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NGO Monitor

NGO Monitor is an independent, Jerusalem-based research institute founded in 2002 by Gerald M. Steinberg, a professor emeritus of political studies at Bar-Ilan University, dedicated to investigating the accountability, funding, and political activities of non-governmental organizations (NGOs).^[1]^[2] The organization focuses primarily on NGOs operating in the Arab-Israeli conflict, scrutinizing claims of human rights advocacy against evidence of bias, resource diversion, or support for entities designated as terrorist organizations by governments and international bodies.^[3]^[4] NGO Monitor's core methodology involves compiling data from public financial records, NGO publications, and official statements to produce reports that expose inconsistencies between humanitarian mandates and partisan actions, such as advocacy for boycotts of Israel or partnerships with groups linked to violence.^[5] It provides briefings to governments, parliaments, and donors worldwide, aiming to inform policy on NGO funding and influence.^[6] Notable impacts include contributing to the Dutch government's suspension of funds to NGOs with terrorist ties, European Union audits revealing funding transparency failures, and restrictions on U.S. donors supporting anti-Israel campaigns.^[7]^[8]^[9] The institute has been recognized for advancing governance standards in the NGO sector through empirical analysis, yet it draws criticism from scrutinized organizations and sympathetic outlets, which often portray its work as an effort to delegitimize legitimate advocacy rather than address verifiable funding abuses or ideological distortions.^[10] Such critiques typically originate from entities with stakes in the NGOs under review, reflecting tensions inherent in oversight of politically charged humanitarian operations, while NGO Monitor maintains its analyses are grounded in verifiable data independent of ideological alignment.^[1]^[8]

Founding and History

Establishment in 2002

NGO Monitor was founded in 2002 in Jerusalem by Professor Gerald M. Steinberg, an expert in international relations and conflict management, as an independent research institute aimed at promoting accountability and critical examination of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) claiming to advance human rights and humanitarian causes in the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict.^[11]^[12] The initiative responded to the perceived unchecked influence of NGOs during the Second Intifada (2000–2005), a period marked by intensified Palestinian terrorism and NGO reports that Steinberg argued distorted facts, applied double standards, and minimized Israel's security challenges while amplifying accusations against it.^[13] This establishment followed the 2001 United Nations World Conference Against Racism in Durban, South Africa, where NGOs played a prominent role in advancing anti-Israel demonization under human rights pretexts, prompting Steinberg to create a mechanism for systematic scrutiny.^[14] From its inception, NGO Monitor targeted the "halo effect"—a psychological and perceptual bias granting NGOs presumed moral authority that insulated their political advocacy from rigorous debate or verification.^[15]^[3] Early efforts dissected publications from leading NGOs such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, revealing patterns of selective outrage, methodological flaws, and failure to contextualize Israeli actions amid ongoing violence.^[16] For instance, a 2003 analysis critiqued Amnesty's reports on the Arab-Israeli conflict for misleading generalizations that ignored objective security constraints and Palestinian incitement.^[16] The organization's foundational approach emphasized transparency in NGO funding flows—often from European governments and foundations—and their downstream impacts, including how unsubstantiated claims could reinforce adversarial narratives and indirectly contribute to conflict escalation.^[17]^[13] By prioritizing empirical evidence over ideological assertions, NGO Monitor sought to foster public and policy discourse that held NGOs to standards of factual accuracy and universality, countering their role in what Steinberg described as a "Durban strategy" of politicized human rights campaigns.^[14]

Key Milestones and Expansion

In the mid-2000s, NGO Monitor broadened its monitoring efforts by compiling databases on NGO funding flows and project activities, which exposed how millions in European Union and U.S. government grants supported organizations conducting advocacy against Israel, including campaigns promoting the BDS movement and delegitimization efforts.^[18] These tools aggregated data from donor disclosures and NGO reports, revealing patterns such as over 100 million euros from EU member states directed to groups involved in political litigation and one-sided reporting on the Arab-Israeli conflict between 2000 and 2010.^[19] This expansion enabled empirical critiques that challenged NGO claims of neutrality, prompting parliamentary inquiries in Europe into the misuse of public funds.^[20] A pivotal milestone occurred in the 2010s with NGO Monitor's involvement in advancing transparency reforms, including contributions to debates surrounding Israel's 2016 Knesset law mandating disclosure of foreign government funding for NGOs receiving more than 50% of their budgets from abroad.^[20]^[21] The organization's reports supplied data on over 200 million shekels in such funding to politically active NGOs from 2012 to 2016, influencing policy discussions on accountability and donor influence in domestic affairs.^[19] Concurrently, NGO Monitor launched annual reports cataloging NGO biases, such as selective condemnations of Israel and ties to designated terror groups, which reached policymakers and led to funding reviews in multiple jurisdictions.^[22]^[23] By the 2020s, NGO Monitor adapted to intensified digital and legal threats, including BDS-driven boycotts and lawfare at international bodies, by prioritizing primary-source verification—such as court records and grant ledgers—over NGO self-reported data to debunk inflated casualty figures and fabricated narratives.^[24]^[10] This methodological shift supported exposés tracing over 200 million dollars in government aid to NGOs linked to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine since 2011, resulting in U.S. congressional scrutiny and funding suspensions.^[23] These developments solidified NGO Monitor's role as a global institute, with its analyses cited in over 20 annual reports and informing anti-BDS legislation in states like Texas and New York.^[9]

