during crises—evidenced by 54% of consumption loans sourced internally during a South Indian drought—and income pooling for risk mitigation in agriculture-dependent communities. In urban migration, jati ties facilitate job placement, accounting for 70% of blue-collar positions in cities like Mumbai through referrals and trust-based hiring. In commerce, jati enhance via reduced costs and formal contracts; of over 106,000 firms in (–) shows same-jati suppliers capturing 10.6% of 4.5% expected randomly, doubling probability and boosting volumes by nearly %, particularly for customized in low-enforcement regions. Subcaste layers amplify these locally, specialized guilds or clusters, as seen in artisan jatis coordinating chains. While —70% of Indians report mostly same-caste close , underscoring strength—these structures can perpetuate inefficiencies by prioritizing over merit, such as in-group hiring that misallocates labor. stems from reliable reciprocity in high-trust groups amid weak or alternatives, though modernization erodes some barriers.

Distinction from Western Notions of Caste

The Indian caste system, comprising the varna framework and jati subgroups, fundamentally differs from Western conceptions of caste or class, which often derive from economic stratification, feudal estates, or modern socioeconomic mobility models. In Western sociology, influenced by thinkers like Max Weber, social hierarchy typically separates power, status, and class as distinct dimensions, with an underlying ideology of individual equality allowing for achievement-based shifts in position. By contrast, anthropologist Louis Dumont, in his analysis of Indian society, emphasized that caste operates as an encompassing hierarchy grounded in ritual purity and pollution, where status is ideologically paramount and holistically integrates society without the Western presumption of egalitarian individualism. This purity-based ordering subordinates economic or political power to dharma (cosmic order), rendering caste not merely a ranked stratification but a systemic principle where higher varnas encompass and purify lower ones, unlike Western progressive subordination of ranks. Ascriptive heredity and strict endogamy further demarcate Indian castes from Western classes. Jatis, the localized endogamous units numbering in the thousands, enforce marriage within the group to preserve ritual boundaries, resulting in persistently low intergenerational mobility; empirical data from surnames and occupational persistence indicate regression to the mean rates comparable to or lower than those in pre-industrial Europe, with no significant increase despite post-independence reservations. Western feudal systems, such as Europe's three estates (clergy, nobility, commons), permitted limited upward movement through military success, royal grants, or inter-estate marriages, and modern class systems prioritize achievement via education and wealth accumulation, fostering exogamy and fluidity absent in jati networks. Western analogies often impose racial or economic lenses on caste, overlooking its non-racial, occupationally specialized yet ritually rigid nature. While endogamy has produced genetic clustering, varna-jati distinctions arise from ideological and functional divisions—Brahmins for knowledge, Kshatriyas for governance—rather than innate biological superiority akin to colonial-era racial hierarchies or Marxist class antagonism. Dumont critiqued such reductions, arguing that equating caste to Western class ignores how Indian hierarchy encompasses the whole without residual equality, a view supported by the system's resilience against purely materialist explanations. This distinction underscores why Western policy imports, like affirmative action modeled on class redress, inadequately address caste's ritual permanence.

Theoretical Foundations and Definitions

Classical Sociological Descriptions

G.S. Ghurye, in his 1932 work Caste and Race in India, provided one of the earliest systematic sociological delineations of the caste system, identifying six principal attributes: the segmental division of society into hereditary groups; a hierarchical ordering with Brahminical supremacy; mutual repulsion manifested in restrictions on commensality (sharing food) and connubium (marriage); civil and religious privileges or disabilities tied to rank; limited occupational mobility confined to hereditary roles; and the absence of complete corporate existence among castes, limiting unified action. Ghurye emphasized that these features formed an indigenous Hindu social institution, rejecting simplistic racial origins in favor of cultural and historical evolution within Indian society, though he noted influences from Indo-Aryan migrations. Louis Dumont, in Homo Hierarchicus (first published in French in 1966), offered a structuralist framing the as a holistic of rather than mere social or economic . Dumont posited that the paramount opposition of pure and impure—encompassing , separation, and —underlies relations, with Brahmins at the apex embodying purity through detachment from power and impurity, while Kshatriyas represent secular authority subordinated to religious ideals. This ideational framework, he argued, integrates economic, political, and kinship domains into a non-competitive whole, distinct from Western individualism, where derives from encompassing oppositions rather than egalitarian contract. Earlier colonial-era sociologists, such as Herbert Risley in his 1908 The People of India, described castes anthropometrically as endogamous units with ranked purity based on Brahminical norms, often linking them to racial anthropometry, though this approach was later critiqued for conflating biology with sociology. Ghurye and Dumont's formulations, building on but diverging from such views, shifted emphasis toward functional and ideological persistence, portraying caste as a rigid, status-enforcing mechanism embedded in Hindu cosmology, with endogamy and ritual pollution enforcing separation across thousands of jatis subsumed under varna ideals.

Anthropological Interpretations

Louis Dumont's structuralist analysis in Homo Hierarchicus (1966) framed the caste system as an encompassing ideology of hierarchy, fundamentally opposed to Western egalitarian individualism, where social relations are ordered by the paramount values of purity and pollution rather than power or economic substance. Dumont drew on ancient texts like the Manusmriti and ethnographic observations to argue that Brahmins embody ritual purity at the system's apex, with purity inversely correlated to distance from the sacred, thereby encompassing and subordinating secular domains like kingship and economy to hierarchical logic. This interpretation positioned caste not as mere stratification but as a totalizing system where the "whole" (hierarchy) ideologically contains its "parts" (individual castes), challenging functionalist views by prioritizing native conceptual oppositions over observed behaviors. Critiques of Dumont emerged from empirical fieldwork highlighting discrepancies between ideology and practice, particularly the underemphasis on dominance and exploitation. Anthropologists like Nicholas Dirks argued that Dumont's model romanticizes Brahmanical ideology while downplaying how colonial censuses and state policies rigidified fluid pre-colonial jati relations into a hierarchical "caste system," ignoring power dynamics where dominant landowning castes exert control beyond ritual purity. Such criticisms, often rooted in Marxist-influenced anthropology, contend that purity rhetoric masks material inequalities, as evidenced in South Indian villages where economic leverage overrides ritual status in intercaste alliances. In contrast, McKim Marriott's transactional ethnosociology, developed through studies in villages like Kishan Garhi (1950s–1960s), interpreted via dynamic exchanges of "coded " such as , , and services, which encode and negotiate status hierarchies. Marriott's matrix analyses revealed that rankings emerge from asymmetrical transaction patterns—higher giving superior to lower —yet allow through strategic interactions, challenging Dumont's static by emphasizing indigenous ' in code-mixing between and other values like . This approach integrated ethnographic on commensality rules, showing, for instance, that Brahmins accept cooked only from , reinforcing but not solely determining . Indian anthropologists like M.N. Srinivas applied structural-functionalism to portray castes as adaptive subsystems maintaining village equilibrium through division of labor and ritual interdependence, with concepts like "dominant caste" (e.g., Okkaligas in Karnataka, 1950s fieldwork) defined by population size (over 25% of village), economic assets like landholdings averaging 5–10 acres per family, and political influence via councils. Srinivas documented Sanskritization, where subordinate jatis emulate Brahmin practices (e.g., vegetarianism, widow remarriage taboos) over generations to claim higher varna status, as in Rampura village where Lingayats rose via such emulation by the mid-20th century, illustrating caste's dynamism amid modernization. These interpretations underscore functional integration, such as intercaste occupational specialization reducing conflict, though later scholars critiqued functionalism for overlooking coercion in maintaining these equilibria.

Critiques of Modern Definitional Approaches

Modern definitional approaches to the Indian caste system, particularly those influenced by post-colonial and constructivist scholarship, often portray it as a largely colonial-era invention or a fluid social arrangement lacking deep pre-modern roots. Scholars such as Nicholas Dirks have argued that British administrative practices, including censuses from the late 19th century, transformed diverse jati networks into a rigid, hierarchical "caste" system for governance purposes, implying limited indigenous rigidity prior to European intervention. This perspective critiques earlier Orientalist views but has been faulted for underemphasizing textual and empirical evidence of endogamy and stratification in ancient Indian sources, such as the Rigveda's Purusha Sukta (c. 1500 BCE) outlining varna divisions and the Manusmriti (c. 200 BCE–200 CE) prescribing occupational and marital restrictions. Critics contend that such modern framings selectively prioritize colonial records while discounting indigenous agency in maintaining social boundaries, potentially to align with narratives absolving traditional structures of inherent exclusivity. A core flaw in these approaches lies in their social constructivist emphasis, which treats caste boundaries as permeable and primarily responsive to economic or political pressures rather than enforced through ritual purity and heredity. Genetic analyses, however, reveal strict endogamy across jatis for approximately 2,000 years, with inter-group admixture ceasing around 100–400 CE, coinciding with the consolidation of caste-like practices rather than colonial influence. Studies of over 500 Indian populations show rank-related genetic affinities, such as higher West Eurasian ancestry in upper varnas and consistent isolation even among geographically proximate groups, undermining claims of widespread fluidity or recent invention. This biological persistence persists despite urbanization and legal reforms, as evidenced by contemporary marriage patterns where 80–90% of unions remain intra-caste, indicating causal mechanisms rooted in cultural norms predating modernity. Contemporary anthropological interpretations further err by overemphasizing jatis as adaptive occupational guilds with high internal , often analogizing them to systems or guilds, while minimizing the ascriptive and dimensions central to . Such views, prevalent in post-1980s , draw on ethnographic snapshots of localized alliances but overlook longitudinal showing low rates of jati —fewer than 5% of groups shifted between and censuses—and the enduring primacy of purity-pollution hierarchies over economic . This selective , critics argue, stems from egalitarian biases in , which narratives of and to policies like reservations, sidelining of cooperative inter-caste and entrepreneurial within endogamous units. Empirical surveys confirm that while economic divergence exists, caste retains causal on independent of , as upper castes hold disproportionate assets despite affirmative action since 1950. These definitional shortcomings reflect broader institutional tendencies in Western-influenced to retroject onto historical systems, conflating with or without for its of , , and sacrality. For instance, equating jati endogamy with ignores admixed ancestries—most Indians derive 10–50% Ancestral North Indian and South Indian components—yet enforces separation via , not . Resulting policies and analyses thus perpetuating by codifying identities into quotas, as seen in the 2011 debates where constructivist arguments against clashed with on persistent disparities. Truthful demands integrating genetic, textual, and socioeconomic to recognize caste's resilient, multi-causal beyond ideologically driven simplifications.

Origins and Genetic Foundations

Vedic and Indo-Aryan Roots

The Indo-Aryans, speakers of an Indo-European language branch, migrated into the northwestern from the Central Asian steppes around 1500 BCE, introducing pastoralist and nomadic social structures that evolved into early Vedic society. These migrants, initially organized in tribal units with emphasis on kinship, warfare, and ritual, composed the , the oldest Vedic text dated approximately to 1500–1200 BCE, which reflects a society divided by occupation and function rather than rigid heredity. Archaeological and linguistic evidence supports this , correlating with the introduction of horse-drawn chariots and fire-altar rituals absent in preceding Indus Valley traditions. The conceptual roots of the system appear in the Rigveda's Purusha Sukta (10.90), a depicting the cosmic being sacrificed to create the universe, with the four varnas emerging from his body: (priests) from the mouth, symbolizing speech and knowledge; Kshatriyas (warriors or Rajanyas) from the arms, representing strength and protection; (commoners, herders, and traders) from the thighs, denoting productivity; and (laborers and servants) from the feet, indicating support. This mythological framework portrays varnas as interdependent cosmic functions essential for social order (), not as birth-ascribed hierarchies, with the emphasizing : "The was his mouth, of both his arms was the Rajanya made. His thighs became the , from his feet the was produced." In the early Vedic period, varna divisions were fluid and merit-based, aligned with an individual's qualities (guna) and conduct (karma), allowing social mobility; for instance, priests and warriors intermingled without strict endogamy, and occupational roles could shift based on aptitude rather than descent. The term varna (meaning "color" or "class") occurs infrequently in the Rigveda's earlier books, suggesting the Purusha Sukta may represent a later composition within the corpus, possibly interpolating a more systematized ideal onto pre-existing tribal distinctions between elites (Aryan insiders) and subordinates (including non-Aryan laborers). This functional stratification, rooted in Indo-Aryan emphasis on ritual purity and martial prowess, provided a ideological basis for later caste rigidity, though empirical texts show no evidence of untouchability or hereditary exclusion at this stage.

Pre-Vedic Indigenous Influences

The indigenous populations of the prior to the around 1500 BCE encompassed diverse groups, including Andamanese-like hunter-gatherers, Austroasiatic speakers, and proto-Dravidian communities associated with the Indus Valley Civilization (IVC, c. 3300–1300 BCE). Archaeological findings from IVC sites such as and reveal evidence of craft specialization, with distinct residential quarters for artisans, traders, and possibly elites, indicating occupational divisions and based on economic roles rather than hereditary ritual hierarchies. However, undeciphered scripts and absence of monumental temples or priestly artifacts preclude confirmation of rigid or pollution concepts central to later caste dynamics; instead, uniformity in and standardized weights suggests a heterarchical or structure without clear evidence of birth-based exclusion. Genetic analyses of ancient and modern Indian genomes demonstrate that the Ancestral South Indian (ASI) component, linked to pre-Neolithic indigenous hunter-gatherers and IVC inhabitants, underwent significant admixture with Ancestral North Indian (ANI) steppe-derived ancestry between 2000–1000 BCE, but strict endogamous barriers enforcing jati-like isolation only solidified around 1900 years ago on average, postdating the Vedic period. This timeline implies that pre-Vedic indigenous societies practiced exogamy or fluid intergroup mixing, as f-statistics and admixture modeling show no long-term isolation predating Indo-Aryan arrival; for instance, Y-chromosome and mtDNA haplogroups in southern tribal groups reflect ancient diversity without the compressed variation seen in post-endogamy castes. Claims of IVC-era caste precursors, such as those by archaeologist Arvind Jamkhedkar positing hierarchical occupations as proto-castes, rely on interpretive analogies to later systems but lack direct epigraphic or skeletal evidence of hereditary enforcement. Proto-Dravidian and Austroasiatic groups in southern and eastern exhibited clan-based and totemic occupations, potentially contributing to the of jatis as localized, kin-group networks that interacted with incoming frameworks. Ethnographic parallels in non-Aryan tribes, such as the Todas or Bhils, show pre-colonial guild-like divisions tied to subsistence—, , or —without overarching purity rankings, suggesting influences amplified jati heterogeneity rather than originating varna's ideological core. Empirical continuity is evident in southern Dravidian-speaking , where occupational persists independently of northern Vedic impositions, but genomic drift patterns confirm these solidified post-mixture, not as isolated pre-Vedic relics. Thus, while social organization provided substrates for economic specialization, the causal emergence of systemic aligns more with later historical consolidations than pure pre-Vedic origins.

Empirical Genetic Evidence on Ancestry and Endogamy

Genetic studies have identified two primary ancestral components in most modern Indian populations: , related to West Eurasians including ancient Iranian farmers and later pastoralists, and Ancestral South Indians (ASI), descending from indigenous South Asian hunter-gatherers distinct from both ANI and East Asians. Admixture between ANI and ASI occurred primarily between 1,900 and 4,200 years ago, with subsequent genetic isolation due to preventing further large-scale mixing. Upper-caste groups, such as Brahmins, exhibit higher ANI proportions (often 50-70%), correlating with greater Steppe ancestry from migrations around 2000-1500 BCE, while lower-caste and tribal groups show elevated ASI ancestry (up to 70% or more). Endogamy at the level of jatis (subcastes) has persisted for approximately 2,000 years, resulting in substantial genetic among castes despite geographic proximity. Genome-wide analyses reveal elevated FST values (a measure of ) between castes, often exceeding those between major continental groups like Europeans and East Asians, indicating strong . This isolation has led to increased runs of homozygosity (ROH) and identity-by-descent (IBD) sharing within castes, with jatis functioning as discrete genetic clusters. effects are pronounced, particularly in smaller endogamous groups, amplifying rare deleterious variants and contributing to higher frequencies of recessive disorders like and certain metabolic conditions. Recent whole-genome sequencing of thousands of Indian individuals confirms that intensified after initial admixtures, with over 80% of attributable to within-jati structure rather than north-south clines alone. , prevalent in some communities (up to 40% in certain regions), exacerbates these effects, though caste-level alone suffices to explain much of the observed drift. These patterns refute models of fluid pre-caste mixing, instead supporting a model where social barriers enforced genetic boundaries, with minimal post-admixture. Variations exist, such as Austroasiatic tribes showing distinct East Asian-related ancestry, but the dominant ANI-ASI framework holds for Indo-European-speaking populations.

Historical Trajectory

Early Vedic Period (c. 1500–1000 BCE)

The Early Vedic society, centered in the region and characterized by pastoral nomadism and cattle-rearing, exhibited social organization primarily through kinship-based tribes (janas) governed by chiefs (rajans) and assemblies like the sabha and samiti, where decisions on war, raids, and rituals were deliberated collectively. Occupational roles formed the basis of emerging divisions, with priests (rishis) conducting sacrifices, warriors leading raids, herders managing livestock, and laborers supporting communal tasks, but these were fluid and tied to individual aptitude rather than fixed inheritance. The conceptual framework of — (priests and scholars), (warriors and rulers), (herders, farmers, and traders), and (servants and artisans)—appears embryonically in the , most notably in the ( 10.90), a depicting the cosmic sacrificing himself to originate the four varnas from distinct body parts: from the mouth (symbolizing speech and knowledge), from the arms (strength and protection), from the thighs (support and productivity), and from the feet (service and mobility). This metaphorical schema emphasized functional interdependence for societal harmony (), without prescribing rigid , pollution taboos, or birth-based exclusion, as inter-varna mobility based on personal qualities (guna) and conduct (karma) remained possible. Archaeological and textual evidence from this period indicates no institutionalized , , or elaborate sub-divisions akin to later jati castes; family members pursued diverse occupations, and women held relatively high status, participating in rituals and assemblies without veil or seclusion norms. Conflicts were tribal rather than -based, and the absence of codified laws enforcing exclusivity suggests the system functioned more as an ideal occupational classification than a coercive structure, evolving from Indo-Aryan tribal customs amid interactions with local populations. Scholarly analyses note that while terminology emerges late in the , pre-Purusha Sukta hymns reflect a simpler division (priests, warriors, commoners), implying incorporation as a later conceptual addition to accommodate non-Aryan laborers.