Organizational Structure and Leadership

Key Personnel and Governance

Professor Gerald Steinberg serves as the founder and president of NGO Monitor, bringing expertise in political science and conflict resolution from his role as Professor Emeritus of Political Studies at Bar-Ilan University, where he established the Program on Conflict Management and Negotiation.^[2] His leadership ensures continuity in the organization's focus on detailed analysis of NGO activities, drawing from academic training in international relations and negotiation dynamics.^[25] Key operational personnel include Olga Deutsch as vice president, Naftali Balanson as chief operating officer, Anne Herzberg as legal advisor with a background in international human rights law, and Itai Reuveni as director of research, supporting the institute's emphasis on legal and empirical scrutiny of NGOs.^[26] These roles are staffed by individuals with specialized knowledge in law, policy, and research methodologies relevant to monitoring accountability in humanitarian and advocacy organizations. NGO Monitor's governance is directed by a Board of Directors, including figures such as Judy Lash Balint, who holds experience in Jewish advocacy and media, and is augmented by an International Advisory Board comprising experts like Alan Dershowitz in human rights law, Elliott Abrams in foreign policy, and former diplomats such as Alexander Downer, prioritizing input from those versed in counter-terrorism, international law, and policy verification over ideological uniformity.^[27]^[28] This structure operates under the Institute for NGO Research, an independent Israeli nonprofit, facilitating internal decision-making centered on research protocols that verify claims through primary data and legal analysis rather than external advocacy pressures.^[1]

Operational Framework

NGO Monitor maintains its primary operations from headquarters in Jerusalem, Israel, where a dedicated research team systematically tracks non-governmental organizations (NGOs) engaged in advocacy related to the Arab-Israeli conflict. The organization employs specialized databases, including the Israeli NGO Funding Database, to aggregate and analyze foreign governmental grants to Israeli and Palestinian NGOs, covering data from 2012 onward through quarterly and annual reports that detail donor contributions, recipient expenditures, and funding patterns.^[29]^[30] This tool enables ongoing surveillance of financial flows, with functionalities for users to explore thousands of grants and generate customized visualizations of funding trends.^[11] Central to its daily operations is a methodology centered on empirical verification, whereby NGO assertions—particularly those alleging Israeli human rights abuses—are cross-checked against primary evidence such as declassified military documentation, independent financial audits, and judicial findings. For instance, analyses often highlight discrepancies by contrasting NGO narratives with verifiable records, as demonstrated in critiques of organizations like B'Tselem, where court rulings exposed reliance on unverified testimonies over factual data.^[31] This approach prioritizes causal linkages between NGO claims and observable outcomes, rejecting unsubstantiated extrapolations in favor of traceable evidence chains to assess actual impacts on conflict dynamics.^[32] To broaden its scope beyond English-language sources, NGO Monitor incorporates multilingual review of NGO publications, statements, and partnerships, enabling detection of inconsistencies across international human rights frameworks. This includes scrutiny of reports from entities like the United Nations, where NGO inputs are evaluated for distortions relative to on-the-ground evidence.^[33] Such practices facilitate partnerships with global researchers and institutions, ensuring operational adaptability to evolving NGO tactics while maintaining focus on accountability through data-driven rebuttals.^[11]