Later Vedic and Epic Period (c. 1000 BCE–200 CE)

During the Later Vedic period, the system transitioned from the relatively fluid divisions of the early Vedic era to a more structured and hereditary framework, with the four primary varnas— (priests and scholars), Kshatriyas (warriors and rulers), Vaishyas (merchants and farmers), and Shudras (laborers and servants)—becoming central to social organization. This development coincided with the expansion of settlements into the Gangetic plains, increased agricultural surplus, and the composition of texts like the Brahmanas and Aranyakas, which codified varna-specific rituals and duties, emphasizing superiority in Vedic sacrifices and knowledge transmission. Hereditary transmission of varna status is implied in passages such as those in the , where descent determines ritual eligibility, reflecting causal pressures from territorial kingdoms and priestly consolidation of authority. Inter-varna relations grew more stratified, with prohibitions on intermarriage and commensality emerging to preserve purity, as seen in later Vedic injunctions against Shudras participating in certain rites. Brahmins and Kshatriyas vied for dominance, with kings relying on priestly validation for legitimacy, while Vaishyas and Shudras were relegated to economic support roles amid rising around 1000–600 BCE. This rigidity stemmed from practical needs for in expanding polities, rather than purely ideological imposition, though textual idealizations often downplay conflicts like those between priestly and royal classes. Empirical traces in iron-age artifacts from sites like Painted Ware cultures suggest occupational specialization aligning with lines, supporting textual accounts of differentiation. In the Epic period, spanning roughly 400 BCE to 200 CE in composition though drawing on older oral traditions, the and portray as birth-determined, with narratives enforcing through (duty) tied to one's . The 's explicitly states inheritance via parental , while episodes like Karna's rejection by due to his charioteer origins illustrate birth-based prejudice overriding merit in martial training. Similarly, the depicts characters like in devotional roles but subordinate to protagonists, with Valmiki's text upholding as normative. Yet, exceptions like Vishwamitra's ascension from to via ascetic rigor indicate residual mobility, challenging absolute rigidity and highlighting tensions between ideal and pragmatic realities in epic warfare and kingship. Proto-jati formations—endogamous occupational subgroups within s—began coalescing due to regional diversification and craft specialization, as inferred from references to guild-like assemblies (shrenis) and diverse lineages, though these lacked the full fragmentation of later medieval jatis. Causal factors included ecological in varied terrains and the of non-Aryan groups into subordinate roles, fostering sub-varna identities without yet supplanting varna primacy. Historical analyses note that while epics romanticize varna harmony, underlying conflicts, such as critiques of ritual monopolies, reveal the system's role in stabilizing feudal-like polities amid post-Vedic upheavals.

Classical and Medieval Hinduism (200–1500 CE)

During the classical period, spanning approximately 200 BCE to 500 CE, Hindu legal texts known as Dharmashastras, such as the Manusmriti (composed between 200 BCE and 200 CE), formalized the varna system into a hierarchical framework of four classes: Brahmins (priests and scholars), Kshatriyas (warriors and rulers), Vaishyas (merchants and farmers), and Shudras (laborers and servants). The Manusmriti prescribed specific duties (svadharma) for each varna, emphasizing Brahminical supremacy in ritual purity and knowledge, with Shudras obligated to serve the upper three varnas without accruing wealth or performing Vedic sacrifices (Manusmriti 10.129). Inter-varna mixing (varna-sankara) was discouraged, with penalties for hypergamous unions, though Shudra women could marry upward while Shudra men faced restrictions (Manusmriti 3.12-19). Groups outside the varna system, termed antyajas or Chandalas, emerged as due to polluting occupations like handling corpses or leather, residing beyond village boundaries and barred from upper-varna contact ( 10.51-56). These texts justified through concepts of karma and , linking birth to prior actions, but allowed limited via conduct rather than strict . Empirical evidence from inscriptions (c. 320–550 CE), such as those from Eran and , reflects varna divisions in land grants primarily to Brahmins, indicating Brahminical consolidation of power and resources, while Vaishya-origin rulers like the Guptas patronized this system without explicit jati references. In the medieval period (c. 500–1500 CE), the varna framework proliferated into thousands of endogamous jatis—occupational sub-groups—facilitated by guild-like shrenis and regional temple economies that tied communities to hereditary trades. Inscriptions from this era, including South Indian temple records, document jati assemblies regulating , , and disputes, with purity rules enforcing separation based on ritual status and diet. Caste rigidity intensified through Brahmin land endowments (brahmadeya) and royal sanctions, correlating with economic , though inscriptions show occasional jati mergers or elevations via royal favor. The (c. 700–1600 CE), emphasizing personal devotion over ritual, featured saints like (11th century) and (15th century) who critiqued exclusivity, advocating spiritual equality across castes— initiated non-Brahmins into temple service, while , from a low jati, denounced Brahminical hypocrisy in dohas. However, bhakti's impact on dismantling caste was limited; sects like retained jati among followers, and inscriptions post-bhakti show persistent practices, suggesting ideological challenge coexisted with structural continuity driven by kinship and economic incentives.

Islamic and Mughal Influence (1200–1750 CE)

The , established after of Ghor's victory in 1192 CE and formalized under Qutb-ud-din Aibak in 1206 CE, exerted political dominance over northern but generally refrained from dismantling the Hindu caste system. Rulers relied on pre-existing village communities and caste-based agrarian structures for revenue extraction, as these provided stability amid conquests and enslavements. Enslavement of lower castes and outcastes surged due to warfare and heavy taxation, with slaves in 14th-century markets valued as low as a milch buffalo, yet caste disabilities persisted, including those imposed by Brahmins on groups like following earlier Arab incursions in Sind (711–714 CE). Conversions to occurred among war captives, artisans, and lower castes seeking relief from ritual pollution and economic burdens, facilitated by Sufi missionaries, but did not lead to widespread social leveling; instead, parallel hierarchies emerged among converts, with foreign-origin Muslims (Ashraf) dominating over indigenous ones (Ajlaf). The , founded by in 1526 CE, continued this pattern of non-interference, integrating caste into administrative frameworks rather than reforming it. (r. 1556–1605 CE) pursued tolerant policies, abolishing the tax on non-Muslims in 1564 CE, ending pilgrimage levies, and permitting construction, which preserved caste rituals and hierarchies without challenge. His (c. 1595 CE) documented zamindars by caste, highlighting landowning groups like Rajputs (dominant in 13 sarkars), , Gonds, and Brahmins in regions such as Agrah, , and , where these castes managed revenue collection and agricultural production. Later emperors, including the more orthodox (r. 1658–1707 CE), reimposed in 1679 CE but still accommodated caste-based , as foreign rulers prioritized fiscal efficiency over ideological overhaul. Brahminical texts like Manameyodaya (c. 1600 CE) and Viramitrodaya (c. 1620 CE) reinforced purity norms and , positioning outcastes as agrestic slaves in areas like and . Economically, caste specialization supplied skilled labor for projects, such as Hindu masons building Saracenic monuments, while occupational shifts—e.g., tailors becoming dyers—spawned new jatis, indicating limited mobility within the system. However, rigid and purity taboos intensified as a defensive cultural bulwark against conversion pressures and foreign dominance, contributing to the proliferation of sub-castes for identity preservation. elites absorbed caste-like distinctions, with no lower-caste Muslims elevated to high under the Sultanate, mirroring Hindu hierarchies. This persistence stemmed from pragmatic : disrupting caste would have destabilized revenue flows from an estimated 80–90% Hindu population, as rulers superimposed Islamic authority atop indigenous structures without integrating them. Empirical records show no systematic policy to eradicate or jati, allowing —and its social order—to endure and even expand demographically despite periodic persecutions.

Colonial Transformations (1757–1947)

The British East India Company's victory at the Battle of Plassey in 1757 marked the onset of colonial dominance, during which administrators initially governed through alliances with local elites, often reinforcing existing caste hierarchies to maintain order and extract revenue. Under indirect rule, Company officials recognized caste-based customs in land tenure and dispute resolution, preserving jati privileges in villages while exploiting divisions to prevent unified resistance. This approach perpetuated caste as a tool of control, with higher castes like zamindars favored in revenue collection systems established by the Permanent Settlement of 1793. Following the 1857 Indian Rebellion, direct Crown rule from 1858 intensified administrative classification of , culminating in the first comprehensive in 1871-1872, which enumerated over 400 million people by , , and occupation, transforming fluid social identities into fixed bureaucratic categories. operations, led by figures like Herbert Risley from 1881 onward, imposed a varna-like on diverse jatis, attributing racial origins to castes and rigidifying boundaries that had previously allowed limited mobility through processes like sanskritization. By 1901, the census listed thousands of sub-castes, fostering disputes over status as groups lobbied for higher classifications to gain administrative advantages, thus politicizing identities. Colonial law further entrenched caste distinctions; the of 1860 and subsequent civil codes incorporated caste customs in matters like inheritance and marriage, while excluding "" from certain rights, institutionalizing under the guise of respecting tradition. under the "martial races" theory from the 1850s prioritized castes deemed loyal and warlike, such as and Gurkhas, excluding others labeled non-martial post-rebellion, which reinforced ethnic-caste stereotypes and economic dependencies. These policies, combined with ethnographic surveys like the 1891-1931 "" compilations, portrayed castes as timeless racial essences, diverging from views of jatis as occupational guilds with regional variability. Missionary activities and colonial education from the 1810s onward challenged caste practices, with figures like William Carey decrying and promoting conversion as escape, leading to some low-caste mobilizations but also hardening defenses among orthodox groups. By the early , caste associations proliferated, petitioning for reservations in jobs and legislatures under the Morley-Minto Reforms of , which introduced separate electorates initially for but later extended to "depressed classes," prefiguring post-independence quotas. Overall, colonial interventions shifted caste from a primarily ritual-economic framework to a politicized identity, amplifying hierarchies through state enumeration while enabling nascent anti-caste movements among educated elites.

Post-Independence Developments (1947–Present)

The Indian Constitution, adopted on January 26, 1950, abolished through Article 17, declaring its practice in any form forbidden and the enforcement of related disabilities a punishable offense. This provision, alongside Articles 15 and 16 prohibiting and ensuring equality of opportunity, laid the legal foundation for eradicating caste-based exclusion, though enforcement relied on subsequent legislation like the Protection of Civil Rights Act of 1955 and the (Prevention of Atrocities) Act of 1989. was embedded via reservations: 15% of public sector jobs and educational seats for (SCs, comprising about 16.6% of the population) and 7.5% for (STs, about 8.6%), proportional to their demographic shares and intended to rectify entrenched disadvantages from hereditary occupations and . In 1990, V. P. Singh's government implemented the Mandal Commission's 1980 recommendations, allocating 27% reservations for Other Backward Classes (OBCs)—socially and educationally backward castes excluding and —bringing total quotas to 49.5% and sparking nationwide protests, including student self-immolations, over fears of merit dilution and . upheld this in 1992's Sawhney case, imposing a 50% cap on reservations, introducing a exclusion for affluent OBCs to target the truly disadvantaged, and extending quotas to promotions for / under certain conditions. A 2019 amendment added 10% for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) among non-reserved castes, pushing effective quotas beyond 50% in some states, though implementation varies and faces legal challenges. Despite these reforms, caste hierarchies endure, with reported atrocities against rising post-independence—from traditional exclusions to modern violence like lynchings and assaults—reflecting causal persistence tied to rural power imbalances and weak enforcement rather than mere legal oversight. Inter-caste marriages, a key mobility indicator, hovered at 5.8% in 2011 data, with no significant upward trend over decades, underscoring endogamy's grip amid familial and social sanctions. Economically, analyses show upper-caste households achieving higher intergenerational income growth from equivalent starting points compared to /OBCs, where structural barriers like landlessness and informal sector dominance limit upward mobility, though reservations have boosted literacy and urban representation for some sub-groups. Caste has permeated politics since the 1950s, evolving from Congress dominance by upper castes to fragmented mobilization: Dalit parties like the (BSP) emerged in the 1980s, while OBC-centric outfits in and capitalized on Mandal's fallout, turning caste arithmetic into electoral strategy with alliances based on jati (sub-caste) demographics. Urbanization and education have facilitated limited Sanskritization—lower s adopting higher-status practices for jati elevation—but caste associations and vote banks sustain divisions, as seen in demands for a nationwide census beyond the 1931 data to refine quotas. Empirical outcomes reveal reservations aiding access for "creamy" layers within reserved groups while bypassing the rural poor, exacerbating intra-caste inequalities and fueling debates on efficiency versus equity.

Social and Functional Dynamics

Occupational Divisions and Economic Specialization

The framework, articulated in ancient texts like the and elaborated in the (c. 400 BCE–200 CE), classified society into four broad occupational divisions based on ascribed qualities and functions: Brahmins for priestly, teaching, and advisory roles; Kshatriyas for rulership, warfare, and protection; Vaishyas for , , and ; and Shudras for artisanal labor, , and manual support to the upper varnas. These divisions emphasized a functional division of labor, where each varna's duties aligned with societal needs for spiritual guidance, security, economic production, and maintenance, though textual prescriptions allowed some flexibility in practice rather than rigid from inception. Complementing varnas, the jati system comprised thousands of localized, endogamous subgroups, each tied to hyper-specialized occupations such as (e.g., Badhira jati), leatherworking (e.g., ), or goldsmithing (e.g., ), forming hereditary guilds that transmitted technical knowledge intergenerationally through apprenticeships and family networks. This jati-level granularity enabled economic specialization, where castes developed monopolistic expertise in niches like or , supported by reciprocal exchange systems such as jajmani ties in rural economies, wherein patron castes provided land or protection in return for specialized services from service castes. Such specialization yielded efficiency gains through accumulated skills and trust-based networks within castes, reducing transaction costs in pre-modern markets lacking formal contracts, but it also entrenched for outsiders, perpetuating economic silos via and social norms against inter-jati occupational shifts. In historical contexts, this structure contributed to regional economic resilience, as seen in guild-like jatis dominating crafts during the medieval period (c. 600–1200 ), yet it constrained by discouraging cross-caste learning and . In contemporary India, occupational caste linkages persist despite legal prohibitions on discrimination, with empirical studies showing individuals are disproportionately employed in ancestral caste occupations—e.g., 4 percentage points higher likelihood for matching traditional roles—and lower castes comprising over 70% of rural manual laborers as of 2011–12 National Sample Survey data. Urbanization and affirmative action have induced some diversification, particularly among Scheduled Castes shifting from scavenging to government jobs (rising from 1.4% in 1983 to 12.5% in 2009–10 per NSSO), yet intergenerational mobility remains low, with only 20–30% of Dalit households escaping traditional low-skill traps over three generations in states like Uttar Pradesh. Caste networks continue to facilitate job access via informal referrals, benefiting higher castes in professional sectors while exacerbating wage gaps, where upper-caste workers earn 20–40% premiums in equivalent roles.

Hierarchy, Purity, and Ritual Status

The Indian caste system's hierarchy is structured primarily through the varna framework, positioning Brahmins at the summit owing to their ascribed ritual purity and sacerdotal functions, followed by Kshatriyas as rulers and warriors, Vaishyas as traders and agriculturists, and Shudras as service providers, with avarnas positioned beyond this order due to maximal impurity associations. This vertical ordering derives ideological legitimacy from notions of inherent purity gradients, where proximity to ritual sanctity diminishes downward, as elaborated in Dharmashastras like the Manusmriti (c. 200 BCE–200 CE), which codifies Brahminic superiority through scriptural authority and avoidance of defilement. Empirical analyses confirm that such purity rankings historically correlated with restrictions on inter-varna resource sharing, reinforcing endogamy and occupational segregation to mitigate perceived pollution transfer. Central to this hierarchy are the oppositional concepts of purity (śuddhi) and pollution (aśuddhi), rooted in Vedic ritualism and systematized in later texts, where purity embodies spiritual and bodily sanctity achieved via austerity, knowledge, and detachment from mundane labors deemed contaminating. Occupations involving death, waste, or animal products—often assigned to lower jatis—incur inherent pollution, necessitating purification rites like bathing or fasting for higher castes upon contact, with Manusmriti prescribing graduated penalties and expiations based on the offender's varna status. For example, a Shudra's touch might require a Brahmin to undergo immersion in water, while inverse interactions impose lesser or no rituals, underscoring asymmetry in purity maintenance. These rules extend to commensality, prohibiting higher castes from accepting food or water from inferiors to avert subtle pollution transmission, a practice observed in ethnographic accounts from 19th-century Bengal to 20th-century villages. Ritual status, as the ideational core of hierarchy, manifests in graded entitlements to perform or participate in sacraments (saṃskāras) and temple access, with Brahmins monopolizing Vedic recitation and sacrificial roles to preserve cosmic order (), while lower varnas engage in supportive or excluded capacities. This status is dynamically policed through community panchayats enforcing purity norms, where violations like inter-caste unions trigger or downgrade, as documented in studies of jati councils across regions like and up to the mid-20th century. However, causal reveals that ritual purity often served as a post-hoc rationalization for pre-existing power asymmetries, with dominant landowning castes wielding authority irrespective of strict varna purity claims, as evidenced by historical shifts where mercantile jatis elevated status via wealth accumulation despite middling ritual rank. Modern surveys, such as those from the India Human Development Survey (2011), quantify persistence: approximately 70% of rural households adhere to caste-based purity restrictions on shared utensils, though urbanization erodes enforcement in 40% of urban samples. Scholarly critiques, including those questioning Dumont's encompassing purity model, highlight empirical divergences where economic dominance overrides ritual ideology, as in cases of upwardly mobile backward castes post-1990s Mandal reforms.

Mobility Mechanisms: Sanskritization and Jati Fluidity

Sanskritization refers to the social process by which lower-status castes or tribal groups in emulate the customs, rituals, dietary practices, and ideologies of higher castes, particularly Brahmins, to elevate their ritual and social standing within the caste hierarchy. This mechanism, first systematically described by sociologist in his 1952 analysis of the Coorg community in , involves adopting , , ancestor worship through purification rites, and avoidance of practices like widow remarriage or , often spanning one or two generations to achieve recognition as a superior jati. Empirical observations from mid-20th-century field studies indicate that such emulation could lead to jatis claiming or other twice-born status, as seen among the agriculturalists in northern , who substantiated their upward claims through myths, genealogies, and economic gains from land control during the colonial era. While Sanskritization primarily operates through cultural emulation rather than structural overhaul, it demonstrates endogenous mechanisms of mobility that challenge portrayals of the caste system as entirely rigid, with historical instances revealing jatis rising via accumulated wealth from or combined with adoption. For example, the jatis, originally pastoral cowherds, underwent Sanskritization by aligning with norms, including vegetarian shifts and temple-building patronage, which facilitated their integration into regional power structures by the late 20th century, as documented in ethnographic accounts from and . Critics, including some perspectives, argue that this process reinforces Brahminical dominance and yields only superficial gains for lower groups, often provoking backlash from dominant castes guarding purity boundaries, yet longitudinal studies affirm instances of verifiable elevation tied to economic prerequisites like . Jati fluidity complements Sanskritization by allowing sub-caste groups to fission, fuse, or renegotiate positions within the broader , driven by regional economic shifts, migrations, and political alliances rather than fixed assignments. Historical evidence from pre-colonial and early colonial records shows jatis adapting occupations—such as groups transitioning to mercantile roles during trade expansions around 1600–1750 CE—leading to re-rankings accepted by local councils or kings, with fluidity more pronounced in peripheral regions like where endogamous units proliferated into thousands. Over centuries, this has enabled collective upward movement, as in the case of Lingayat communities in , which splintered from Shaivite traditions and asserted non-Brahmin superiority through devotional practices, gaining land endowments by the under regional dynasties. Such dynamics underscore causal factors like resource control and ritual innovation as enablers of mobility, though empirical data from caste censuses (e.g., 1931 British records) reveal persistent barriers for the lowest jatis, where fluidity often manifests as horizontal segmentation rather than vertical ascent without accompanying Sanskritization efforts.