Funding and Financial Transparency

Sources of Funding

NGO Monitor receives all of its funding from private donors and foundations, with no support from any government sources.^[34]^[3] The organization was co-founded in 2002 with backing from the Wechsler Family Foundation, and it continues to draw significant contributions from entities such as Research + Evaluation = Promoting Organizational Responsibility and Transparency (REPORT).^[34] To ensure accountability, NGO Monitor publishes detailed annual financial reports covering the period from 2009 to 2024, available publicly in both English and Hebrew, in compliance with Israeli legal requirements for nonprofit disclosures.^[34] These reports detail income, expenses, and donor contributions without restrictions that might influence research independence, contrasting sharply with the opaque funding practices of many NGOs it scrutinizes, which often involve unreported or indirect grants from foreign governments.^[3]^[18] This private funding model aligns with donors who prioritize oversight of NGO accountability in democratic contexts, avoiding dependencies on state actors that could impose agendas, unlike the monitored organizations' frequent reliance on subsidies from adversarial nations or entities with geopolitical interests, such as documented European Union channels or foundations channeling funds to politically active groups in the Arab-Israeli conflict.^[34]^[35] NGO Monitor's transparency underscores a commitment to the standards it demands from others, highlighting discrepancies where critiqued NGOs obscure donor identities tied to state funders like Norway, Ireland, or Qatar-linked sources.^[36]^[37]

Disclosure Practices and Accountability

NGO Monitor publishes annual financial reports, including audited statements that detail income, expenditures, and overall financial position, covering the period from 2010 to 2024 and available in English and Hebrew on its website.^[34] These reports undergo third-party audits, with auditors opining that the statements fairly present the organization's finances as of year-end, such as December 31, 2024.^[38]^[39] Funding sources consist solely of private donors and foundations, with no government contributions received, and all donations reported pursuant to Israeli legal requirements.^[3]^[34] The organization was co-founded with support from the Wechsler Family Foundation, and ongoing backing includes contributions from entities like Research + Evaluation = Promoting Organizational Responsibility and Transparency (REPORT), though specific individual donor identities beyond such foundations are not itemized.^[34] These practices, including public access to audited financials, reinforce the empirical focus of NGO Monitor's operations on research and analysis, countering assertions of concealed motives by demonstrating verifiable allocation toward informational outputs rather than unreported lobbying.^[34] In contrast to the NGOs it scrutinizes, which frequently withhold granular breakdowns of project spending—enabling opaque advocacy and government funding flows without accountability—NGO Monitor's disclosures exceed typical standards by prioritizing audited oversight and legal compliance over anonymity.^[40]^[36]

Core Mission and Methodologies

Monitoring NGO Accountability

NGO Monitor's foundational approach to NGO accountability centers on fact-based research that scrutinizes claims made by human rights and humanitarian organizations against empirical evidence, emphasizing transparency and universal standards over ideological narratives. Established in 2002, the organization systematically reviews NGO publications, funding sources, and operational practices to promote adherence to accountability principles, particularly in contexts like the Arab-Israeli conflict where NGO reports often influence policy and public opinion. This involves independent analysis that prioritizes verifiable data from public records, such as donor disclosures and financial statements, to assess the credibility and impact of NGO activities.^[41]^[3] Central to this methodology is the identification of methodological shortcomings in NGO reporting, including overreliance on anonymous or unverified testimonies, failure to incorporate relevant contextual evidence—such as documented actions by groups designated as terrorist organizations—and distortions arising from selective data presentation. NGO Monitor applies rigorous evidentiary standards to evaluate these elements, highlighting instances where claims lack substantiation or contradict available facts, thereby fostering greater scrutiny of how NGOs shape discourse on conflicts and human rights. This process draws on publicly accessible materials to ensure analyses remain grounded in observable realities rather than advocacy-driven interpretations.^[32]^[41] The approach also incorporates causal analysis, linking NGO funding patterns and programmatic emphases to tangible outcomes, such as the potential for incitement through materials or advocacy that exacerbates tensions rather than alleviating humanitarian needs. Financial audits form a core component, examining budget breakdowns to quantify allocations between genuine aid delivery and political or legal advocacy efforts, revealing discrepancies between stated missions and actual expenditures. By focusing on these ratios—often derived from NGO annual reports and grant records—NGO Monitor underscores the need for donors to condition support on verifiable humanitarian impact, countering distortions where advocacy overshadows relief. This evidence-driven framework aims to realign NGO operations with accountability, enabling stakeholders to discern between constructive engagement and biased interventions.^[41]^[32]

Research and Analytical Approaches

NGO Monitor utilizes open-source intelligence (OSINT) as a foundational element of its research, sourcing data from publicly accessible materials including government donor disclosures, NGO financial statements, European Union funding correspondences, and regulatory submissions to bodies such as the Israeli Registrar of Non-Profits.^[3] This methodology facilitates the tracing of funding trajectories and personnel affiliations, enabling the identification of patterns in resource allocation that support activities beyond stated humanitarian mandates.^[42] Quantitative metrics form a core analytical tool, with analyses quantifying funding volumes—such as specific grant totals in millions of euros—and their proportions directed toward political advocacy, including campaigns for boycotts or legal actions against Israel.^[3] These metrics are derived from verifiable public records, allowing for empirical assessment of discrepancies between donor intentions and NGO expenditures. Complementing this, qualitative deconstructions evaluate NGO reports and advocacy materials for inconsistencies, such as unsubstantiated claims or omissions that align with partisan narratives rather than comprehensive factual accounting.^[1] The integration of legal documents, including arrest records, conviction details, and official terrorist designations, supports causal linkages between NGOs and proscribed entities, verified through cross-referencing with primary sources like organizational acknowledgments and judicial outcomes.^[42] This approach counters selective framing prevalent in monitored NGOs by prioritizing raw data over interpretive overlays, ensuring analyses remain anchored in disinterested verification to highlight accountability gaps in forums like the United Nations and International Criminal Court.^[3]

Activities

Publications and Reports

NGO Monitor produces a range of research reports and analytical publications focused on scrutinizing the activities, funding, and claims of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), particularly those involved in the Arab-Israeli conflict. These outputs include in-depth reports, policy briefs, and databases that compile empirical data on NGO finances and statements, often highlighting discrepancies between NGO narratives and verifiable evidence.^[43]^[44] The organization issues regular reports tracking NGO funding flows from governments and private donors, with emphasis on transparency and potential risks such as support for groups with documented terror affiliations. For instance, quarterly reports detail foreign government funding to Israeli NGOs active in the conflict, covering data from 2012 to 2018 and enabling users to generate customized charts and graphs for analysis.^[45] A March 2025 report examined funding channeled through U.S.-registered charities to terror-linked NGOs associated with Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), documenting specific financial transfers and calling for enhanced oversight.^[46] These publications frequently incorporate data visualizations to illustrate funding patterns, such as European government grants supporting programs involving Hamas-controlled entities.^[11] Thematic reports address specific NGO claims, including comparative analyses challenging accusations of Israeli "apartheid" by contrasting rights protections under Israeli law with those in Palestinian Authority-governed areas. A January 2024 report critiqued the "apartheid" label propagated by NGOs post-Hamas's October 7, 2023 attacks, arguing it distorts legal realities and ignores contextual factors like security necessities and PA governance failures.^[47] Similarly, a November 2022 analysis dismantled Human Rights Watch's "A Threshold Crossed" report, highlighting selective omissions and factual inaccuracies in its apartheid framework application to Israel.^[48] An April 2022 rebuttal to Amnesty International's report detailed methodological biases, such as ignoring counter-evidence on equality under Israeli law and exaggerating intent-based claims without causal substantiation.^[49] NGO Monitor maintains digital tools, including detailed NGO profiles that aggregate funding sources, project details, and claim verifications for public scrutiny. These profiles, accessible via the organization's website, cover entities like Addameer and 7amleh, compiling evidence of ties to terror groups or biased advocacy while providing links to primary documents.^[50] The funding database further supports this by tracking thousands of international grants to Israeli and Palestinian NGOs, allowing interactive queries to reveal patterns of opaque or problematic allocations.^[11]