Untouchability: Historical Practices and Causal Factors

, a practice entailing the social and exclusion of certain groups deemed impure, involved residential where affected communities resided outside village boundaries or in designated impure zones, as documented in medieval accounts of and spatial organization. These groups, often termed chandalas or outcastes in later texts, were confined to occupations handling death-related tasks such as , animal , and removal, with physical contact or even proximity—such as shadows falling on higher castes—prohibited to avoid . Enforcement included , denial of access to common resources like wells and temples, and restrictions on intermingling during festivals or markets, practices that intensified from the post-Vedic period onward as evidenced by Dharmashastra prescriptions on purity boundaries. Early Vedic literature, including the Rigveda (c. 1500–1200 BCE), lacks references to untouchability, with the varna system delineating functional roles without inherent pollution stigma for Shudras; untouchability emerged later, between approximately 600 and 1200 CE, through the degradation of certain occupational or tribal groups into hereditary impure status. Causal factors rooted in concepts of ritual purity and pollution, where contact with death, bodily waste, or animal carcasses was believed to transfer impurity, positioned these roles as permanently defiling, a framework elaborated in texts like the Manusmriti (c. 200 BCE–200 CE) that barred outcastes from Vedic rites and social intercourse. This pollution paradigm, tied to Brahmanical emphasis on maintaining priestly sanctity, mechanistically reinforced exclusion as groups specializing in sanitation—essential for public health in pre-modern agrarian societies—became stigmatized to preserve higher castes' ritual eligibility, with empirical continuity seen in medieval records of enforced separation despite functional interdependence. Theorists attribute origins to multiple converging factors: posited that untouchability arose post-Buddhist era from the Brahminical reaction against beef-eating practices among "broken men" (displaced tribes), who were relegated to impurity for continuing such customs after Hindu vegetarian shifts, though this remains debated for lacking direct textual corroboration in early sources. Alternative causal views highlight the incorporation of non-Aryan tribal populations into the fold as servile labor, their association with forest-dwelling and impure rites leading to outcaste status, as inferred from epic references to chandalas in the (c. 400 BCE–400 CE). Fundamentally, functioned as a social mechanism for allocating high-risk, low-status tasks hereditarily, codified religiously to deter mobility and ensure compliance, with evidence from showing increased untouchable populations in amid feudal land systems that entrenched such divisions.

Legal and Policy Responses

Constitutional Abolition and Anti-Discrimination Laws

The Constitution of India, effective from 26 January 1950, enshrines fundamental rights to combat untouchability and caste-based discrimination. Article 17 abolishes untouchability in any form, forbids its practice, and deems the enforcement of any resulting disability an offence punishable in accordance with law. Article 15 prohibits the state from discriminating against any citizen on grounds solely of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth, and ensures no citizen faces denial of access to public facilities such as shops, restaurants, hotels, places of entertainment, wells, roads, or state-maintained public resorts on those grounds. Article 16 mandates equality of opportunity in public employment, barring discrimination based on religion, race, caste, sex, descent, place of birth, or residence. To enforce Article 17, enacted the in , which prescribed punishments for the preaching, practice of , and imposition of related disabilities; it was later amended and renamed the , , extending to the whole of and classifying offences as cognizable. The Act targets specific practices, including preventing Scheduled Castes individuals from entering temples, using public water sources, or wearing certain attire, with penalties including imprisonment up to two years and fines. In 1989, the (Prevention of Atrocities) was passed on 11 September to address ongoing atrocities, defining offences such as , , or denial of against Scheduled Castes and Tribes, and establishing courts for speedy trials along with provisions for and rehabilitation. Effective from 30 January 1990, the excludes for accused non-SC/ST persons and mandates government identification of atrocity-prone areas. These measures collectively aim to dismantle legal and social barriers rooted in , though enforcement relies on state machinery.

Affirmative Action: Quotas, , and OBC Expansion

India's constitutional framework for affirmative action initially focused on (SC) and (ST), providing 15% reservation for SC and 7.5% for ST in central government jobs and educational institutions, proportionate to their estimated population shares of around 15% and 7.5%, respectively, as enshrined in Articles 15(4) and 16(4) of the adopted in 1950. These quotas aimed to address historical discrimination but excluded Other Backward Classes (OBCs) until political pressures mounted in the 1970s for broader inclusion of socially and educationally disadvantaged castes. The , formally established on January 1, 1979, by the government under and chaired by , was tasked with identifying socially and educationally backward classes and recommending measures for their advancement. Its report, submitted to on December 31, 1980, classified 3,743 castes and communities as OBCs, estimating they constituted 52% of India's population based on 11 indicators including low , limited access to (under 3% OBC representation in universities), and underrepresentation in government services (around 12%). The commission proposed a 27% quota for OBCs in jobs, , and educational seats, raising total reservations to 49.5% when combined with existing SC/ST allocations, while advocating for no reservations in super-specialty promotions to preserve efficiency. Though the report languished for a decade amid opposition from upper-caste elites and concerns over administrative feasibility, V.P. Singh's announced its partial implementation on August 7, 1990, applying the 27% OBC quota to and initially excluding promotions. This decision triggered nationwide protests, including self-immolations by students in northern , reflecting backlash against perceived caste-based favoritism and threats to in a system where OBC underrepresentation was attributed more to population size than systemic exclusion by some analysts. The Supreme Court's 1992 ruling in Indra Sawhney v. Union of India validated the 27% OBC quota as constitutional under Article 16(4) for underrepresented backward classes but capped total s at 50%, barred quotas in promotions without quantifiable backwardness data, and mandated exclusion of the OBC ""—affluent subgroups with annual family income exceeding Rs 1 lakh (later raised to Rs 8 lakh by 2017)—to target truly disadvantaged beneficiaries and prevent perpetuation of within castes. OBC expansion continued through periodic inclusions by the (statutory since 1993), with central lists growing from 1,257 castes in 1993 to over 2,600 by 2020 via state recommendations, though inclusions often hinged on self-reported backwardness metrics criticized for lacking rigorous socioeconomic surveys and risking dilution of the original intent. States like exceeded the 50% cap via special constitutional amendments, providing up to 69% total reservations including OBC sub-quotas, highlighting federal variations in quota application.

Empirical Effects: Benefits, Inefficiencies, and Unintended Consequences

policies, including quotas for Scheduled Castes (), Scheduled Tribes (), and Other Backward Classes (OBC), have demonstrably increased access to and for targeted groups. Analysis of survey indicates that these reservations elevated and occupational status among OBCs, with beneficiaries showing higher completion rates for —rising by approximately 4 s—and greater entry into salaried positions. For , a 1 increase in quotas correlates with a 0.6 rise in the probability of securing salaried jobs, contributing to modest reductions in private asset between and non-SCs over time. in among SC, ST, and OBC students has also surged, with policies like the 2008 Central Educational Institutions Amendment Bill mandating 27% OBC quotas leading to expanded representation without fully displacing general category admissions in the short term. Despite these gains, inefficiencies arise from mismatches between quota beneficiaries' preparation and institutional demands, potentially eroding overall institutional quality. High reservation levels—reaching 50% in some states—impose a burden on average student quality in elite , as lower entry standards for reserved seats can hinder and rigor. Multiple studies confirm that while quotas boost access, they widen skills gaps, with reducing educational inequalities but failing to close performance disparities in technical fields or advanced training. In public services, the dilution of has been linked to governance challenges, as caste criteria override competence assessments, leading to criticisms that reserved appointees underperform in merit-intensive roles. Empirical reviews of seven Indian government quota studies show positive employment effects for minorities, yet broader evidence from 21 analogous U.S. studies highlights risks of stigmatization and reduced incentives for self-improvement among beneficiaries. Unintended consequences include the entrenchment of caste consciousness and benefits accruing disproportionately to relatively advantaged subgroups, known as the "," rather than the most disadvantaged. Post-Mandal Commission implementation in 1990, which extended 27% OBC quotas, sparked widespread protests and self-immolations, signaling social backlash and heightened inter-group tensions without proportionally uplifting the poorest within castes. Politicization of quotas has fueled demands for expansion beyond the 50% cap, diverting focus from economic criteria to identity-based claims and perpetuating fragmentation in electoral politics. Household-level data from 2005–2022 reveals uneven transitions: while some SC households moved to higher-income sources, OBC gains lagged in upper-tier compared to non-reserved groups, suggesting quotas reinforce rather than dismantle hereditary barriers. Critics, drawing on analyses, argue this system undermines , fostering dependency and resentment among non-beneficiaries, with long-term risks to productivity in a globalizing .

Political and Contemporary Realities

Caste in Electoral Politics and Coalition Building

Caste has profoundly shaped electoral politics since , with voters often aligning along jati lines, influencing nominations and party manifestos. strategically mobilize specific caste groups to secure vote banks, as evidenced by the dominance of caste-based in rural and semi-urban constituencies where social networks reinforce bloc voting. For instance, in states like and , electoral outcomes hinge on alliances among dominant castes such as Yadavs, , and non-dominant Other Backward Classes (OBCs). The implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations in 1990 marked a pivotal shift, expanding reservations for OBCs and catalyzing the rise of caste-specific parties that fragmented the earlier Congress-led upper-caste dominance. This led to heightened OBC political assertion, with parties like the Samajwadi Party (SP) in Uttar Pradesh consolidating Yadav and Muslim votes, while the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) in Bihar appealed to similar OBC clusters. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), traditionally upper-caste leaning, adapted by forging coalitions with non-dominant OBCs and Scheduled Castes (SCs), exemplified by its outreach to non-Jatav Dalits through sub-categorization demands and welfare schemes targeted at these groups. Coalition building in frequently revolves around caste arithmetic, where national parties ally with regional caste-based outfits to aggregate votes across jatis. Post-1989, the decline of single-party majorities ushered in eras of fragile coalitions, such as the 1977 government, which drew OBC support against , and later (NDA) formations under BJP that incorporated OBC-dominated parties like the Janata Dal (United). In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the opposition INDIA bloc's emphasis on a census resonated with OBCs and , contributing to BJP's shortfall of a (securing 240 seats) and reliance on allies like (TDP) and Janata Dal (United), which represent intermediate castes in and , respectively. This dynamic underscores how caste fragmentation necessitates cross-jati pacts, often prioritizing numerical vote shares over ideological coherence. Scheduled Tribes (STs) play a niche but critical role in tribal belts, with parties like BJP gaining ground via development promises in reserved seats, while SCs exhibit splintered loyalties—Jatav-dominated support eroded in , shifting some votes to , which raised its SC vote share to 20.8% from 16.7% in 2019. Empirical analyses of polling reveal that while and economic factors dilute pure voting, coalition strategies still calibrate seat allocations to mirror local jati demographics, as seen in where SP's "PDA" (pichhda, , alpasankhyak) formula challenged BJP's OBC- consolidation. Such patterns affirm 's enduring causal weight in electoral calculus, driven by resource competition and identity mobilization rather than diminishing under modernization.

Inter-Caste Violence: Patterns and Recent Statistics (e.g., 2025 Data)

Inter-caste violence in India primarily involves acts of discrimination, assault, and homicide directed against Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) by members of other castes, often triggered by disputes over land, water resources, labor rights, or social assertions challenging traditional hierarchies. Such incidents are concentrated in rural areas, where economic dependencies and ritual status reinforce tensions, with urban cases rising due to migration and competition for jobs. Common patterns include retaliatory attacks following SC/ST claims to equality, such as entering temples or rejecting manual scavenging, with perpetrators typically from dominant land-owning castes. Data under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, captures these, though underreporting persists in regions with weak enforcement, while increased filings reflect greater awareness rather than proportional rises in incidence. The (NCRB) records show crimes against constituted the bulk of reported inter-caste atrocities, with simple hurt accounting for over 25% of cases, followed by criminal (around 11%) and (about 4%). In 2023, reported the highest number of SC cases at over 13,000, followed by and , reflecting both population density and localized dominance by intermediate castes. For , violence spiked in 2023 amid ethnic clashes in northeastern states like , where tribal-non-tribal frictions exacerbated land and identity conflicts. Conviction rates remain low at approximately 32% for SC cases, attributable to evidentiary challenges, , and judicial delays, with over 80% of cases pending .
YearCases Against SCsCases Against STsKey Trend
202257,582~10,000 (est.)Stable for ; baseline for ST surge
202357,78912,9600.4% SC increase; 28.8% ST rise due to regional conflicts
As of October 2025, comprehensive 2024-2025 NCRB data remains pending release, but preliminary reports indicate sustained patterns with isolated spikes in states like and linked to affirmative action disputes. Government attributions of rising registrations to improved police sensitization contrast with critiques of systemic failures in prevention, underscoring causal links to unresolved economic disparities rather than mere cultural remnants.

Marriage Practices and Social Integration Trends

Marriage within the Indian caste system has historically emphasized , with unions confined to the same jati (sub-caste) or broader to preserve ritual purity, networks, and economic alliances. This practice, rooted in ancient texts like the , extends to prohibitions on sagotra marriages—avoiding unions within the same paternal lineage believed to share common ancestry—to prevent perceived genetic or spiritual impurity. Empirical data from the (NFHS) indicate that over 90% of marriages remain endogamous, with rates varying by group: Scheduled Tribes show 88% male endogamy, while upper castes exhibit similarly high intra-group unions. Inter-caste marriages, though legally permissible under the Special Marriage Act of 1954, constitute a small fraction nationally, at approximately 5-10% as of recent surveys. Analysis of 2011 census-linked data reveals a rate of 5.82%, with no discernible upward trend over the prior four decades, underscoring persistent social barriers despite constitutional equality provisions. State-level variations exist, with higher rates in (19.9%), (19.65%), and (20.69%), often linked to regional ethnic homogeneity or less rigid hierarchies, compared to lower figures in northern states. Urban areas show marginally elevated inter-caste unions—around 12.6% versus lower rural rates—but even in metros like and , they reach only about 20%, indicating limited dilution of caste preferences amid modernization. Social integration trends reflect gradual erosion of caste silos through and , yet endures as a key marker of group identity. to cities fosters occupational intermingling and , reducing overt , but familial arranged marriages—comprising over 90% of unions—reinforce caste boundaries via parental vetoes and community pressures. correlates positively with inter-caste likelihood, particularly when the groom's mother is educated, suggesting shifts in female agency, though overall opposition remains high: 56% of Indians disapprove per 2025 surveys. This resistance manifests in , with honor killings tied to inter-caste unions numbering 288 cases from 2014-2016, and recent incidents persisting into 2025, notably in , where such murders lead national statistics despite progressive self-image. These patterns imply that while economic interdependence grows, affective ties like marriage lag, perpetuating caste as a causal factor in social fragmentation.

2025 Caste Census: Implications for Policy and Enumeration

The government approved the inclusion of enumeration in the national on April 30, 2025, marking the first comprehensive count since 1931 and extending beyond the routine tracking of Scheduled s (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). This decision, made by the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs, responds to long-standing demands for updated demographic data to inform and welfare policies, amid a delayed since 2011 due to the and logistical issues. The exercise will integrate details into a fully digital process, leveraging self- via mobile apps and tablets for enumerators, with data collection expected to commence after preparatory phases including frame updates and training. Enumeration poses significant methodological hurdles due to India's estimated 4,000 to 5,000 castes and over 25,000 sub-castes (jatis), varying by region and often lacking standardized , which could lead to inconsistencies in self-reporting or enumerator classification. No amendment to the Census Act of 1948 is required, as caste data falls under the General's discretion for "special inquiries," but challenges include ensuring safeguards to prevent data misuse, training over a million enumerators on sensitive questioning, and reconciling fluid identities like Sanskritization-driven upward mobility. Past state-level surveys, such as Bihar's 2023 exercise revealing OBCs and Extremely Backward Classes at 63% of the population, highlight risks of undercounting marginalized sub-groups or inflating dominant ones due to political incentives. Policy-wise, the census data could substantiate or challenge the current 27% OBC reservation quota, derived from estimates rather than empirical counts, potentially enabling sub-categorization to prioritize poorer backward castes over creamy layers within groups. Proponents argue it would facilitate evidence-based expansions of quotas, possibly breaching the 50% cap as seen in state experiments, and target schemes like scholarships or programs to underrepresented castes, addressing inefficiencies in blanket reservations. Critics, including some economists, contend that rigid caste-based policies may entrench divisions and hinder merit-driven growth, with historical data showing uneven benefits where dominant OBCs capture most gains, potentially exacerbating inter-caste competition rather than reducing disparities. Politically, accurate figures could reshape electoral alliances, as parties like those advocating OBC interests push for , while upper castes fear dilution of general seats. Overall, the promises granular data for causal policy adjustments but risks politicization if not insulated from advocacy-driven manipulations.

Extensions to Non-Hindu Groups

Caste-Like Structures Among Muslims and Christians

Despite theological assertions of in , social stratification persists among Indian , manifesting in caste-like divisions based on and . The is broadly categorized into Ashrafs, comprising elites tracing ancestry to , , or Central Asian origins or upper-caste Hindu converts, who hold higher ; Ajlafs, derived from mid-level occupational converts; and Arzals, the lowest stratum akin to groups engaged in menial labor. This hierarchy fosters , with marriages largely confined within these groups to preserve status, as evidenced by sociological studies showing limited inter-group unions despite overall low rates of around 5.8% in per 2011 Census data applicable across communities. Discrimination against Pasmanda Muslims—encompassing Ajlafs and Arzals, who form the majority (estimated 80-85% of Indian Muslims)—includes exclusion from leadership roles in mosques, madrasas, and community organizations dominated by Ashrafs, as well as economic disparities where Pasmandas face barriers in and . The Pasmanda movement, gaining traction since the , highlights these inequities, advocating for caste-based quotas within Muslim reservations to counter Ashraf dominance, with data from Bihar's 2023 caste survey revealing Pasmandas at 73% of the Muslim yet underrepresented in political and economic spheres. Such structures trace to historical conversions that retained pre-Islamic norms, perpetuating causal chains of independent of religious doctrine. Among Indian Christians, particularly in southern states like and , caste-like hierarchies endure, often mirroring Hindu systems through denominational and ancestral divisions. , claiming descent from upper-caste Brahmins or early traders, occupy the apex, exhibiting rates approaching 90% within their endogamous subgroups and historical privileges like separate pews and burial sites from lower-origin converts. Latin Catholics, largely from fishing and artisan castes, and Christians from Scheduled Caste backgrounds face intra-church , including segregated seating during masses and exclusion from priestly roles, as reported in incidents from dioceses like in 2025 where Dalits were barred from festival participation. Dalit Christians, numbering around 10-15 million or 70-80% of India's Christian population, encounter compounded barriers: loss of affirmative action benefits post-conversion (per 1950 Presidential Order) and persistent social ostracism, with separate churches and cemeteries in regions like and . and matrimonial discrimination persists, as in Gujarat's areas where Dalit converts are denied rentals, underscoring how conversion fails to erase descent-based hierarchies, with empirical surveys showing caste influencing church governance and intermarriage rates below 10%. These patterns reflect adaptive retention of social orders, challenging narratives of Christianity's universal erasure of caste.

Persistence in Sikh and Jain Communities

Despite the foundational teachings of , which emphasize and reject distinctions—articulated by in the 15th century and codified in the — hierarchies have persisted within communities in practice. In , where constitute about 58% of the population as of the 2011 , social organization often aligns along lines, with Jat Sikhs dominating rural landownership and political influence, while lower castes such as Mazhabi Sikhs face marginalization. Evidence from surveys indicates that -based remains prevalent; a 2020 study found inter- marriage rates among hovered around 5-6% nationally, mirroring broader Indian trends but reinforced by community pressures and separate gurdwaras for castes like and . also influences dera affiliations and electoral mobilization, as seen in the 2022 Punjab assembly elections where Jat-dominated parties leveraged identities despite official Sikh . This persistence extends to the , where shapes matrimonial networks and ; a 2018 Equality Labs survey of reported that 67% of respondents witnessed discrimination, with noting intra-community biases in committees and weddings. In India, 39 Sikh castes are officially recognized as Scheduled Castes under the , entitling them to reservations, which underscores institutional acknowledgment of caste realities despite religious doctrine. Critics attribute this to historical absorption of Hindu converts retaining caste identities and economic incentives tied to , rather than doctrinal failure alone. Jain communities, numbering about 4.5 million in per the 2011 census, exhibit caste-like divisions despite 's emphasis on non-violence and spiritual equality, with no scriptural endorsement of hereditary hierarchy. Jains are stratified into merchant castes such as Oswals, Agarwals, and Porwals among Svetambaras, and similar groups among Digambaras, which function as endogamous units controlling trade networks in cities like and . enforces intra-caste marriages, with rates below 10% for inter-caste unions based on national patterns, as family businesses and temples often segregate by these groups to preserve wealth and rituals. manifests subtly, such as exclusion of lower-status converts from core community events, though overt violence is rare due to Jain economic homogeneity—over 90% identify as upper castes per data. This endurance stems from medieval integrations of local castes into , prioritizing economic cohesion over doctrinal purity, as historical texts like those on Bharat Chakravarti outline social groupings without rigid ties.

Diaspora Adaptations and Global Comparisons

In Indian diaspora communities, particularly in the United States, United Kingdom, and Canada, caste hierarchies have adapted by manifesting in endogamous marriage practices, social associations, and subtle workplace exclusions rather than overt ritual pollution. Surveys indicate that while a majority of Indian Americans report no personal experience of caste discrimination, with only about 5% citing it as a factor in their lives, dominant castes often leverage professional networks to favor co-ethnics from similar jatis, perpetuating informal stratification. For instance, matrimonial advertisements in diaspora media frequently specify caste preferences, with over 90% of marriages among Indian immigrants remaining intra-caste, mirroring patterns in India but constrained by smaller population sizes that encourage regional subcaste clustering. Legal recognitions of caste as a discrimination axis have emerged in host countries, highlighting adaptations where caste intersects with anti-discrimination frameworks. In 2023, became the first city outside to explicitly ban caste-based discrimination in housing, employment, and public accommodations, prompted by testimonies from immigrants facing exclusion in South Asian professional circles. Similarly, a 2020 California civil rights lawsuit against Systems alleged that two upper-caste managers denied promotions and isolated a engineer based on his subcaste origins, resulting in a settlement and investigations by the state's Department of Fair Employment and Housing. These cases reflect how casteism migrates via family socialization and community enclaves, yet diaspora contexts dilute rigidities through legal mobility and inter-caste alliances against host-country , as seen in transcaste organizations like the Federation of Indian Associations. Globally, the Indian caste system shares superficial parallels with hereditary hierarchies in other agrarian societies, such as feudal Europe's estate system or Japan's outcaste groups, where birth determined occupational roles and social intercourse with limited mobility. However, India's jati-varna framework is distinct in its scale—encompassing over 3,000 endogamous groups with scriptural sanction in texts like the —and persistence despite modernization, unlike European estates that eroded under and reforms by the . Comparative analyses note that while class systems in the West allow economic ascent, caste's ritual and purity-based exclusions create causal barriers to assimilation, akin to but more entrenched than racial castes in , where was enforced but lacked . In diaspora settings, this leads to hybrid forms, such as caste influencing Silicon Valley hiring via alumni networks from , contrasting with meritocratic ideals but paralleling ethnic nepotism in other immigrant groups like Chinese ties. Empirical data from the 2021 reveal caste correlating with income disparities among South Asians, with Brahmin-origin households averaging 20-30% higher earnings than Scheduled Caste equivalents, underscoring adaptive economic replication absent in fluid Western class structures.

Economic Dimensions

Income and Wealth Disparities: Verifiable Data by Caste Groups

According to the Consumption Expenditure Survey (HCES) 2022-23, monthly per capita consumption expenditure (MPCE), a proxy for levels, reveals persistent disparities across groups in . (ST) recorded the lowest average MPCE at ₹3,260, followed by (SC) at ₹3,859, Other Backward Classes (OBC) at ₹4,122, and the 'Others' category (primarily upper s) at ₹5,591. These figures reflect all- averages, with rural-urban divides exacerbating gaps; for instance, ST in states like , , and lag significantly behind national benchmarks.
Social GroupAverage MPCE (₹, All-India, 2022-23)
Scheduled Tribes (ST)3,260
Scheduled Castes (SC)3,859
Other Backward Classes (OBC)4,122
Others (Upper Castes)5,591
Data derived from raw HCES 2022-23 analysis; national weighted average MPCE approximates ₹4,534. Wealth disparities are more pronounced, as measured by the (NFHS-5, 2019-21) wealth index, which assesses household assets, durable goods, and living standards. Only 5.4% of ST households and 12.3% of SC households fall in the highest wealth quintile, compared to higher representations for OBC and upper-caste groups. Upper castes, comprising about 25% of the population, control approximately 55% of national wealth, while between-caste differences account for 13% of overall wealth inequality. At the extreme, nearly 90% of billionaire wealth in 2022-23 is held by upper castes, with no ST representation among billionaires and minimal SC presence. These patterns persist despite policies, with ST and SC households showing lower asset ownership rates in surveys like the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), where average annual incomes for ST (₹75,216) and SC (₹89,356) trail OBC (₹104,099) and general category (₹167,013) households as of earlier 2010s data, trends corroborated in recent analyses. Government sources like HCES and NFHS provide robust empirical backing, though underreporting of high-end incomes in surveys may underestimate upper-caste advantages.

Labor Market Outcomes and Entrepreneurial Barriers

Data from the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) indicate variations in labor force participation and outcomes across caste groups. In 2023-24, the Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR) for persons was highest among at 53%, followed by at 45%, Other Backward Classes (OBC) at 44%, and the general category (Others) at 43%. Worker Population Ratios (WPR) followed a similar pattern, with at 52%, SC at 44%, OBC at 43%, and Others at 42%. Unemployment Rates (UR) were lowest for at 1.9%, compared to 3.3% for SC, 3.1% for OBC, and 3.8% for Others. These trends reflect higher overall participation among lower castes, often in informal or agricultural sectors, but persistent gaps in formal quality.
Social GroupLFPR (2023-24, %)WPR (2023-24, %)UR (2023-24, %)
53521.9
45443.3
OBC44433.1
Others43423.8
Empirical studies reveal caste-based wage disparities, with and workers earning less than upper castes even after controlling for and experience. Decomposition analyses attribute 20-30% of the gap to rather than endowments, particularly in and non-farm sectors where social networks influence hiring. In rural non-farm , wage differences are most pronounced at the lower , diminishing higher up, suggesting barriers to upward mobility for lower castes. Marginalized groups remain overrepresented in low-wage, casual labor, with / comprising a disproportionate share of such roles despite reservations. Entrepreneurial activity shows stark caste imbalances, with owning 11.4% and 5.4% of enterprises, below their population shares of approximately 16% and 8%, respectively; these firms are typically smaller and concentrated in low-value sectors like or services. Upper castes dominate ownership in capital-intensive industries, limiting / expansion due to restricted access to finance, markets, and networks embedded in caste hierarchies. Studies quantify these barriers as causing resource misallocation, with / entrepreneurs facing higher entry costs and lower scaling potential from discriminatory lending and supplier preferences. Government schemes like aim to mitigate this, but uptake remains low, with persistent knowledge gaps in business operations among / micro-entrepreneurs.

Critiques of Reservations' Impact on Merit and Growth

Critics of India's reservation system argue that it erodes by mandating quotas for Scheduled Castes (), Scheduled Tribes (), and Other Backward Classes (OBC) in educational institutions and government jobs, often selecting candidates with lower entrance exam scores or qualifications over higher-performing applicants from non-reserved categories. This approach, implemented through constitutional provisions like Articles 15 and 16, prioritizes caste identity over individual competence, leading to suboptimal outcomes in sectors requiring high skill levels, such as , , and civil services. Economist , a proponent of market-oriented reforms, has characterized the policy as a "," contending that it distorts labor markets and administrative efficiency by embedding caste-based preferences that discourage merit-based competition and innovation. Bhagwati's critique, voiced in a 2015 interview, highlights how extended quotas—particularly post-Mandal Commission implementation in 1990—perpetuate inefficiencies rather than fostering broad-based capability development. Empirical concerns include elevated dropout rates and underperformance among reserved entrants in elite institutions like the (IITs), where cutoff scores for reserved seats can be 50-100% lower than general category thresholds, potentially compromising institutional output and national competitiveness in knowledge-driven industries. Such disparities are said to contribute to brain drain, with non-reserved students facing cutoffs up to 90-95 percentile facing migration to foreign universities, resulting in an estimated annual talent loss valued at billions in foregone productivity. On economic growth, detractors posit that reservations hinder resource allocation to the most productive agents, akin to reverse discrimination that stifles overall GDP expansion; for instance, analyses of public sector enterprises show correlated declines in operational efficiency post-quota expansions, though causal links remain debated amid confounding factors like regulatory burdens. Proponents of reform advocate shifting to economic criteria or aptitude tests to mitigate these effects, arguing that perpetuating caste quotas entrenches divisions without addressing root inefficiencies in primary education and skill formation.

Reform Efforts and Intellectual Debates

Indigenous Reformers: Basava, Bhakti Movements, and Phule

Basava (c. 1105–1167), a 12th-century philosopher and social reformer in the Karnataka region under the Kalyani Chalukya dynasty, founded the Lingayat (Veerashaiva) tradition, which explicitly rejected the caste system and emphasized spiritual equality for all individuals regardless of birth. He advocated that manual labor was as sacred as priestly duties, encapsulated in the principle kayakave kailasa (work is worship), and promoted inter-caste marriages, such as the controversial union between a Brahmin's daughter and a cobbler's son, which led to his exile from the court. Basava's vachanas (free-verse poems) critiqued ritualism, idolatry, and hierarchical distinctions, establishing community assemblies (anubhava mantapa) open to all castes and genders, though the movement's long-term impact was diluted by later integrations with orthodox Hinduism. The Bhakti movement, spanning roughly the 7th to 18th centuries but peaking in the medieval period, comprised decentralized devotional traditions led by saints who challenged caste hierarchies through emphasis on personal devotion (bhakti) to a formless divine, accessible via vernacular languages rather than Sanskrit rituals. Saints like Kabir (c. 1440–1518), a weaver from a Muslim-Julaha background, and Ravidas (c. 1450–1520), a Chamar leatherworker, composed poetry denouncing Brahminical authority and untouchability, asserting spiritual equality: Kabir's dohas proclaimed "no Hindu, no Musalman," while Ravidas envisioned a casteless realm (begumpura). In Maharashtra, Tukaram (c. 1608–1650), a Shudra farmer, rejected caste-based exclusion from temples and priesthood, composing over 4,000 abhangs that prioritized inner purity over birth, influencing Marathi devotional culture despite opposition from orthodox elites. While Bhakti transcended caste in theory—drawing followers from all varnas and enabling lower-caste participation—it did not dismantle social structures institutionally, as many saints reframed rather than abolished varna ideals in non-spiritual contexts. Jyotirao Phule (1827–1890), a activist from , spearheaded 19th-century anti-caste efforts by founding the on September 24, 1873, to empower Shudras and Ati-Shudras against dominance through education, self-respect marriages without priests, and reinterpretation of portraying lower castes as original tillers oppressed by Aryan invaders. Phule opened India's first school for girls in 1848 and advocated non-Brahmin leadership in rituals, critiquing Vedic scriptures as tools of exploitation in works like Gulamgiri (1873), which drew on Western ideas to demand a merit-based society free from hereditary privilege. His reforms targeted economic and cultural subjugation, establishing over 20,000 members by the , though they faced resistance from upper-caste groups and limited penetration beyond , highlighting the entrenched resilience of caste norms despite intellectual challenges.

20th-Century Critics: Ambedkar and Constitutional Challenges

, born into the () caste in 1891, emerged as a leading 20th-century critic of the caste system, drawing from personal experiences of and systemic exclusion to argue that caste constituted a fundamental barrier to Indian social unity and individual dignity. In 1927, he publicly burned the , a Hindu legal text seen as codifying caste hierarchies, symbolizing his rejection of scriptural justifications for discrimination. Ambedkar contended that the caste system was not merely a division of labor but a rigid division of laborers into graded inequality, enforced through and religious sanction, which fragmented society into competing groups lacking collective Hindu identity. His seminal 1936 text, , originally prepared as an undelivered speech for a reformist conference, systematically dismantled defenses of caste by reformers like , asserting that piecemeal changes—such as intercaste dining or temple entry—could not eradicate the system's roots in Hindu theology. Ambedkar argued that true abolition required destroying the authority of texts like the and Shastras, potentially necessitating rejection of itself, as caste persisted through graded inequality rather than mere social custom. He criticized Indian socialists for overlooking caste's pre-capitalist entrenchment, which demoralized labor and hindered political solidarity among the oppressed. Through organizations like the Independent Labour Party (founded 1936) and the Scheduled Castes Federation (1942), Ambedkar mobilized Dalits for political representation, culminating in the 1932 , which secured reserved legislative seats for depressed classes after rejecting separate electorates proposed under the British . As chairman of the Constitution Drafting Committee from 1947 to 1949, Ambedkar embedded anti-caste measures into India's 1950 , framing them as essential for . Article 17 explicitly abolished , making its practice a punishable offense, while Article 15 prohibited state discrimination on caste grounds and allowed affirmative measures for socially backward classes. Articles 14 and 16 enshrined equality before law and in public employment, with provisions for reservations (Article 16(4)) to address historical disadvantages, reflecting Ambedkar's view that political safeguards were prerequisites for empowerment amid upper-caste dominance. Article 340 enabled commissions to identify backward castes, institutionalizing identification of inequities. Despite these provisions, Ambedkar expressed skepticism about the Constitution's standalone efficacy against entrenched norms, emphasizing in post-adoption speeches that legal required intermingling and economic upliftment to prevent reversion to hierarchy. He advocated dedicated workers to foster interactions between castes, warning that without annihilating 's cultural basis, constitutional guarantees would falter against persistent . This disillusionment contributed to his 1956 mass conversion to with over 500,000 followers, rejecting Hinduism's theology as irredeemable and seeking a casteless faith. Constitutional challenges persist, as evidenced by ongoing -based violence and enforcement gaps; for instance, while Article 17 bans , rural Dalits continue facing , underscoring Ambedkar's causal insight that law alone cannot dismantle millennia-old hierarchies without parallel revolution.

Functional Defenses: Caste as Stabilizing Social Order

Functionalist perspectives in and have posited that the caste system historically promoted social stability in by enforcing a rigid division of labor, wherein occupational roles were hereditary and interdependent, thereby reducing economic competition and fostering mutual reliance among groups. This allocation of tasks—from ritual duties to manual labor—mirrored the framework outlined in ancient texts like the Rigveda (circa 1500–1200 BCE), which divided society into four primary categories to sustain cosmic and (). In rural economies, this manifested through systems like jajmani, where higher castes provided patronage and lower castes delivered goods and services in reciprocal exchanges, minimizing disruptions in pre-industrial villages lacking strong centralized authority. Louis Dumont, in his 1966 work Homo Hierarchicus, defended the caste system's hierarchical structure as ideologically coherent, prioritizing ritual purity over individual equality or power, which he argued integrated India's diverse populations into a holistic resistant to fragmentation. Unlike Western egalitarian models that Dumont critiqued for generating and , the Indian variant subordinated economic and political domains to , ensuring stability by legitimizing as divinely ordained rather than contested. This view posits that the system's —spanning over two millennia amid invasions by Mughals (1526–1857 CE) and others—stemmed from its capacity to absorb external shocks without dissolving into , as castes retained autonomy in local while adhering to overarching . G.S. Ghurye, an early Indian sociologist, similarly emphasized 's integrative function, viewing it as a network of endogamous groups bound by shared Hindu cultural norms that preserved social cohesion across regions. In his 1932 book Caste and Race in India, Ghurye highlighted how restrictions on commensality and intermarriage reinforced group identities, preventing dilution and conflict in a multi-ethnic society, while caste associations facilitated for . Empirical observations from his ethnographic studies, such as those in , showed castes adapting to without total breakdown, suggesting inherent mechanisms for . Critics, however, note that such often masked , yet functionalists counter that without caste's role delineation, India's fragmented polities might have faced greater inter-group strife, as evidenced by comparative instability in less stratified neighboring societies.

Global and Comparative Perspectives on Hierarchy

Social hierarchies based on ascriptive criteria—such as birth, occupation, and ritual status—appear in various forms across human societies, challenging the notion of the Indian caste system as entirely sui generis. Comparative sociologists, including G.S. Ghurye and André Béteille, have emphasized historical and structural parallels, viewing caste as one variant of hereditary stratification rather than an isolated anomaly rooted solely in Hindu ideology. These systems often emerge from economic specialization, endogamy, and norms enforcing social distance, functions observable in pre-modern Europe, East Asia, and sub-Saharan Africa. In medieval , the feudal —comprising , , and commons—mirrored aspects of the framework through hereditary privilege, occupational guilds, and barriers to , though lacking the caste system's strict and purity-based exclusions. Both enforced hereditary transmission of status, with nobles and Brahmins holding or ideological primacy, and lower groups tied to manual labor; however, European estates permitted limited intermarriage and upward via conquest or royal grant, contrasting caste's . Scholars like , in Homo Hierarchicus (1966), argued for caste's uniqueness in prioritizing holistic over Western , yet critics note this overlooks Europe's own theological justifications for divine order among . East Asian analogs include Japan's (historically or ), outcaste groups stigmatized for occupations like butchery and tanning since the Tokugawa era (1603–1868), enforcing residential and akin to experiences. , comprising about 1–3% of Japan's population as of recent estimates, faced hereditary discrimination persisting post-1871 , with parallels in restricted access to and mirroring jati restrictions. Similar caste-like strata appear in Korean paekjong artisans and West smith castes, where hereditary trades confer pollution stigma, suggesting from artisanal monopolies rather than pan-Indian religious doctrine alone. Theoretical debates underscore that while India's system integrates karma and for ideological cohesion—preserving oral transmission of texts over millennia—global hierarchies often rationalize via divine will or natural order, as in Confucian China's scholar-gentry or colonial Latin America's casta racial pyramid. Empirical studies indicate hierarchies stabilize in agrarian societies by assigning roles, with India's rigidity amplified by population density and weak central authority, per functionalist views from . Modern analyses, informed by , link caste persistence to universal status legitimation, cautioning against overemphasizing cultural exceptionalism amid shared human tendencies toward group-based .