Advocacy and Policy Engagement

NGO Monitor provides briefings and testimonies to lawmakers to address distortions in NGO reporting and advocate for enhanced vetting mechanisms. In 2023, the organization delivered briefings to over 75 U.S. congressional offices, focusing on gaps in U.S. vetting standards for NGO funding and operations in conflict zones.^[9] Similarly, staff testified before U.S. congressional committees, including a June 22, 2023, hearing on anti-Semitism and anti-Israel bias propagated by NGOs through selective narratives that omit terror contexts.^[51] These efforts extend to Europe, with briefings to 25 German members of parliament following the October 7, 2023, attacks, emphasizing NGO ties to terror groups, and written submissions to the UK Parliament on April 24, 2025, detailing insufficient oversight of aid diversion to Hamas-linked entities.^[9] ^[52] In Israel, NGO Monitor's detailed analyses of foreign funding influenced transparency reforms, including the 2011 Law on Disclosure Requirements for Support from Foreign Governmental Bodies, which mandates quarterly reporting for NGOs receiving significant overseas governmental donations, and the 2016 legislation targeting those deriving over 50% of funds from foreign states by requiring explicit labeling in communications.^[53] ^[54] The organization's 2013 report on compliance under the 2011 law documented how such disclosures revealed disproportionate foreign influence on politicized advocacy, informing subsequent policy debates.^[55] NGO Monitor engages media outlets to underscore factual inconsistencies in NGO accounts, such as the systematic underreporting of terrorism's role in Palestinian-Israeli violence. Analyses have critiqued NGOs for relying on unverified "eyewitness" claims that contradict evidence like security footage, while amplifying unsubstantiated allegations against Israel without contextualizing terror acts.^[56] In 2023, this included 15 op-eds in publications like JNS.org and coverage in over 50 outlets, including the Washington Examiner and Jerusalem Post, exposing how media often echo NGO narratives that minimize terror without empirical backing.^[9] ^[57] Collaborations with parliamentary bodies and research entities enable NGO Monitor to advance data-centric critiques of ideological biases in human rights NGOs. For instance, joint work with the European Parliament in May 2023 targeted blacklisting of terror-affiliated NGOs, prioritizing verifiable funding trails over advocacy claims.^[9] These partnerships facilitate submissions like the 2014 European Parliament presentation on inadequate EU oversight of grants to politicized groups, urging empirical audits to replace unchecked ideological endorsements.^[58]

Legal Actions and Challenges

NGO Monitor has intervened in international legal proceedings by submitting amicus briefs to bodies such as the International Criminal Court (ICC), providing evidence-based analyses to contest claims advanced by NGOs critical of Israel. In March 2020, NGO Monitor filed an amicus brief to the ICC addressing distortions in NGO submissions regarding the Palestinian situation, emphasizing factual inaccuracies and selective reporting that undermine universal applications of international law.^[59] Similarly, in August 2024, NGO Monitor, in collaboration with the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, submitted another amicus brief challenging ICC arrest warrants sought against Israeli leaders, arguing that such actions exceed the court's jurisdictional bounds and rely on NGO-promoted narratives lacking empirical support.^[60] These interventions highlight NGOs' exploitation of legal forums—termed "lawfare"—to pursue political objectives, often through unsubstantiated allegations against Israeli officials and entities.^[61] In Israeli domestic contexts, NGO Monitor has supported accountability by documenting NGOs' misuse of charitable status for partisan advocacy, prompting regulatory scrutiny and potential revocation of tax benefits. For instance, NGO Monitor's analyses have exposed how certain NGOs, including those with U.S. 501(c)(3) designations, channel funds toward activities resembling political campaigning rather than neutral humanitarian aid, such as anti-Israel litigation and BDS promotion, which contravenes tax-exempt criteria requiring public benefit without private inurement.^[62] A 2025 report detailed legal and financial repercussions for WESPAC Foundation, a fiscal sponsor of anti-Israel groups, following exposures of its role in funding disruptive activities, including those linked to campus antisemitism, leading to investigations into its tax-exempt compliance.^[63] Such documentation has contributed to policy adjustments, including Israel's 2024-2025 measures to delist or restrict NGOs abusing humanitarian visas for advocacy, thereby reducing taxpayer subsidization of ideologically driven lawsuits.^[64] These efforts have yielded tangible outcomes, including heightened judicial skepticism toward NGO filings and shifts in governmental funding policies. By furnishing courts with verifiable data on NGO funding ties to restricted activities—such as PFLP affiliations in groups like Al-Haq—NGO Monitor's submissions have exposed evidentiary gaps in petitioners' cases, deterring frivolous claims and reinforcing accountability standards.^[65] Critics of NGO Monitor contend these actions selectively target pro-Palestinian entities, but proponents argue they restore balance by countering systemic biases in NGO reporting that privilege unverified accusations over comprehensive evidence.^[66] Overall, NGO Monitor's legal engagements underscore a strategy of leveraging judicial transparency to dismantle NGOs' unchecked influence in international and domestic arenas.