Cultural and Media Reflections

Depictions in Traditional Literature and Epics

The 's (hymn 10.90), composed around 1500–1200 BCE, provides the foundational mythological depiction of the varna system, portraying the four varnas as originating from the dismembered body of the primordial cosmic being : Brahmins emerging from the mouth (symbolizing speech and knowledge), Kshatriyas from the arms (strength and protection), Vaishyas from the thighs (support and productivity), and Shudras from the feet (service and labor). This hymn frames the varnas as interdependent parts of a sacrificial cosmic order, with no explicit mention of birth-based rigidity but an implied hierarchy of function. Subsequent Dharmashastra texts, such as the Manusmriti (composed circa 200 BCE–200 CE), elaborate on varna duties (svadharma) and enforce stricter hierarchical rules, assigning Brahmins roles in Vedic study, teaching, and ritual; Kshatriyas in governance, warfare, and justice; Vaishyas in agriculture, trade, and cattle-rearing; and Shudras in manual service to the upper three varnas. The text prescribes differential punishments for crimes based on varna—e.g., a Shudra striking a Brahmin faces amputation, while the reverse merits a lesser penalty—and prohibits inter-varna marriages or upanayana (sacred thread ceremony) for Shudras to maintain ritual purity and social order. These rules depict varna as a birth-determined framework essential for dharma, with violations risking cosmic imbalance, though provisions for jati (sub-caste) mobility through conduct are noted in exceptional cases. In the (compiled circa 400 BCE–400 CE), varna dharma is central to ethical narratives, as in the (embedded in the epic), where Krishna instructs that the four varnas were created by divine ordinance "according to the division of qualities (guna) and actions (karma)," emphasizing performance of one's own duty over others' to avoid societal disruption (Gita 4.13, 18.41–48). Episodes like , a Nishada (tribal, equated to Shudra-like status) archer whose thumb is demanded as guru dakshina by to preserve 's supremacy, underscore restrictions on lower varnas accessing upper-varna skills, reinforcing hierarchy for martial order. Conversely, figures like (born to a Shudra mother but elevated by wisdom) and (raised as a Suta but revealed as ) illustrate potential for guna-based recognition transcending nominal birth, though ultimate legitimacy ties to varna norms. The Ramayana (circa 500 BCE–100 BCE) similarly upholds varna through exemplars of devotion and transgression: Shabari, a tribal woman of low varna, receives Rama's blessings for her selfless service, affirming bhakti's potential to bridge hierarchies, while Guha, a Nishada chieftain, aids Rama as an ally without varna erasure. However, the Uttara Kanda depicts Rama executing Shambuka, a Shudra ascetic performing tapas (austerities reserved for twice-born varnas), to rectify a Brahmin child's untimely death, portraying such violations as causing adharma and necessitating royal enforcement of varna boundaries for societal stability. These accounts collectively present the varna system as a functional, divinely sanctioned division promoting interdependence and duty fulfillment, with rare upward mobility (e.g., Vishwamitra's ascent from Kshatriya to Brahmin via penance) but firm prohibitions on role inversion to avert chaos.

Modern Literature, Film, and Popular Narratives

Modern Indian literature has increasingly incorporated depictions of caste hierarchies and discrimination, particularly through writings that emerged prominently from the onward. Autobiographical works like Joothan (1997) by detail the author's experiences of , , and in , highlighting the persistence of caste-based humiliation in rural and urban settings despite constitutional abolition in 1950. Similarly, Karukku (1992) by Bama, a , recounts gender and caste intersections in Tamil Nadu's Christian communities, exposing how lower-caste women faced compounded exploitation including forced labor and denial of . These narratives, often self-published or from small presses initially, gained traction through translations and contributed to the literary movement, which by the 2000s had produced over 100 such memoirs emphasizing empirical accounts of violence and economic marginalization over abstract theorizing. English-language fiction has also addressed caste, though critics note its frequent upper-caste authorship limits authentic lower-caste perspectives; for instance, Arundhati Roy's (1997) portrays inter-caste romance and resulting tragedy in , drawing on real 1969 police killings of lower-caste individuals protesting . More recent non-fiction like Suraj Yengde's Caste Matters (2019) analyzes contemporary urban caste dynamics, citing data from Bihar's 2023 caste survey showing upper castes at 15.5% of the population yet dominant in narratives. These works often challenge the notion of caste's obsolescence, using personal testimonies and statistics to argue its causal role in perpetuating , though some academic sources promoting them exhibit selective emphasis on victimhood narratives. In cinema, post-independence films have shifted from indirect allusions to explicit critiques of caste discrimination, with regional and Bollywood productions amplifying popular awareness. Article 15 (2019), directed by and released on June 28, 2019, dramatizes a officer investigating girls' disappearances in , inspired by the 2014 Badaun gang rape case and Uttar Pradesh's 2013-2018 NCRB data showing over 10,000 caste atrocity cases annually. (2021), a legal drama starring and released on November 2, 2021, portrays a lawyer defending an Irular tribesman falsely accused by police, grossing over ₹70 and sparking national debates on custodial violence against Scheduled Tribes, with real parallels to Tamil Nadu's 2020-2021 arrest data disproportionately affecting lower castes. Regional films like (2018), a production about inter-caste love thwarted by upper-caste aggression, and (2016), a hit earning ₹100 worldwide, underscore honor killings and social boycotts, reflecting Maharashtra's 2015-2020 NCRB figures of 200+ such incidents tied to caste. Popular narratives in these media often frame caste as an enduring, violence-prone structure resistant to , with films like (2015) depicting Varanasi's funeral pyre workers facing ritual pollution stigma, based on observed Ghats practices persisting into the 2010s. While commercially successful— viewed by 50 million on streaming platforms—these portrayals have drawn accusations of from defenders of traditional hierarchies, who argue they overlook functional caste roles in social stability and exaggerate isolated incidents over aggregate data showing declining overt from 52% in 1990s surveys to under 20% by 2010s NSO estimates. Nonetheless, such works have influenced policy discourse, prompting increased funding for anti-atrocity enforcement post-2019 releases.

References

  1. [1]
    An introduction to the basic elements of the caste system of India
    Dec 21, 2023 · Formalized during the British colonial period, the caste system brings together two related Indian concepts of varna and jāti to create four ...
  2. [2]
    Genetic Evidence on the Origins of Indian Caste Populations - PMC
    Analyses of recent caste history based on only mtDNA or Y-chromosome polymorphisms clearly would suggest that castes are more closely related to Asians or to ...
  3. [3]
    Attitudes about caste in India - Pew Research Center
    Jun 29, 2021 · Most Indians do not have recent experience with caste discrimination. Relatively few Indians, including people in lower castes, say they ...
  4. [4]
    [PDF] Does Affirmative Action Work? Evaluating India's Quota System
    Oct 15, 2020 · These early reservations programs were primarily designed to mitigate the social and educational predominance of the Brahmin caste, and thus ...
  5. [5]
    Why Varna is Not Caste | American Institute of Vedic Studies
    Sep 9, 2016 · The Four Varna system is first clearly explained in the famous Purusha Sukta of the Rigveda X.90.12, perhaps humanity's oldest book. The ...
  6. [6]
    The Four Varnas – Heart Of Hinduism - ISKCON Educational Services
    To create wealth and prosperity. To maintain workers with abundant food, clothes, etc. To trade ethically. To give taxes to the kshatriyas (ruling class).
  7. [7]
    The Varna System in the Gita - HinduPost
    Jan 1, 2025 · Meaning, “O Parantapa, the duties of Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras are divided according to the qualities born of their own nature ...
  8. [8]
    Varna vs. Jati: Understanding the Foundations of Hindu Social Order
    Oct 8, 2025 · Unlike Varna, which is philosophical, Jati is sociological; it defines the social fabric of Indian life through thousands of local and ...
  9. [9]
    Exploring the Vedic Social Order: Varna System in the Rigveda
    Jun 13, 2025 · Discover the original Vedic varna system from Rigveda - not birth-based castes but cosmic archetypes representing soul functions.
  10. [10]
    The Role of Caste-Based Networks in the Indian Economy
    Jan 30, 2023 · As a solution to the inadequacy of market credit and government safety nets, these caste-based networks prove to be an irreplaceable service.
  11. [11]
    The persistence of caste in India: An economic explanation
    Jul 16, 2012 · The jati is thus the natural social unit around which networks would crystallize in India. Indeed, rural insurance arrangements and urban job ...
  12. [12]
    Community networks and trade: Evidence from India - VoxDev
    Oct 13, 2023 · The communities we consider are castes, or jatis, which are the bedrock of India's social architecture and support economic and social networks ...
  13. [13]
    Caste and two types of status. Comparing Dumont and Weber for ...
    Feb 1, 2023 · Dumont saw the study of the Indian caste system as a strategy for making hierarchy more explicit to shed more light on what has been repressed ...
  14. [14]
    Louis Dumont: Perspectives on the Study of Caste Systems
    Jul 17, 2024 · According to Dumont caste divides the whole Indian society into a larger number of hereditary groups distinguished from one another and ...
  15. [15]
    BOOK REVIEW: Louis Dumont's Homo Hierarchicus
    Feb 16, 2016 · Expanding on the concept of hierarchy, Dumont distinguishes between Western ideas of hierarchy as progressive subordination and Indian theories ...
  16. [16]
    What are the differences between european middle ages social ...
    Jul 18, 2021 · There is a clear distinction between the fighting class - nobles and the working class - peasents, and generally your position in the class is ...What made Indian caste system different? : r/IndianHistory - RedditThe caste system (Varna) became rigid, hierarchical, and birth ...More results from www.reddit.com
  17. [17]
    The Hindu Caste System and the European Feudal System
    Rating 4.3 · Review by Dr. Oliver JohnsonIn Hinduism, the caste system is based on the idea of varna, or four main social classes: the Brahmins (priests and scholars), the Kshatriyas (warriors and ...Missing: jati | Show results with:jati
  18. [18]
    Varna is Indo-European and jati is Indian - Brown Pundits
    Aug 2, 2022 · There's genetic differences indicating strong endogamy across South India among non-Brahmin groups. There is also a 'mystery' in terms of how ...Missing: feudal | Show results with:feudal
  19. [19]
    Louis Dumont's perspective on Indian caste system ... - IAS Google
    Jan 26, 2024 · Dumont argued that the caste system should be understood as a holistic and integrated social structure rather than as a mere hierarchy. He ...
  20. [20]
    [PDF] Caste and Race in India by G. S. Ghurye Author(s) - Knowledge Base
    Jun 19, 2011 · And Ghurye himself wrote at least one truly great book: the monograph Caste and. Race in India for C. K. Ogden's History of Civilization series, ...
  21. [21]
    Caste and Race in India: G.S. Ghurye: 9788171542055 - Amazon.com
    Caste is the most dominant single aspect of Indian society and no study of Indian society can be complete without getting into the ramifications of the Hindu ...
  22. [22]
    Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and Its Implications, Dumont
    The most cogent statement on the Indian caste system and its organizing principles and a provocative advance in the comparison of societies on the basis of ...
  23. [23]
    [PDF] HOMO HIERARCHICUS The Caste System and Its Implications
    The caste system is so different from our own social system in its central ideology that the modern reader is doubtless rarely inclined to study it fully. If he ...
  24. [24]
    11.7: Indian Caste System - Social Sci LibreTexts
    Nov 17, 2020 · The caste system in India is a system of social stratification [1] which has pre-modern origins, was transformed by the British Raj.
  25. [25]
    Sociology: Paper II: THE CASTE SYSTEM - TriumphIAS
    Jul 9, 2019 · Under caste system, society is divided into several small social groups called castes. Each of these castes is a well developed social group, ...
  26. [26]
    Dumont, Guha, and the Danger of Stereotyping India - The Diplomat
    Mar 12, 2018 · For Dumont, however, social supremacy in the caste system is closely associated with status, and status is highly related with ritual purity, ...
  27. [27]
    Caste Ranking and Food Transactions: A Matrix Analysis
    The order of Indian castes can be determined by examining who can handle whose food (Marriott, 1968).
  28. [28]
    [PDF] Some Theoretical Considerations on Caste
    Dumont advocated the continuity of the caste system by emphasizing its functions for individual members, for a group, and for the entire Indian society or ...
  29. [29]
    McKim Marriott, world-renowned scholar of India and caste, 1924 ...
    Jul 25, 2024 · Prof. Emeritus McKim Marriott, a leading University of Chicago anthropologist whose ethnographic research in India revolutionized the study of the caste system ...Missing: transactional | Show results with:transactional
  30. [30]
    Perspectives on the Study of Caste Systems: GS Ghurye, M N ...
    Sep 19, 2022 · Ghurye said caste system is a functional division, provides order to Indian society. He did not refer to pitfalls, drawbacks which have entered ...Srinivas · Varna and Caste · Idea of dominant cast · In Dumont views<|control11|><|separator|>
  31. [31]
    Structural functionalism (M. N. Srinivas) - HexaIAS
    Caste System as a Social Structure. In India, Structural Functionalism views the caste system as an essential part of society. Castes define social ...
  32. [32]
    (PDF) Analysing the Indian Caste System - ResearchGate
    In sociology, the functionalist perspective examines how society's parts operate. · pollution and untouchable are found among them. · can't expect a king's ...
  33. [33]
    Viewpoint: How the British reshaped India's caste system - BBC
    Jun 18, 2019 · In fact, it is doubtful that caste had much significance or virulence in society before the British made it India's defining social feature.<|separator|>
  34. [34]
    Castes are not just of mind - Gene Expression
    Jul 17, 2017 · Castes of Mind is an interesting book, and a denser piece of scholarship than Orientalism. Its perspective is clear, and though it is not ...
  35. [35]
    [PDF] Is a Theory of Caste still Possible? - Declan Quigley - Social studies
    Anthropological theories of caste have also run into a number of difficulties. There is widespread agreement that the most important theoretical statement on ...
  36. [36]
    What DNA testing reveals about India's caste system
    Aug 27, 2013 · Researchers have discovered that genetic mixing of populations in India ended 1,900 years ago, around the same time the caste system was being ...
  37. [37]
    India's caste system goes back 2,000 years, genetic study finds
    Aug 8, 2013 · Researchers found that people from different genetic populations in India began mixing about 4,200 years ago, but the mingling stopped around ...
  38. [38]
    Flawed Portrayal of Caste in Modern Social Studies Textbooks
    The Flawed Portrayal of Caste in Modern Social Studies Textbooks. Rajesh Verma. |. August 7, 2024. In American classrooms, the study of World Cultures or World ...Missing: anthropological | Show results with:anthropological
  39. [39]
    Caste in 21st Century India: Competing Narratives - PMC
    Recent debates regarding inclusion of caste in 2011 Census have raised questions about whether caste still matters in modern India.
  40. [40]
    Ancient India Varna and Jati "Advantages and Faults - ResearchGate
    Aug 7, 2025 · The most pressing issues of the twenty-first century—climate change and persistent hunger in a world of food surpluses, to name only two—can ...
  41. [41]
    5.2 Aryan migration and the Vedic period - Fiveable
    The Aryans, a nomadic Indo-European people, migrated into the Indian subcontinent from Central Asia around 1500 BCE. Likely entered through the Hindu Kush ...
  42. [42]
    INDIANS | Episode 2: The Aryans and the Vedic Age
    After the decline of the Harappan Civilization, waves of Aryan migrants arrived from Central Asia between 2000–1500 BCE. A nomadic-pastoralist people of ...
  43. [43]
    The Varna and Caste System in India - Students of History
    These Indo-Aryans were originally hunters and herders from Central Asia. When they migrated to the Indian subcontinent, they learned agriculture and began ...
  44. [44]
    Caste System in Ancient India - World History Encyclopedia
    Nov 20, 2017 · Citizens were classified according to their Varna or castes. 'Varna' defines the hereditary roots of a newborn, it indicates the colour, type, order or class ...
  45. [45]
    [PDF] Analytical Study of Varna system in Indian Philosophical Tradition
    The varna system – a form of social organization of the Vedic period has its impact on Indian society of the present time. The form of varna system has changed ...
  46. [46]
    Varna system during Early vedic period - Ancient India History Notes
    Answer: During the Early Vedic Period, the Varna system was primarily based on occupation rather than birth. Society was divided into four varnas: Brahmins ( ...
  47. [47]
    The Puruṣasūkta: Its Relation to the Caste System - jstor
    One should note here that varna does not appear in the Purusasikta at all. The word varna appears in the RgVeda and the words brdhmaa, rajanya, ksatriya, vaijya ...
  48. [48]
    The Hindu Varna System
    The Vedic society in the early days of its formation had four Varnas namely Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Shudras. They were not equal in status, although ...
  49. [49]
    92. What do we know of Ancient Indus government? - Harappa
    The Indus civilization has been characterized as hierarchical or more heterarchical. Piggott and Wheeler famously described it as a prehistoric state built on ...<|separator|>
  50. [50]
    Politics and Class - The Indus Valley Civilization
    People were born into social classes that could not be changed: - Brahmins (priests and the king) - Kshatriyas (warriors and rulers) - Vaishyas (cultivators, ...
  51. [51]
    Genetic Evidence for Recent Population Mixture in India - PMC
    Genetic evidence indicates that most of the ethno-linguistic groups in India descend from a mixture of two divergent ancestral populations: Ancestral North ...
  52. [52]
    Genomic reconstruction of the history of extant populations of India ...
    Earlier genetic studies have also argued that India was a “relatively” pan-mixing society that embraced endogamy between 1,900 and 4,200 y (9, 10). We ...Missing: pre- | Show results with:pre-
  53. [53]
    Caste system in India existed since Harappan times ... - The Hindu
    Oct 29, 2016 · The caste system is a hierarchy and it existed in India as far back as the Harappan civilisation, said Arvind Jamkhedkar, archaeologist, historian and ...Missing: structure | Show results with:structure
  54. [54]
    [PDF] History of the Indian Caste System and its Impact on India Today
    The caste system is a classification of people into four hierarchically ranked castes called varnas. They are classified according to occupation and determine ...
  55. [55]
    Genomic view on the peopling of India | Investigative Genetics
    Oct 1, 2012 · This review is focused on the peopling of India, the caste system, marriage practice and the resulting health and forensic implications.
  56. [56]
    Reconstructing Indian Population History - PMC - PubMed Central
    We analyze 25 diverse groups to provide strong evidence for two ancient populations, genetically divergent, that are ancestral to most Indians today.
  57. [57]
    50000 years of evolutionary history of India - Cell Press
    Jun 26, 2025 · We find most Indians harbor ancestry primarily from three ancestral groups: South Asian hunter-gatherers, Eurasian Steppe pastoralists, and ...
  58. [58]
    Shared and Unique Components of Human Population Structure ...
    Dec 9, 2011 · This study analyzes genetic diversity in South Asia, using 142 Indian samples from 30 populations, and 1310 individuals from 112 populations, ...
  59. [59]
    South Asian medical cohorts reveal strong founder effects and high ...
    Jun 8, 2023 · We find evidence for high rates of reproductive isolation, endogamy and consanguinity that vary across the subcontinent and that lead to levels of rare ...
  60. [60]
    Inbreeding and deleterious variation in South Asian populations
    Oct 6, 2025 · The estimated proportion of consanguineous individuals varies widely by country and group, ranging from 9.3% in Bangladesh to 42.8% in Pakistan ...
  61. [61]
    Social structure in early vedic period - Unacademy
    The 'Varna System' was an important feature of the Vedic society. There were four varnas – Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. This social ...
  62. [62]
    Early Vedic Period (1500 - 1000 BCE): Economy, Social Life
    Aug 3, 2025 · Women were not independent in the eyes of Rig Vedic law and had to remain under the protecting care of their male relations. Social Divisions.
  63. [63]
    [PDF] Analysis of the social and political structure of ancient India during ...
    Oct 19, 2024 · In the early Vedic age, there was no caste system. Instead, people were divided into classes. Members of the same family could pursue different ...
  64. [64]
    Varna System in India, Meaning, Evolution, UPSC Notes
    Oct 14, 2025 · 4 Varna System. 4 Varna system in Hindu society are categories based on roles and duties: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras.Varna System Meaning · 4 Varna System · Varna System Vs Caste System
  65. [65]
    Caste Hierarchy And Discrimination Not Sanctioned By The Vedas
    Apr 22, 2016 · In the entire Rig Veda, it is only in the 'Purusha Sukta' that the four varnas are mentioned. However, the 'Purusha Sukta' itself does not use ...
  66. [66]
    Later Vedic: Evolution of Monarchy and Varna system - UPSC Notes
    Aug 9, 2023 · In Later Vedic times, monarchy emerged with kings concentrating power, and the Varna system began with four hereditary strata defining social ...
  67. [67]
    Later Vedic Period Society: Varna, Family, And Women's Status
    Apr 20, 2024 · During the Later Vedic Period (1000-600 BCE), Indian society was structured into varnas (social classes) with Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras.
  68. [68]
    Dharma and Caste in the Mahabharata | The India Forum
    Feb 1, 2021 · The second caste, kshatriyas, not surprisingly, dominates the epic. According to one calculation, there are as many as 175 references to ...
  69. [69]
    Proof of hereditary caste system in Vedas OR Ramayana and ...
    Sep 20, 2021 · This vedic verse shows that caste is determined by gotra pravaras (ancestral lineages), and hence caste is inherited and based on birth.What does Valmiki Ramayana say about caste/varna system?What are the roots of the Caste System in India?More results from hinduism.stackexchange.com
  70. [70]
    (PDF) Varna, Caste and Indian Culture: A Study concerning the ...
    Aug 10, 2025 · Varna, Caste and Indian Culture: A Study concerning the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. May 2021; Gradiva 7(5):136. Authors: Jitendrasinh ...
  71. [71]
    How Varna and Jati Were Consolidated by Two Distinct Processes
    Jul 3, 2023 · Jati only became the main principle for social segregation in India after the eighth century AD, but varna has more ancient roots.<|separator|>
  72. [72]
    Caste System in Ancient India – World Religions
    The segregation of people based on their Varna was intended to decongest the responsibilities of one's life, preserve the purity of a caste, and establish ...
  73. [73]
    Manu Smriti and Untouchables - VedKaBhed.Com
    May 1, 2018 · In Manu Smriti Shudras and Chandalas are given capital punishment for committing certain crimes whereas a Brahmin is given very lesser ...
  74. [74]
    Guptas: Society- Caste system, Position of women - self study history
    Aug 19, 2020 · The society was divided into four varnas (Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra), with each varna performing the set of functions prescribed for it.
  75. [75]
    Gupta Society: Caste, Gender And Religious Shifts - PWOnlyIAS
    May 9, 2024 · Eran inscription of Bhanugupta provides the first inscriptional evidence of sati. Limited Property Rights: Women were generally denied ...
  76. [76]
    Caste System and Its Journey from Varna to Jati to Caste
    Jun 6, 2024 · The only difference is that the original Varna system does not stratify people as high or low or superior or inferior. Classification is based ...
  77. [77]
    [PDF] A History of the Caste System in Ancient, Medieval, and Modern India
    On the other hand, Susan Bayly places that the jati system arose as a method for gaining benefits in a period put aside by pre-Opportunity dejection ...
  78. [78]
    Medieval Bhakti: A Mass Movement for Dalit Emancipation
    Dec 2, 2023 · The significance of the Bhakti movement for Dalits lies in its challenge to the caste-based discrimination that pervaded the society of the time ...
  79. [79]
    Bhakti in Hinduism - God's Otherness & Path to Salvation
    Oct 18, 2021 · As a matter of fact Bhakti movement had raised its voice against racial discrimination, caste hierarchy and such social differentiations. It was ...
  80. [80]
    Understanding the History of Caste in India through Irfan Habib's Work
    Aug 16, 2019 · In a 2-part essay, Zeeshan Husain looks at the interplays of castes and gender from AD 600-1750, focusing on historian Irfan Habib's Medieval India.
  81. [81]
    Caste System Was Promoted By Delhi Sultanate in India
    Sep 16, 2022 · During the Delhi Sultanate, no lower caste Muslim was appointed as a bureaucrat or a courtier. This casteism among the Indian Muslims was ...
  82. [82]
    India in the World; the World in India 1450-1770
    The conventional argument has been that people of the lowest castes converted to Islam as a means of escaping their degraded status in the Hindu social ...
  83. [83]
    The System of Caste under Mughal India - Your Article Library
    Landowning castes mentioned include Ranghar, Taga, Jat, Gujar, Ahir, Brahman, Afghan, Turkoman and Sayyid. Apparently, there were several caste-groups who were ...
  84. [84]
    Religion in the Indian Subcontinent | World Civilizations I (HIS101)
    The Hindu religion maintained its presence and continued to grow despite a long period of Muslim rule in India, from 1200-1750 CE, during which Hindus endured ...
  85. [85]
    History of the Caste System in India - ThoughtCo
    May 3, 2025 · When the British Raj began to take power in India in 1757, they exploited the caste system as a means of social control. The British allied ...
  86. [86]
    The Impact of European Colonialism on the Indian Caste System
    Nov 26, 2012 · The caste system during European colonialism was not invented by Europeans. It was, however, adapted and exploited by British colonials ...
  87. [87]
    British raj | Empire, India, Impact, History, & Facts | Britannica
    Sep 22, 2025 · Selective new British recruitment policies screened out all “nonmartial” (meaning previously disloyal) Indian castes and ethnic groups from ...
  88. [88]
    The Indian Caste System and The British - Infinity Foundation
    The primary purpose given for the taking of the census, that of governmental preparedness to deal with disaster situations, was both laudable and logical.
  89. [89]
    [PDF] The Origins of Ethnic Activism: Caste Politics in Colonial India
    Nov 24, 2017 · However, later scholars have emphasized the causal role of colonialism, in particular the census, in rigidifying caste boundaries and making ...
  90. [90]
    [PDF] British law and caste identity manipulation in colonial India
    Jan 12, 2010 · This points to both the role of the British administration in the making of caste as a salient identity in colonial Punjab, as well as the ...
  91. [91]
    The Racist History of the Caste System - Hindu American Foundation
    The idea of an Indian caste system, as an unchanging, oppressive, and hereditary social hierarchy that is religiously mandated by and for Hindus, is the product ...
  92. [92]
    The British Impact on India, 1700–1900 - Association for Asian Studies
    British disdain increased, and for the Indians, resentment festered. Yet oddly enough, Western influence was eclectically accepted by many upper class urban ...
  93. [93]
    Caste Census: British Divide Legacy Lives - Hindu Dvesha
    Aug 5, 2025 · The modern caste system in India was largely constructed by British colonial rulers to divide Hindu society and aid missionary conversions.Missing: Raj | Show results with:Raj
  94. [94]
    Article 17: Abolition of Untouchability - Constitution of India .net
    “Untouchability” is abolished and its practice in any form is forbidden. The enforcement of any disability arising out of “Untouchability” shall be an offence.
  95. [95]
    Article 17 of the Indian Constitution - iPleaders
    Jul 10, 2024 · Article 17 of the Indian Constitution explicitly prohibits the State and any other private individual from practising untouchability.Concept of untouchability · Article 17 of the Indian... · Case laws dealing with...
  96. [96]
    Reservation in India - Explained in Layman's Terms - ClearIAS
    Feb 6, 2025 · Scheduled Castes (SC) are given a 15% quota in jobs/higher educational institutions while Schedule Tribes (ST) are given a 7.5% quota in jobs/ ...<|separator|>
  97. [97]
    The Mandal Commission decoded: How OBC reservation came into ...
    Oct 20, 2023 · Implementation. Nearly a decade later, on August 7, 1990, Prime Minister V P Singh of the National Front coalition announced the implementation ...
  98. [98]
    History of reservation in India | Goi Monitor
    1992: Supreme Court orders 50 per cent cap on caste-based reservation. Also strikes down Narasimha Rao government's move to reserve 10% government jobs for poor ...
  99. [99]
    Reservation in India: History, Debates, and the Road Ahead
    Sep 18, 2025 · This amendment introduced a 10% quota for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) among citizens who were not already covered by SC, ST, or OBC ...
  100. [100]
    From Traditional to Modern Atrocities: Has Caste Changed in ...
    Dec 21, 2022 · Through this article, I argue that the caste system has deteriorated post-independence with an increase in the number of atrocities and their ...
  101. [101]
    Chances of an inter-caste marriage go up if groom's mother is ...
    The rate of inter-caste marriages in India, as recently as 2011, was merely 5.82% and there has been no upward trend over the past four decades.<|separator|>
  102. [102]
    Income mobility across castes in India: a longitudinal analysis
    The results reflect that starting from a similar base period income quartile, upper caste households are likely to experience higher growth in their income ...
  103. [103]
    How Caste Shapes Electoral Politics in India - PolSci Institute
    Mar 22, 2024 · When India gained independence in 1947, the political landscape was largely dominated by upper-caste elites who had led the freedom struggle.
  104. [104]
    For first time in a century, India's states count politically sensitive ...
    Mar 22, 2024 · The trend reflects increasing demand in the country for more detailed data on caste, which is linked to political representation and affirmative action.
  105. [105]
    How India's Caste Inequality Has Persisted—and Deepened in the ...
    Apr 1, 2021 · The economic impact of COVID-19 has been much harder on those at the bottom of the caste ladder in India, reflecting the persistence of a system of social ...
  106. [106]
    Varna Jati and Caste – Part 1 - Hindu University of America
    Jun 27, 2025 · Therefore, jati is not the same as caste. Instead, jatis are much more fluid, and the walls between jatis are permeable, whereas in caste ...
  107. [107]
    [PDF] Varna -Jāti Interconnection: Revisiting Indian Caste System
    Sep 24, 2023 · The History of Caste in India: Evidence of the Laws of Manu on the Social Conditions in India During the. Third Century A. D. United Kingdom ...
  108. [108]