Focus Areas and Case Studies

Criticisms of Human Rights NGOs

NGO Monitor has analyzed the reporting patterns of major human rights organizations, revealing a pattern of disproportionate scrutiny applied to Israel relative to other actors in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In systematic reviews of Human Rights Watch (HRW) publications, NGO Monitor documented that HRW's condemnations of Israel significantly exceed those directed at Palestinian Authority (PA) or Hamas abuses, even during periods of intense Palestinian violence; for example, HRW's coverage of Israeli actions in Gaza conflicts often omits or downplays Hamas rocket barrages and the use of civilian infrastructure for military purposes, framing Israel as the primary violator without equivalent emphasis on comparable regimes like Syria under Assad.^[67]^[68] Similarly, Amnesty International's outputs show a focus on Israeli policies, such as during the 2014 Gaza conflict where Amnesty issued daily condemnations of Israel's defensive operations while producing limited statements on Hamas's initiation of rocket attacks or internal governance failures in Gaza.^[69]^[70] These imbalances extend to broader empirical disparities in report volumes and thematic emphasis. NGO Monitor's examinations indicate that HRW and Amnesty allocate resources to Israel-related advocacy at rates far exceeding those for systemic PA torture or Hamas executions, as evidenced by HRW's 2018 report on Palestinian detention abuses that nonetheless pivoted to critiquing Israeli policies despite the document's nominal focus on PA and Hamas practices.^[71] In Amnesty's case, annual reports and conflict-specific analyses from 2006 onward demonstrate a recurring prioritization of Israeli actions over equivalent scrutiny of Palestinian incitement or diversion of aid to military ends, with NGO Monitor quantifying this through comparative statement counts that highlight Israel's isolation as the sole target in regional humanitarian law discussions.^[72]^[73] NGO Monitor further traces causal connections between such selective rhetoric and broader delegitimization efforts, noting that funding flows from European governments and private foundations sustain advocacy arms within these NGOs that amplify anti-Israel narratives in international forums. For instance, grants supporting HRW and Amnesty campaigns often correlate with legal and media initiatives portraying Israeli self-defense as inherently aggressive, bypassing balanced assessments of threat contexts like Hamas charters endorsing violence.^[74] This pattern, per NGO Monitor's funding mappings, enables predetermined outcomes in reports that erode claims of impartiality, as internal methodological choices favor sourcing from Palestinian affiliates while marginalizing Israeli or neutral data.^[67]^[75]

Exposure of Terror-Linked Funding

NGO Monitor has systematically documented funding flows to non-governmental organizations (NGOs) with verifiable ties to designated terrorist groups, including the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), a U.S.- and EU-listed entity responsible for multiple attacks. In reports such as "Clear and Convincing: The Links between the PFLP and the European Government-Funded NGOs," NGO Monitor presents evidence from staff admissions, social media posts, event participation, and financial records showing PFLP infiltration into six Palestinian NGOs: Addameer Prisoner's Support and Human Rights Association, Al-Haq, Bisan Center for Research and Development, Defense for Children International-Palestine, Union of Agricultural Work Committees, and Union of Health Work Committees.^[76] These ties included NGO employees serving as PFLP commanders, recruiters, and propagandists, with funds allegedly diverted to the terror group despite claims of operational separation.^[77] Prior to Israel's October 22, 2021, designation of these NGOs as terrorist organizations—based on intelligence from arrests and interrogations revealing PFLP control over budgets and activities—they received over €20 million in European Union and member state grants between 2014 and 2021, including from Norway, Sweden, and the Netherlands.^[42] NGO Monitor's analysis highlights failures in donor vetting, such as reliance on self-reported data, leading to post-designation revelations; for instance, a 2020 Dutch government probe, prompted by NGO Monitor research, suspended funding to one implicated group after uncovering PFLP-linked salaries.^[78] In response to NGO denials framing ties as mere "political affiliations," NGO Monitor counters with primary evidence, including court-documented cases of fund transfers and member lists, arguing that such defenses evade accountability for dual-use structures where humanitarian aid masks terror support.^[42] Extending to Hamas-linked entities, NGO Monitor's 2025 reports expose U.S.-registered charities and financial platforms channeling donations to groups tied to the U.S.-designated terrorist organization, including intermediaries for Hezbollah affiliates, via platforms like PayPal and crowdfunding sites.^[46] A separate investigation revealed European governments funding Gaza aid programs coordinated with Hamas's Ministry of Social Development, where officials have publicly endorsed attacks, underscoring risks of indirect terror financing through unmonitored partnerships.^[79] NGO Monitor advocates for donor policies mandating third-party audits and funding conditions tied to verified disassociation from terror groups, citing post-2010 cases—like U.S. Treasury probes into Holy Land Foundation successors—as precedents for halting flows after exposure.^[80] These recommendations emphasize empirical risk assessment over NGO assurances, prioritizing prevention of aid diversion documented in captured Hamas ledgers and audits.^[52]