    Varna, Jati, Caste: The Good, Rational, and Horrible - Hindu Dvesha
    Jul 3, 2023 · The Varna system in Sanatan Dharm divides society into four major categories: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras, each with distinctive traits and ...
  109. [109]
    6.2 The caste system: varna and jati - Intro To Hinduism - Fiveable
    It's divided into two main concepts: varna, the four broad social classes, and jati, the thousands of specific endogamous groups within those classes. This ...
  110. [110]
    Caste and Reincarnation | Survey of World Religions Supplemental ...
    Jati are occupational groups you are born into- for example, the cattle merchant Jati or the rug weaver Jati or the rice farmer Jati. This is a close social ...
  111. [111]
    [PDF] A Division of Laborers: Identity and Efficiency in India
    We first document a series of new empirical facts that illustrate the role of caste membership for occupational choices and wages. We find that individuals are ...
  112. [112]
    Occupational and Educational Changes in Indian Caste System
    Basically, it is assumed that the caste system is divided into four groups or classes (fourfold division) called the 'Varna system'. According to this system ...Occupational Changes · Decline Of Caste Panchayats · Educational Changes<|separator|>
  113. [113]
    [PDF] Is Caste Destiny? Occupational Diversification among Dalits in Rural ...
    The caste system in India links castes to occupations, with Dalits traditionally in low-paying, degrading manual labor, and high poverty rates.
  114. [114]
    Caste and Careers: Limited Mobility Over Three Generations
    Apr 9, 2025 · This article attempts to trace occupational mobility across three generations using data from the sub-caste level based on a survey conducted in Uttar Pradesh.
  115. [115]
    https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jel.20171307
  116. [116]
    Caste affiliation and access to high-authority jobs in the Indian ...
    The study reveals significant disparities in securing high-authority roles between lower and upper castes, with lower castes having a -7.3% average marginal ...
  117. [117]
    (PDF) Concept of Purity in the Studies of the Indian Caste System
    Aug 7, 2025 · PDF | The preoccupation of Hindus with their ritual purity was always noticed and observed by the visitors of India from the early days.<|separator|>
  118. [118]
    [PDF] Hinduism and Caste System - HAL
    Aug 5, 2022 · On the one hand, castes as varnas divide society into four orders: the Brahmins (religious specialists), the. Kshatriyas (rulers and warriors), ...
  119. [119]
    Ritual Pollution as an Integrator of Caste and Religion
    Beliefs about ritual purity and ritual impurity form some of the most all-pervasive themes in Hindu culture. They are the basis of “orthoprax” Brahmanism in ...Missing: hierarchy | Show results with:hierarchy
  120. [120]
    Understanding the Concepts of Purity and Pollution in the Hierarchy ...
    Apr 20, 2022 · The caste system in India is categorised into four castes, i.e. Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. The Brahmins maintained social ...Missing: scholarly | Show results with:scholarly
  121. [121]
    Caste and development: Contemporary perspectives on a structure ...
    This review asks why addressing caste-based inequality and discrimination does not feature in intergovernmental commitments such as the Sustainable Development ...
  122. [122]
    [PDF] The Economics of Caste Norms: Purity, Status, and Women's Work ...
    Jan 23, 2023 · Consistent with this explanation, caste norms are weaker in areas where British colonial policy led Adivasis to hold more land and political ...Missing: specialization | Show results with:specialization
  123. [123]
    Baba's Explainer - Sanskritisation - IASbaba
    Sep 22, 2022 · M N Srinivas writes, “Sanskritization is a process by which a lower caste or tribe or any other group changes its customs, rituals, ideology and ...
  124. [124]
    Sanskritization and Its Influence on Social Change in India
    Feb 12, 2025 · M.N. Srinivas first introduced the concept of Sanskritization in his study of the Coorgs of Karnataka. He observed that lower castes and tribal ...Missing: evidence | Show results with:evidence
  125. [125]
    Colonial Consciousness: M.N. Srinivas and Sanskritization - hipkapi
    Apr 3, 2013 · MN Srinivas (MNS) claims that “a caste was able, in a generation or two, to rise to a higher position in the hierarchy by adopting vegetarianism and ...
  126. [126]
    Caste System in India - Revision Note - Observing The Mortals
    Aug 16, 2024 · Introduction – JJ Hutton proposed theory of 'Mana' which pointed out role of fear of supernatural power & taboo in creation of caste system.
  127. [127]
    Mobility through sanskritisation: An apparent phenomenon?
    Mobility through sanskritisation in a caste context generates social friction. Lest its mobility endeavour turns out to be a superficial course of action, ...Missing: studies Sanskritization
  128. [128]
    Caste in Contemporary India: Flexibility and Persistence
    Originally cowherds, they are a collection of jatis that have demonstrated upward mobility through the process of Sanskritization, and many have left their ...
  129. [129]
    [PDF] A Critique of Sanskritization from Dalit/Caste- Subaltern Perspective
    These studies have generally accepted Sanskritization as an effective tool for cultural integration between different caste groups ensuring movements of people.
  130. [130]
    Jati: The Caste System in India - Asia Society
    The caste system, as it actually works in India is called jati. The term jati appears in almost all Indian languages and is related to the idea of lineage or ...
  131. [131]
    The “Caste System”: A Colonial Myth of Shudra Oppression
    Sep 1, 2025 · Caste status in pre-colonial India was negotiable and dynamic rather than rigid and timeless. The colonial state, however, deliberately ...
  132. [132]
    History of Untouchability | PDF | Dalit | Social Inequality - Scribd
    Rating 5.0 (1) THE ORIGIN OF UNTOUCHABILITY IN MEDIEVAL INDIA: · 1. Population: The population of the untouchables in the medieval India has increased when · 2. Area of living: ...<|separator|>
  133. [133]
    Caste System in Hinduism - VedKaBhed.Com
    Mar 5, 2019 · 1.4-5 [There are] four castes Brahmana, Kshatriyas, Vaishya, and Shudra. Among these, each preceding (caste) is superior by birth to the one ...
  134. [134]
    I want to study about history of caste discrimination in Indian ... - Reddit
    Nov 5, 2022 · Untouchability and Discrimination have been there since long, especially the post-Gupta period. During Gupta period, the varna system became strong.Caste originated during Gupta dynasty: Study : r/india - RedditGupta Empire : r/IndianHistory - RedditMore results from www.reddit.com
  135. [135]
    Analyzing a Brahmin historian's views on the origins of untouchability
    Nov 11, 2021 · Ambedkar emphasised that Purusha Sukta or the Chaturvarna theory establishes Brahmins as 'lords of the earth'. So, it is extremely urgent for ...
  136. [136]
    [PDF] The-Practice-of-Untouchability-in-India.pdf
    Ambedkar laid out in his writings that untouchability is a post-Buddhist trend that resulted from Hindus giving up animal sacrifice and beef consumption, after ...
  137. [137]
    What is the origin of untouchability in Hinduism? Was it ... - Quora
    Oct 7, 2024 · To summarize the work of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in his book 'The Untouchables', it can be said that the root cause of Untouchability was BEEF EATING.What was the reason for the practice of untouchability in Hinduism?When did the concept of 'untouchability' come into Hinduism? - QuoraMore results from www.quora.com
  138. [138]
    The Myths of Origin of the Indian Untouchables - jstor
    Besides, in many parts of India untouchables have long given up carrying out degrading tasks for higher castes. This shift, however, does not mean that the ...
  139. [139]
    [PDF] PART III FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS
    17. “Untouchability” is abolished and its practice in any form is forbidden. The enforcement of any disability arising out of “Untouchability” shall be an ...<|separator|>
  140. [140]
    Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955 - India Code
    India Code: Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955. Long Title: An Act to prescribe punishment for the preaching and practice of Untouchability for the ...
  141. [141]
    [PDF] THE PROTECTION OF CIVIL RIGHTS ACT, 1955 - India Code
    —(1) This Act may be called 3[the Protection of Civil. Rights Act], 1955. (2) It extends to the whole of India. (3) It shall come into force on such date4 as ...
  142. [142]
    [PDF] The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of ...
    An Act to prevent the commission of offences of atrocities against the members of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, to provide for Special Courts ...
  143. [143]
    [PDF] THE SCHEDULED CASTES AND THE SCHEDULED TRIBES ...
    [11th September, 1989.] An Act to prevent the commission of offences of atrocities against the members of the Scheduled. Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, to ...
  144. [144]
    [PDF] THE PROTECTION OF CIVIL RIGHTS ACT, 1955
    The Act extends to the whole of India and provides punishment for the practice of untouchability. It is implemented by the respective State Governments and ...
  145. [145]
    Laws for Reservation in India - BYJU'S
    Reservation Quota in India ; Scheduled Caste, 15% ; Scheduled Tribe, 7.5% ; Other Backward Classes (OBC), 27% ; Economically Weaker Sections (EWS), 10% ; Persons ...<|separator|>
  146. [146]
    Understanding the Origins of the Reservation System in India
    The Mandal Commission submitted its report in 1980, recommending a 27% reservation for OBCs in government jobs and educational institutions. This was in ...
  147. [147]
    Mandal Commission, Background, Recommendations, Significance
    Aug 31, 2025 · The OBC reservation system in India was implemented in 1990, when V. P. Singh was Prime Minister, based on the recommendations of the Mandal ...
  148. [148]
    https://www.studyiq.com/articles/mandal-commission/
  149. [149]
    30 years since Mandal Commission recommendations - ThePrint
    Aug 8, 2020 · The decision was based on a report submitted on 31 December 1980 that recommended reservations for OBCs not just in government jobs but also central education ...Missing: appointment | Show results with:appointment
  150. [150]
    Mandal Commission - History, Report & Recommendations | UPSC
    In 1990, Prime Minister V P Singh declared that the Mandal Commission recommendations would be implemented, leading to violent protests in northern and western ...Missing: date | Show results with:date
  151. [151]
    'Creamy Layer' condition in OBC Quota - CivilsDaily
    Aug 20, 2025 · About the Concept of Creamy Layer: Origin: Emerged from Indra Sawhney vs Union of India (1992); excluded affluent Other Backward Class (OBC) ...
  152. [152]
    Reservation in India: An Unfiltered Analysis - Juris Centre
    Aug 13, 2025 · 15% for SCs ; 7.5% for STs ; 27% for OBCs ; 10% for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) of upper castes (introduced in 2019) ; 50%+ total, with some ...
  153. [153]
    OBC Reservation in India: Timeline of Struggles & Wins - obcrights
    apart ...
  154. [154]
    Reservation Policies in a Changing India: Time for a constitutional ...
    May 13, 2025 · The Court upheld 27% OBC reservations but imposed a 50% cap on total reservations to balance equity and merit. It also introduced the “creamy ...
  155. [155]
    [PDF] Does Affirmative Action Work? Evaluating India's Quota System
    Apr 8, 2019 · An analysis of national survey data using the DD and DDD designs indicates that reservations increased the education level and occupational ...
  156. [156]
    [PDF] The Impact of Employment Quotas on the Economic Lives of ...
    in India and find that the policy increased the percentage of the OBCs obtaining public sector jobs and finishing secondary education by 2.6 and 4 percentage ...
  157. [157]
    The impact of employment quotas on the economic lives of ...
    Prakash (2020) finds that for 1% increase in employment quota for Scheduled Castes, the likelihood of obtaining a salaried job increases by 0.6%. This can be ...
  158. [158]
    The distributional consequences of political reservations
    Nov 28, 2023 · Our findings reveal that SC reservations reduce private asset inequality between SCs and non-SCs, with modest effects in the short run, but substantive impact ...
  159. [159]
    [PDF] Reservation System in India: A Comparative Study of ...
    The study suggests that periodic policy reviews, economic and caste-based affirmative action, and private-sector participation can help create a more balanced ...
  160. [160]
    [PDF] Assessing the Effectiveness of Affirmative Action in India Using ...
    Apr 28, 2021 · This thesis analyzes the impact of the Central Educational Institutions Amendment Bill. (CEIAB), an affirmative action policy that mandated ...
  161. [161]
    [PDF] Affirmative Action in Higher Education in India: Targeting, Catch Up ...
    In India, where quotas in some states reach 50% of college admissions, a large burden comes from the expected negative effect on the average quality of students.
  162. [162]
    Two to Tango: Multiple affirmative action policy in education and ...
    Jun 27, 2025 · We find that AAs significantly reduce educational inequalities, while significantly increasing the skills gap. However, the impact of AAs on ...
  163. [163]
    The Impact of Reservation on Merit:A Critical Analysis - KashmirPEN
    Critics argue that the reservation system compromises the quality of education and governance by prioritizing caste and economic criteria over merit. In many ...
  164. [164]
    [PDF] WIDER Working Paper 2023/15-The impact of affirmative action in ...
    Specifically, all seven studies that assess the effect of government quotas on minority employment in India report positive effects; but out of 21 studies ...
  165. [165]
    How VP Singh's caste gambit cost him PM's chair - India Today
    May 5, 2025 · VP Singh's Mandal moment is a reminder of the unintended consequences of big caste moves, some of which came at a steep cost. - Ends.
  166. [166]
    With govt hiring down to a trickle, are caste-based reservations ...
    Mar 5, 2024 · The politicisation of job reservations has had other unintended consequences, though not very difficult to visualize from the benefit of ...
  167. [167]
    Household-Level Economic Transitions by Caste, 2005–2022
    Feb 15, 2025 · Among SC households that have transitioned from ASE, 12.6% have progressively transitioned to upper-tier income sources compared to 15% for OBC ...
  168. [168]
    Traditional hierarchies and affirmative action in a globalizing economy
    Affirmative action also had an unintended positive effect: of increasing the proportion of OBCs with secondary education. ... Impact of OBC reservations. In ...
  169. [169]
    Re-Evaluating Reservation: Balancing Meritocracy And Fairness In ...
    Jul 8, 2023 · Critics argue that the system, which reserves a certain percentage of seats in educational institutions and government jobs is outdated and ...<|control11|><|separator|>
  170. [170]
    Role of Caste in Indian Politics UPSC Notes - Testbook
    Caste plays an important role in Indian elections because it has a profound influence on voting patterns, candidate nomination, and electoral coalition.
  171. [171]
    Mandal 2.0: How the national caste census could reshape Indian ...
    May 11, 2025 · Mandal 2.0: How the national caste census could reshape Indian politics. As caste remains a major socio-economic faultline and plays a key role ...
  172. [172]
    BJP to focus on consolidation of OBC-Dalit social coalition
    Jul 14, 2024 · Learn how the party plans to win back support from OBCs and SC/STs by addressing key issues and increasing representation. Plan for 2027 ...
  173. [173]
    [PDF] Coalition governments in India: A historical overview
    Apr 25, 2025 · regional and smaller political parties, paved the way for coalition politics. The first significant coalition government came to power in 1977, ...
  174. [174]
    One issue proved key to the opposition's stunning success in India's ...
    Jun 6, 2024 · Why caste politics were so important. Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party did not perform as well as expected in the election, suffering major losses ...
  175. [175]
    The Dalit factor in the 2024 Lok Sabha election: Data - The Hindu
    Jul 30, 2024 · The Congress improved its vote share in Scheduled Caste-reserved seats to 20.8% in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections from 16.7% in 2019.
  176. [176]
    Uttar Pradesh: BJP and the Mobilisation of Dalits and OBCs
    Jul 15, 2025 · The 2024 election result in Uttar Pradesh (UP) was a shock for the BJP. The party had expected to increase its vote share significantly.
  177. [177]
    SP's social engineering vs BJP's core base—the caste battle in UP
    Jul 30, 2025 · The outcome of the 2024 National General Election brought caste or jati back to the centre of electoral analysis in India—an aspect that had ...
  178. [178]
    Addressing Caste-Based Atrocities in India - NEXT IAS
    Oct 15, 2025 · Caste-based atrocities, from rural villages to urban institutions, discrimination and violence against SCs and STs, continue to plague ...
  179. [179]
    Mapping the normalisation of violence against Dalits and Adivasis in ...
    An evidence-based half-year chronicle of caste atrocities, tracing the structural, symbolic, and state-enabled violence against Dalit and Adivasi communities.
  180. [180]
    India's Persistent Caste Violence Demands A National Reckoning ...
    Apr 20, 2025 · Media coverage of caste-based violence reveals troubling patterns of selective attention. High-profile cases occasionally capture national ...
  181. [181]
    More cases filed under SC/ST Act due to awareness, says Social ...
    Dec 3, 2024 · Latest available data from the National Crime Records Bureau show over 67,000 cases of atrocities against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes ...
  182. [182]
    Over 57,000 Cases Registered For Committing Crimes Against ...
    Sep 30, 2025 · The Crime in India 2023 report said that crimes against SCs ... Atrocities) Act with 7.5 per cent (4,345 cases)," the report said. A ...
  183. [183]
    Crime in India 2023: NCRB Report Highlights
    Oct 7, 2025 · 12,960 cases were registered for committing crimes against Scheduled Tribes, showing an increase of 28.8% over 2022. · Crime rate: increased from ...
  184. [184]
    U.P., Rajasthan, M.P. top in cases of atrocities on Dalits: report
    Sep 23, 2024 · ... caste-based violence and ensure stronger protection for ... Crimes against children surge in Assam, Rajasthan, and Kerala: NCRB data.Missing: inter- | Show results with:inter-
  185. [185]
    Exclusive: Crimes against Scheduled Tribes rose 29% in 2023, led ...
    Sep 30, 2025 · Crimes against Scheduled Tribes (STs) increased 28.8 per cent in 2023 as compared to the previous year, with a total of 12,960 cases being ...
  186. [186]
    [PDF] Cases of atrocities against Scheduled Castes
    Apr 2, 2025 · (a) to (d) National Crimes Record Bureau (NCRB) compiles and publishes statistical data on crimes in its publication 'Crime in India'. The ...Missing: inter- | Show results with:inter-
  187. [187]
    [PDF] government of india - Ministry of Home Affairs
    Mar 18, 2025 · (a) : National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) compiles statistical data on crimes as reported to it by the States/UTs and publishes the same in ...
  188. [188]
    Increasing Violence on the Dalits in Neoliberal India: La ...
    Feb 11, 2025 · '5 BJP ruled states have highest crime rates against Dalits, reveals NCRB data'. ... caste violence: A study of Bhumihars in Bihar, India'.Missing: inter- statistics
  189. [189]
    Whose education matters? An analysis of inter caste marriages in ...
    The rate of inter caste marriages, even as recent as in 2011, was as low as 5.82% and there has been no upward time trend over the past four decades.2 In this ...
  190. [190]
    [PDF] Dynamics of inter-religious and inter-caste marriages in India
    About 10% of marriages in India are inter-caste, and 2.1% are inter-religious. Inter-caste marriages are increasing, especially in cities, but face social ...
  191. [191]
    [PDF] Dynamics of School Expansion and Inter-Caste Marriages in India
    Sep 15, 2023 · Similarly, 88% ST men marry within their own caste, 7% to SC, 4% to OBC, and 1.2% to General. In figure A. II, we look at the descriptive ...
  192. [192]
    [PDF] Inter-caste Marriages in India - epc2010
    For instance intercaste marriage in Punjab is 19.90 percent, in Sikkim it is 20.00 percent, in Goa it is 20.69 percent and in Kerala it is 19.65 percent. The ...
  193. [193]
    Age, caste, job, education: What data on couples in India shows
    Oct 3, 2018 · With these caveats in place, the data shows that inter-caste marriages are more common (12.6%) than inter-religious marriages (just 2.6%) in ...
  194. [194]
    Intercaste marriages between castes which have socio-economic ...
    Oct 7, 2024 · NFHS-3 notes urban areas especially cities like Mumbai and Bangalore show 20% instances of intercaste marriages, well above that of rural areas.<|separator|>
  195. [195]
    Urbanization and Caste - UPSC Indian Society Notes - Edukemy
    Apr 10, 2024 · Urbanization often challenges traditional caste structures by fostering anonymity and intermingling among diverse populations.
  196. [196]
    61% oppose interfaith marriages; Chandigarh shocks, Kerala soothes
    Mar 23, 2025 · 56% OF INDIANS OPPOSED TO INTER-CASTE MARRIAGES. The India Today GDB survey also found a prevalence in resistance to inter-caste marriages, with ...Missing: trends | Show results with:trends
  197. [197]
    Responses to Information Requests - Immigration and Refugee Board
    According to the Supreme Court ruling on honour crimes, 288 cases of honour killings were registered between 2014 and 2016 (India 27 Mar. 2018, para. 49). In an ...
  198. [198]
    Why Tamil Nadu Leads in Inter-Caste Marriage Killings Despite ...
    Aug 6, 2025 · Despite Supreme Court orders, honour killings persist in India. Tamil Nadu tops inter-caste murder statistics. Why do governments fail to ...
  199. [199]
    Caste, Culture, and Modernity: Exploring the Contemporary Shifts in ...
    Dec 4, 2023 · With the rise of globalization and widespread education, the focus on caste has decreased, especially in urban cities where many live in close ...
  200. [200]
    Government approves caste census: What is it and why it matters
    Apr 30, 2025 · India is set to include caste enumeration in its upcoming census, a practice discontinued post-independence except for SCs and STs.
  201. [201]
    Cabinet approves caste Census: The debate, and the government's ...
    Apr 30, 2025 · Caste Census India 2025: The Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) has approved caste enumeration in the forthcoming population census, ...
  202. [202]
    India will include caste details in its next census - NPR
    May 2, 2025 · India will include caste details in its next census, in a move likely to have sweeping socio-economic and political ramifications for the world's most populous ...
  203. [203]
    India's Delayed Census: Why It Matters - ISAS-NUS
    Jun 13, 2025 · For the first time in independent India, caste will be enumerated in the census. The census is also likely to be the basis for the proposed ...Missing: details | Show results with:details
  204. [204]
    India prepares for digital census caste enumeration - DD News
    Jul 11, 2025 · With nearly 65% of Indians under the age of 35, the data gathered will be crucial in designing policies for education, employment, and family ...
  205. [205]
    Caste Census Legal basis, preparation timeline, and challenges ...
    May 2, 2025 · Legal requirements for caste enumeration. To include caste enumeration in the next Census, the government does not need to amend the Census Act.
  206. [206]
    What is the Purpose and Potential Impact of Caste Census in India?
    May 2, 2025 · The Indian government's decision to include caste enumeration in the upcoming national census, approved on April 30, 2025, by the Cabinet ...
  207. [207]
    Why India must get the Caste Census right - The Core IAS
    May 12, 2025 · Reasons: lack of methodological rigor, improper digital tools, and political hesitation. 2. Key Problems. Lack of uniform caste spellings, ...
  208. [208]
    CASTE CENSUS: LEGAL BASIS, PREPARATION TIMELINE, AND ...
    May 3, 2025 · A well‐designed caste census will replace politics of perception with statistics of reality. By coupling granular enumeration with iron‐clad privacy safeguards.
  209. [209]
    Caste Census in India - INSIGHTS IAS
    May 1, 2025 · Explore the caste census in India—its legal basis, historical context, need for accurate OBC data, key challenges, and the policy roadmap ...
  210. [210]
    Time To Rethink The Caste System In India – OpEd - Eurasia Review
    Aug 1, 2025 · A Flawed Meritocracy · Caste Census and the Domino Effect · The Race to Redraw Quotas · Politics of Backwardness · Reimagining Affirmative Action.
  211. [211]
    How a Caste Census Could Transform India's Reservation Policies
    Jun 27, 2025 · A caste census becomes a crucial policy tool for designing targeted and effective affirmative action and welfare policies to ensure equitable access to quality ...
  212. [212]
    The implications of caste enumeration - The Hindu
    May 6, 2025 · The upcoming Census, with caste enumeration, could create a window of opportunity for the inclusion of those communities who have been left behind.
  213. [213]
    India's Caste Census: Data for a Just Republic - inside jharkhand ngo
    Jun 26, 2025 · The caste survey data demolishes the argument that caste-based discrimination is a thing of the past. It is not. It is just no longer counted. 4 ...
  214. [214]
    Caste Census: Legal basis, preparation timeline, and challenges ...
    Jun 28, 2025 · A caste census would allow the government to adjust or expand reservation rules based on real population numbers, potentially broadening ...<|control11|><|separator|>
  215. [215]
    [PDF] IMPACT OF CASTE CENSUS ON ELECTORAL POLITICS IN INDIA
    ABSTRACT. The caste census in India, reintroduced after nearly a century, has emerged as a pivotal instrument reshaping the country's electoral politics.
  216. [216]
    Impact of conducting a caste census: What to expect? - IndiaTomorrow
    Sep 7, 2024 · *Refinement of Categories: The census could lead to demands for redefining or expanding existing caste categories within the OBC and SC/ST lists ...
  217. [217]
    New Contours of the Age-Old Indian Census: Caste, Delays ... - SPRF
    Jul 10, 2025 · The recent decision of the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) to include caste enumeration is monumental (The Indian Express, 2025).
  218. [218]
    Caste Enumeration in India's Next Census: Objectives, Implications ...
    May 4, 2025 · Caste-based data will be included in India's Census for the first time since 1931. This article examines its significance, politics, and challenges.
  219. [219]
    Hierarchy in Muslim society: The Ajlaf-Ashraf 'caste system' - OpIndia
    Oct 20, 2020 · At the bottom of the Muslim society are the Pasmandas of the Ajlaf category, who comprise of 'Shudra' and adivasi converts. Persion word for ' ...
  220. [220]
    Pasmanda movement questions the myth of a monolithic Indian ...
    May 12, 2020 · Like the Hindus, Indian Muslims have castes, too: Ashraf, Ajlaf (Backward Muslims) and Arzal (Dalit Muslims).[iii] The idea of a homogeneous ...
  221. [221]
    The Ashraf-Ajlaf Dichotomy in Muslim Social Structure in India1
    The Muslim separatist movement, built under the leadership of the Muslim League, was based upon racial con siderations and it was argued that the Muslims ...
  222. [222]
    Endogamy still dominant in Indian marriages — Maryland ...
    As data from the India Human Development Survey (IHDS) shows, just over 5% of urban Indian marriages are outside of caste, a percentage that is only marginally ...
  223. [223]
    Castes in Islam — a little-known fact - Ramblings of a confused Indian
    Sep 10, 2023 · The Atraf/ Ajlafs and Arzals together are called the Pasmandas. In other words, any Muslim who is not an Ashraf is a Pasmanda. Since we did not ...
  224. [224]
    View of Pasmanda and Dalit Muslims: A Discussion on Reservation ...
    Keywords: Caste, Pasmanda, Dalit Muslims, Ashraf, Ajlaf,Representation, Scheduled Castes.Whenever caste is mentioned in India, the Hindu caste system is ...
  225. [225]
    [PDF] IS CASTE SYSTEM PREVALENT AMONG THE SYRIAN ...
    Syrian Christians had been accorded a high status in the caste hierarchy in Kerala. They were held in high esteem, probably in the second or third rung from ...
  226. [226]
    Caste Among Syrian Christians In Kerala - Brown History - Substack
    Jul 24, 2025 · Dalit Christians were not permitted to attend masses along with Syrian Christians; they were seated separately and, in many cases, given ...
  227. [227]
    Dalit Catholics allege caste discrimination in south Indian parish
    Mar 13, 2025 · The petition alleges caste-based discrimination in the Diocese of Kumbakonam's Kottapalayam parish, not only excluding Dalits from participation in festivities.
  228. [228]
    Dalit Christians: A Life of Dual Discrimination in Southern India
    Aug 22, 2024 · Despite their small numbers, Dalit Christians face discrimination both within and outside their religious community. ... caste-based ...
  229. [229]
    India's Dalit Christians face caste discrimination and loss of ...
    Dalits in India who have converted to Christianity not only continue to face caste discrimination, they also lose privileges accorded by the government to Hindu ...
  230. [230]
    Hindu Groups Push Further Discrimination Against Christian Dalits
    Jun 11, 2025 · Yet even in the church, Dalits continue to face discrimination. Separate churches—and at times separate burial grounds—exist for different caste ...
  231. [231]
    A Case Study of Dalit Christians in India - The Dialogue Box
    Jul 11, 2023 · Housing discrimination against Dalit Christians has been experienced in Patel-dominated regions of Gujarat while in Kerala, caste consciousness ...
  232. [232]
    Caste as a Protected Category and Indian Christianity
    Nov 4, 2021 · Casteism is a form of decent-based discrimination. Descent based ... India's caste-based affirmative action policy, while Dalit Bahujan Christians ...<|separator|>
  233. [233]
    How caste permeated the Sikh community - The Indian Express
    May 22, 2025 · Yet caste, as a social category, remains predominant among Sikhs. Thirty-nine castes in Punjab are officially listed as Scheduled Castes (SC).
  234. [234]
    [PDF] WHOSE EDUCATION MATTERS? AN ANALYSIS OF INTER CASTE ...
    Feb 18, 2020 · The rate of inter caste marriages, even as recent as in 2011, was as low as 5.82% and there has been no upward time trend over the past four ...
  235. [235]
    Deras, Identity, and Caste Cleavages in the Sikh-Dominated Society ...
    Aug 27, 2024 · The argument of the paper is that deras, as religio-spiritual and philanthropic organizations, play a critical role in the identity formation of their ...Missing: evidence | Show results with:evidence
  236. [236]
    Caste Away: How Caste Discrimination Persists in the South Asian ...
    Apr 16, 2025 · Caste discrimination was officially prohibited with the adoption of independent India's constitution in 1950. However, caste still very much persists both ...
  237. [237]
    SOCIAL - DIVISIONS - Jainworld
    Aug 26, 2022 · These Jaina castes were divided into Ávetambara and Digambara castes on the basis of religious sects. Among the Ávetämbara castes, Osvälas, ...
  238. [238]
    6 facts about Jains in India | Pew Research Center
    Aug 17, 2021 · Jains are concentrated in India's West, · Jains are more highly educated and wealthier than Indians overall, and few identify as lower caste.
  239. [239]
    [PDF] Jains and Caste System: Conceptual and Comparative Perspective
    3 The Jain caste system is evolved in the sense that each individual is regarded as belonging to a social group. Some of the features of the caste system of ...
  240. [240]
    Caste in India and caste in the US: What we've learned from latest ...
    Jul 22, 2021 · 1) Most Indians and nearly all Indian Americans have not personally faced caste discrimination. According to the Pew survey, slightly more than ...
  241. [241]
    [PDF] Different Shades of Caste among the Indian Diaspora in the US
    Three shades of caste exist: endogamous groupings, discrimination/exclusion, and communities transcending caste, regional, and religious boundaries.
  242. [242]
    Outcastes: How Caste Travels Across Borders - The Immigration Lab
    Apr 10, 2025 · Caste, a social hierarchy, travels with migrants, especially dominant castes, to the US, where it adapts and often hides in social networks.
  243. [243]
    Coding Caste: Tech Elites, Dalit Exclusion, and the Myth of ...
    Jun 12, 2025 · In the United States, the landmark 2020 Cisco case shattered the myth that caste discrimination ends at India's borders and forced the world as ...
  244. [244]
    Caste Discrimination Among Indian Diaspora in the USA
    The article explores the emergence of the Indian diaspora and presence of caste discrimination in the USA. The recent case of caste discrimination against ...
  245. [245]
    Transnational discrimination: the case of casteism and the Indian ...
    The emerging visibility of caste discrimination in host countries. Whether both caste and casteism have migrated from India to immigration countries via ...
  246. [246]
    Are there other major caste systems outside India? - Quora
    Feb 4, 2017 · Every large agrarian economy has produced a caste system, and they all tend to be quite similar. Usually the structure is: * Aristocrats and ...<|control11|><|separator|>
  247. [247]
    The Internationalisation of Caste - Völkerrechtsblog
    Jun 15, 2023 · Indian diaspora has catapulted the escape of casteism ... He had drawn glaring similarities between caste discrimination and the discrimination ...
  248. [248]
    Where Does Caste Fit in A Global History of Racial Capitalism?
    Caste, then, is not evidence of capitalism's non-arrival or underdeveloped state because of colonial rule but rather itself a logic of racialization within ...
  249. [249]
    Transnational discrimination: the case of casteism and the Indian ...
    This article examines how casteism, a traditionally Indian phenomenon, has become a global issue due to migration, and how host societies struggle to address ...
  250. [250]
    Consumption data exposes the depths of India's caste divide - Mint
    Sep 4, 2024 · ... Consumption Expenditure Survey (HCES) held in 2022-23. Its raw data allows us to classify households based on their monthly spending patterns.<|control11|><|separator|>
  251. [251]
    Consumption Expenditure by Social Groups: Findings from India's ...
    Aug 22, 2024 · The HCES, 2022-23 sampled 155,014 households in rural and 106,732 in urban areas to estimate the consumption patterns in India. The last large- ...Missing: NSSO | Show results with:NSSO
  252. [252]
    NFHS-5 findings: The good, the bad & the ugly - Frontline
    May 30, 2022 · Wealth inequities​​ Only 12.3 per cent of SCs and 5.4 per cent of STs were in the highest wealth quintile, whereas Other Backward Classes (OBCs) ...
  253. [253]
    Caste, class, race, and inequality: insights for economic policy
    Nov 22, 2024 · This issue of the Oxford Review of Economic Policy examines various dimensions of inequality tied to intergroup disparities and social hierarchy.
  254. [254]
    [PDF] Working Paper No. 566 Caste and Wealth Inequality in India
    In this paper, we conduct the novel exercise of analyzing the relationship between overall wealth inequality and caste divisions in India using nationally ...Missing: 2023-2025 | Show results with:2023-2025
  255. [255]
    Inequality in India: Upper castes hold nearly 90% of billionaire wealth
    Jun 27, 2024 · Inequality in India: Upper castes hold nearly 90% of billionaire wealth · The recent report from the World Inequality Lab noted that the top 1% ...
  256. [256]
    World Inequality Report: India Has 85% Billionaires From Upper ...
    Jun 26, 2024 · According to the National Family Health Survey, only 12.3 per cent of SCs and 5.4 per cent of STs are in the highest wealth quintile. Conversely ...
  257. [257]
    Wealth inequality, class, and caste in India: 1961-2012
    Jun 28, 2019 · Table 1. Average economic and educational outcomes across caste groups ; Annual household income (in Rs.) 89,356. 75,216. 104,099. 167,013.
  258. [258]
    [PDF] Household Consumption Expenditure Survey: 2022-23 Fact Sheet
    The average MPCE by social groups in India is provided below in Statement 20. Statement 20: Average MPCE by Social Groups in 2022-23: All-India. Social Groups.
  259. [259]
    [PDF] National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5), 2019-21 - The DHS Program
    ... Wealth ... NFHS-5 fieldwork for India was conducted in two phases— Phase-I from 17 June ...
  260. [260]
    Mixed Trends in Unemployment Rates for SC, ST, OBC, and Others ...
    Sep 25, 2024 · For the Scheduled Caste (SC) group, there was a drop from 4.4% in 2021-22 to 3.2% in 2022-23, with a minor rise to 3.3% in 2023-24. The Other ...
  261. [261]
    Wage differential between caste groups: Are younger and older ...
    We investigate caste-based wage discrimination for younger and older cohorts in India. •. Using data for two survey periods, a rising wage gap is observed ...
  262. [262]
    https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/2455328X231221871
  263. [263]
    Making sense of PLFS, India's official employment survey
    Sep 12, 2025 · Occupational disparities​​ Yet, marginalised groups including Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are much more likely to be in low-wage ...
  264. [264]
    Caste and Enterprise Ownership: Emerging Trendsand ...
    ... groups (Strategy for New India @75, NITI Aayog 2018). SCs and STs have higher labour force participation rates and unemployment rates than other social groups.
  265. [265]
    [PDF] Caste and Entrepreneurship in India | Projects at Harvard
    Feb 9, 2013 · Overall, our results highlight that SC and ST entrepreneurs face significant obstacles in entering entrepre- neurship, and in expanding the ...
  266. [266]
    [PDF] How does Caste Affect Entrepreneurship? Birth vs Worth
    This paper examines the relative importance of the caste system in explaining the re- source misallocation in India and quantifies its impact on aggregate ...
  267. [267]
    Most micro entrepreneurs lack training, SC & ST entrepreneurs face ...
    Apr 16, 2024 · Survey shows lack of training and awareness among micro entrepreneurs, especially SC/ST, in starting and running businesses in India.<|separator|>
  268. [268]
    [PDF] An Analysis of the Indian Reservation System - Quest Journals
    Oct 14, 2023 · Reservations, according to critics, undermine merit-based hiring practices by letting those with lesser test scores or credentials get jobs ...
  269. [269]
    India's Reservation Policy Has Become a Disaster: Jagdish ... - NDTV
    Sep 23, 2015 · "India's reservation policy has become a disaster" - that was the scathing critique from celebrated economist Jagdish Bhagwati in an ...Missing: views | Show results with:views
  270. [270]
    BRAIN DRAIN AND ECONOMIC LOSS DUE TO RESERVATION
    Jun 29, 2023 · Additionally, reservations have led to extreme competition among general-category students. Together, this results in a flight of native talent ...
  271. [271]
    Towards A Merit-Based Education System In India
    Oct 5, 2024 · One major critique of the current reservation system is that it is based on broad categories like caste, religion, and economic status instead ...
  272. [272]
    [PDF] Merit, Caste, And Reservation: The Conundrum
    The debate is whether reservations affect merit, with lower entry standards for reservations potentially denying fairness to the general category.
  273. [273]
    Basavanna: Renowned Social Reformer - ClearIAS
    Oct 13, 2023 · He spoke out against caste, class, and gender inequality. During the rule of the Kalyani Chalukya/Kalachuri dynasty, Basavanna was a Hindu ...
  274. [274]
    Veerashaiva/Lingayat Tradition: Basavanna's Reform Movement
    May 15, 2024 · Basavanna in the 12th century, centers on the exclusive worship of ; Lord Shiva and rejects ; idolatry and caste discrimination. It emerged as a ...
  275. [275]
    Finding Basava: The poet? Philosopher? Saint? Social reformer?
    May 11, 2018 · The Lingayat philosophy, Basava's philosophy – no caste, no gender, no priests, no temples, only work. Kayakave Kailasa, almost but not ...
  276. [276]
    Basavanna, our role model on rejecting caste
    Oct 27, 2024 · The crisis came when an inter-caste marriage took place, between the daughter of a Brahmin and the son of a cobbler. Then king, city, Basava, ...
  277. [277]
    Lingayat-Social-Revolution
    "The abolition of sex and caste distinctions: -The female sex and the members of the lowest strata of society are given full and equal status with the members ...
  278. [278]
    https://fortuneiascircle.com/backgrounder/bhakti_movement
  279. [279]
    https://www.studyiq.com/articles/bhakti-movement/
  280. [280]
    Origin, Principle, Regional Spread of Bhakti Movement, Saints
    Jul 8, 2025 · The movement challenged caste hierarchies and gender barriers, enabling people from all social strata, including lower castes (e.g., Ravidas ...
  281. [281]
    Bhakti Movement & Sufism - The Study IAS
    Aug 30, 2025 · Many Bhakti saints came from lower social backgrounds, challenging traditional caste-based hierarchies. ... Tukaram was a 17th-century Bhakti ...
  282. [282]
    [PDF] BHAKTI MOVEMENT AND SANT TUKARAM: LESSONS FOR CIVIL ...
    Sep 24, 2024 · Equality and Social Justice: Like other Bhakti saints, Tukaram rejected the caste system and preached equality. He encouraged people from ...<|separator|>
  283. [283]
    Bhakti & Sufi Movement - TOne Academy
    These movements challenged the prevailing religious hierarchies and caste distinctions, encouraging equality, compassion, and personal devotion. Bhakti and Sufi ...
  284. [284]
    Jyotiba Phule: A Pioneer of Social Reform in India - NEXT IAS
    Jan 6, 2025 · Jyotiba Phule was a visionary social reformer who worked tirelessly to challenge caste-based discrimination and uplift marginalised communities in 19th-century ...
  285. [285]
    https://knowledgeboat.com/question/jyotiba-phule-was-a-highly-respected-social-reformer-of-the--252233457383671000
  286. [286]
    Mahatma Jyotirao Phule (1827-1890) And The Struggle For Dalit ...
    Mar 24, 2025 · Among these reformers, Jyotirao Phule of Maharashtra held a distinctive position. He was an outspoken critic of caste-based discrimination and ...
  287. [287]
    [PDF] SATYASHODAK SAMAJ: FORMATION AND ACTIVITIES - IJCRT.org
    Similarly in the 19th century Mahatma Jyotirao Phule established Satya Shodhak samaj to mobilise and to give the spirit of fighting for their rights. This ...
  288. [288]
    Jyotirao Phule and the Dawn of Social Reform
    Sep 25, 2024 · Explore the impact of Jyotirao Phule and the Satyashodhak Samaj in advocating Dharma-aligned social reform and ethics in 19th-century India.
  289. [289]
    Dr. Ambedkar and the Annihilation of the Hindu Caste System
    Dec 27, 2022 · In terms of politics, Ambedkar argues that caste disorganizes and demoralizes Hindu society. There is no Hindu consciousness for Ambedkar, only ...
  290. [290]
    [PDF] Print Version (The Annihilation of Caste - Dr. B. R. Ambedkar)B
    Now the first thing that is to be urged against this view is that the Caste System is not merely a division of labour. It is also a division of labourers.
  291. [291]
    [PDF] Caste System: BR Ambedkar's Perspective
    B.R. Ambedkar devoted his whole life to fight for the annihilation of caste by proliferating a movement against the evils of the caste system. Being himself ...<|separator|>
  292. [292]
    [PDF] 'Ambedkar's Constitution': A Radical Phenomenon in Anti-Caste ...
    Apr 23, 2021 · The provision against untouchability was specifically placed in the chapter on fundamental rights in the Constitution, as in. Ambedkar's view, ...
  293. [293]
    What Dr. Ambedkar had done for the Backward Castes?
    Aug 24, 2023 · Ambedkar, a provision was made in Article 340 of the Constitution to establish a commission to identify backward castes. 9. The political party ...
  294. [294]
    A Radical Phenomenon in Anti-Caste Discourse?
    62), an American constitutional law scholar, stated that Ambedkar's presence as the head of the drafting process provided legitimacy to the Constitution. Even ...
  295. [295]
    Ambedkar as a critical Theorist: Emancipatory idea of democracy ...
    Ambedkar urged engaging devoted workers to promote social interaction, allowing caste Hindus to host depressed classes, proving their commitment to eradicating ...
  296. [296]
    Dr. Ambedkar And The Fight Against Caste Discrimination
    May 3, 2025 · Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar who conducted an insurmountable pursuit against caste discrimination to reshape Indian society alongside global equality ...
  297. [297]
    Social Stratification in India | Sociology Optional Coaching
    May 12, 2025 · In the Indian context, the caste system historically functioned as a division of labor, assigning roles that ensured societal stability.Missing: defenses | Show results with:defenses
  298. [298]
    The Indian Caste System: A Self-Perpetuating Social Order
    their profession, social circle, and sense of self.
  299. [299]
    [PDF] HOMO HIERARCHICUS - The Caste System and Its Implications
    Page 1. HOMO HIERARCHICUS. The Caste System and Its Implications. Complete Revised English Edition. Louis Dumont. TRANSLATED BY MARK SAINSBURY, LOUIS DUMONT,.
  300. [300]
    Perspectives on the Study of Caste Systems: GS Ghurye - Triumph IAS
    Jul 10, 2024 · Ghurye cognitively combined historical anthropological and sociological perspectives to understand caste and kinship system in India. He tried ...
  301. [301]
    [PDF] Caste And Class In India - Sahitya Akademi
    G. S. GHURYE. Professor and Head of the Dept. of Sociology,. University of Bombay. 1957. BOOK DEPOT BOMBAY. Page 2. First published as. Caste and Race in India ...
  302. [302]
    Functionalist Caste System - 262 Words | Internet Public Library
    According to functionalist, the caste system exists because it is functional. One possible reason could be that the labor is cheap and the higher classed ...<|separator|>
  303. [303]
    8.1C: Caste Systems - Social Sci LibreTexts
    Feb 19, 2021 · Members of different castes in one society may belong to the same race or class, as in India, Japan, Korea, Nigeria, Yemen, or Europe. Usually, ...<|separator|>
  304. [304]
    ON ESTATES AND CASTES - jstor
    The estates were divided into a number of smaller categories, similar to the medieval orders, which have been called "castes".
  305. [305]
    CASTE IN JAPAN: THE BURAKUMIN - jstor
    Caste distinctions were expressed in costume, hair styles, footwear, and, most famously, in the two swords of the samurai that could be used against the lower ...
  306. [306]
    Japan - International Dalit Solidarity Network
    Jan 4, 2018 · The Buraku people are a Japanese social minority group, ethnically and linguistically indistinguishable from other Japanese people.Missing: like | Show results with:like
  307. [307]
    A gender-based theory of the origin of the caste system of India
    Endogamy is embraced by a group to minimize an externality that arises when group members marry outsiders.
  308. [308]
    Ideological Support for the Indian Caste System: Social Dominance ...
    In this paper, we empirically examine the role of one ideology, belief in Karma, in the justification of the Indian caste system. In doing so, we adopt both a ...
  309. [309]
    Rig Veda — Purusha Sukta — Its relevance to Caste System.
    Apr 14, 2022 · The origin of caste system is attributed to Hymn 12 of the Book 10 of Rig Veda. Many scholars state that it was the divine intervention which created the varna ...
  310. [310]
    Caste: Purusha and Varna - Pragyata
    Oct 22, 2016 · A particular verse in Purushasukta, one of the hymns of the Rigveda, is the fountainhead of caste-based discrimination in India.
  311. [311]
    Manusmriti and Societal Framework: The Role of Varnas
    Oct 23, 2024 · Translation: “The excellent law for the conduct of the (four) castes (varna), (when they are) not in distress, has been thus promulgated; now ...
  312. [312]
    Casteist Verses from Manusmriti – Law Book of Hindus | Velivada
    May 31, 2017 · Manu divides Hindus into four varnas i.e. casteism. He not only divide Hindus into four varnas, he also grades them.
  313. [313]
    Article : Manu Smriti and Caste System: An Analysis - The Arya Samaj
    Apr 16, 2016 · Manu Smriti and Caste System: An Analysis. Author. Dr. Vivek Arya ... Brahmana, Kshatriya and the Vaisya castes (Varna) are twice-born ...
  314. [314]
    An analysis of Manusmriti 10.65 - Vedic Wisdom
    Nov 12, 2020 · As to one his own Aatma is born from two out of the three nearest castes, as also from his own caste, even so is the order among those out of ...
  315. [315]
    BG 18.41: Chapter 18, Verse 41 - Bhagavad Gita, The Song of God
    In this system of categorization, there were four āśhrams (stages in life) and four varṇas (occupational categories). The stages in life were: 1) Brahmacharya ...
  316. [316]
    [PDF] The Varna System as perceived by Veda Vyasa - A Socio-Political ...
    The Varna system is extensively discussed in Dharma-sastra. It divides the society into four Varnas ,brahmana, kshatriya, vaishya and shudra.. This quadruple ...
  317. [317]
    How the Ramayana endorses caste bias : r/india - Reddit
    Jun 3, 2018 · The Mahabharata is very contradictory about caste ... I need some trusted sources about the Caste system and meat consumption in Ramayana.Castism blatantly in Mahabharata?! - RedditDoes Mahabharata advocates casteism based on birth? Pls don't ...More results from www.reddit.com
  318. [318]
    11 Books to Read If You Want to Understand Caste in India
    Dec 4, 2017 · Below are eleven works that may serve as an introduction to caste. The works are not all by Dalits, for the experience of caste, and the need to critique it, ...
  319. [319]
    A list of must-read books about the oppression, marginalisation and ...
    At the time, Kerala's caste system was at its most oppressive, ensuring that the marginalised castes remained trapped in a cycle of debt and poverty while the ...
  320. [320]
    [PDF] rakin-alim-arundhati-roy-caste-determines.pdf
    Dec 6, 2020 · They seek comfort in numbness and apathy. The novel illustrates India's rigid hierarchical caste system. The caste system stratifies society ...
  321. [321]
    How Indian-English fiction became an upper-caste echo chamber
    Aug 7, 2024 · In 2023, Bihar state's caste survey revealed that upper castes make up 15.5 per cent of the state's population, only 3.66 per cent of which are ...
  322. [322]
    9 films about the caste system that everyone should watch
    Oct 8, 2020 · The caste system was rightfully abolished in 1948 as independent India's constitution outlawed discrimination based on caste and untouchability.
  323. [323]
    Caste System in India and Its Representation in Popular Cinema
    Oct 24, 2024 · Jai Bhim shines a light on the ways in which the caste system in Hinduism can be weaponized by those in power, turning caste discrimination in ...
  324. [324]
    ‎15 Great Movies About Caste Discrimination And Ambedkarite ...
    Sep 8, 2025 · Pariyerum Perumal and Asuran unflinchingly explore trauma and caste-based violence. Here Are 15 Great Movies About Caste Discrimination And ...
  325. [325]
    [PDF] Dalit Cinema - Scholars at Harvard
    Jun 3, 2018 · India, tackling issues of caste, class and gender-based discrimination. ... caste Hindus against his film that explored the reservation system ...