Countering BDS and Delegitimization Efforts

NGO Monitor analyzes BDS-promoting NGO networks as coordinated efforts funded by foreign governments, foundations, and religious charities, which channel resources into campaigns pressuring companies through allegations of complicity in purported Israeli human rights abuses. European governments and the European Union allocate approximately €100 million annually to such NGOs, including Palestinian and Israeli groups that advance BDS under the guise of human rights advocacy, despite many donors' official stances against boycotts.^[81] ^[82] These funds support tactics like lobbying corporations via corporate social responsibility mechanisms and disseminating distorted legal narratives, often relying on unsubstantiated claims of Israeli "apartheid" or "war crimes" to frame economic boycotts as moral imperatives.^[83] ^[81] In response, NGO Monitor traces these financial flows to expose how they enable delegitimization strategies rooted in the "Durban Strategy," which prioritizes political warfare over empirical accountability, including nonhierarchical global networks that amplify antisemitic tropes under human rights pretexts.^[81] Specific examples include European taxpayer money funneled to radical NGOs that target Israeli exports and infrastructure projects, fostering division rather than mutual economic benefits.^[82] NGO Monitor counters BDS economic rationales by documenting their limited efficacy against Israel's economy—such as non-binding campus divestment resolutions that yield symbolic rather than material effects—while underscoring disproportionate harm to Palestinian workers reliant on cross-border trade and employment.^[83] BDS-driven union boycotts and business disruptions, presented as solidarity with Palestinian labor, instead exacerbate unemployment and economic isolation in Palestinian territories by severing ties with Israeli markets that provide jobs and revenue.^[83] NGO Monitor highlights collaborations with pro-peace constituencies, such as church leaders and analysts, to reveal BDS as a rejectionist framework that eschews negotiation for unilateral sanctions, thereby obstructing constructive dialogue. For instance, in 2011, Dutch Protestant church figures confronted Sabeel—a BDS-promoting group—for its biased agenda, fostering pro-peace alternatives that prioritize mutual understanding over demonization.^[84] These efforts emphasize BDS's incompatibility with genuine peace-building, as its demands for refugee return and dissolution of Jewish self-determination preclude compromise.^[85]

Policy Impact and Reception

Influence on Governments and Legislation

NGO Monitor's research on foreign funding to Israeli NGOs contributed to the development and passage of the 2016 Israeli NGO Funding Transparency Law, which requires non-profits receiving more than 50% of their budget from foreign state entities to disclose such sources in official publications, annual reports, and public communications.^[54] ^[21] The organization submitted a position paper advocating for enhanced disclosure mechanisms to address opaque influences on domestic advocacy, drawing on its databases tracking grants from governments like those in Europe.^[54] This legislation built on a 2011 requirement for quarterly foreign funding reports but imposed stricter visibility rules, enabling public scrutiny of NGOs such as Adalah and Yesh Din, which NGO Monitor documented as receiving significant European state support.^[86] ^[87] In the European context, NGO Monitor's analyses of EU grants to politicized NGOs prompted donor reevaluations prior to 2020, including inputs to parliamentary inquiries and funding reviews that resulted in targeted reductions. For instance, its documentation of funding to groups like BADIL influenced Swedish government decisions to scale back support from an initial allocation, limiting the project to SEK 60 million and accelerating its end date.^[88] Similarly, detailed reports on EU mechanisms like the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights highlighted inefficiencies, contributing to broader transparency pushes examined in European Commission assessments.^[89] These efforts aligned with calls for accountability in aid allocation, though specific causal links to aggregate cuts remain debated amid competing donor priorities.^[90] NGO Monitor's evidence-based critiques have also informed U.S. policy deliberations on NGO funding, supporting congressional oversight of grants to entities with alleged biases or ties that undermine neutrality. Its funding databases provided data for reviews leading to donor shifts, exemplified by halted allocations from governments citing NGO Monitor's findings on misuse, though comprehensive metrics on total grant reductions are not publicly aggregated.^[37] Such impacts underscore a pattern of leveraging transparency research to foster legislative and administrative reforms aimed at aligning NGO activities with donor accountability standards.^[3]

Assessments from Supporters and Analysts

Security experts and policy analysts have commended NGO Monitor for its preemptive identification of terror-linked funding in NGOs, with several warnings validated by subsequent governmental actions. For instance, NGO Monitor documented extensive ties between Addameer and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), a U.S.-designated terrorist group, including shared personnel and leadership, as early as 2010.^[91] These reports gained confirmation when the U.S. Department of the Treasury sanctioned Addameer on June 10, 2025, for being owned, controlled, or directed by Hamas and PFLP operatives, thereby diverting humanitarian aid to terrorist activities.^[92] ^[93] Similar patterns emerged with other NGOs, such as those designated by Israel in October 2021 for PFLP affiliations, where NGO Monitor's prior analyses on staffing overlaps and ideological alignments preceded official recognitions.^[77] Academic works on NGO governance have cited NGO Monitor's methodologies as exemplars for enhancing oversight and accountability in the sector. Legal scholars examining NGO participation in international arenas have referenced its systematic tracking of funding sources, personnel affiliations, and activity discrepancies as a replicable framework for addressing legitimacy gaps.^[94] ^[95] This approach emphasizes empirical verification through public records, financial disclosures, and cross-referenced data, contrasting with less rigorous self-reporting by monitored entities. Such citations underscore the organization's contribution to scholarly discourse on balancing NGO advocacy with transparency standards. NGO Monitor's research has measurably influenced policy reforms and corrective actions. Its documentation of opaque foreign funding to Israeli-registered NGOs, totaling millions in European grants to groups engaged in political advocacy, informed the 2016 Israeli NGO Transparency Law, which mandates disclosure for entities receiving over 50% of budgets from foreign governments.^[96] ^[97] Reports have also prompted funding suspensions, such as Germany's 2024 ban on Samidoun after NGO Monitor highlighted its PFLP connections and praise for Hamas activities post-October 7, 2023.^[98] In media spheres, scrutiny from NGO Monitor has led to retractions or amendments, including challenges to inflated casualty claims in outlets like The New York Times, where cross-verification exposed mislabeling of combatants as civilians.^[99] These outcomes affirm the practical utility of its data-driven exposures in countering unsubstantiated narratives.

Controversies

Allegations of Pro-Israel Bias

Critics from pro-Palestinian advocacy outlets have accused NGO Monitor of pro-Israel bias, claiming it selectively targets non-governmental organizations (NGOs) critical of Israeli policies while ignoring comparable scrutiny of pro-Israel entities or human rights abuses unrelated to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Electronic Intifada, a pro-Palestinian media site, has labeled NGO Monitor as an entity that spreads "false and misleading information" about NGOs, dismissing it as unworthy of serious consideration due to its alleged partisan agenda.^[100] Similarly, commentators in legal blogs have described NGO Monitor's mission—tracking NGOs for perceived anti-Israel bias—as inherently partisan, arguing it prioritizes advocacy over objective analysis.^[101] Allegations of a right-wing orientation further underpin claims of bias, with Electronic Intifada reporting NGO Monitor's collaborations with far-right European politicians, such as Danish MP Anders Vistisen hosting its events in 2017, as evidence of ideological alignment beyond neutral monitoring.^[102] Pro-Palestinian sources, including those affiliated with Palestinian NGOs like Al Mezan, have portrayed NGO Monitor's exposure of funding ties or methodological flaws as "scurrilous smears" intended to delegitimize advocacy against Israeli actions in Gaza.^[103] These critics often frame NGO Monitor as functioning as a "watchdog for Israel," selectively amplifying NGO shortcomings in the Middle East context to shield Israeli policies from international pressure. Such allegations typically emanate from outlets and NGOs with documented advocacy against Israel, which themselves face scrutiny for disproportionate focus on Israeli conduct relative to global conflicts; NGO Monitor's analyses, by contrast, empirically document these double standards through verifiable evidence of NGO funding from terror-linked sources, inconsistent application of international law, and reliance on unverified claims in reports on Israel, while noting NGOs' relative silence on parallel abuses by Hamas or in Syria.^[104]^[105] This approach underscores causal discrepancies in NGO practices rather than ideological predisposition, as NGO Monitor's database includes over 1,000 entries on international NGOs' activities, prioritizing transparency in areas of demonstrated selective outrage.^[11]

Associated Press Dispute

In November 2014, former Associated Press (AP) Jerusalem correspondent Matti Friedman alleged that the AP's Jerusalem bureau had imposed an internal policy banning reporters from quoting Gerald Steinberg, founder of NGO Monitor, following NGO Monitor's 2009 critique of NGOs for disseminating unverified casualty figures during the 2008-2009 Gaza conflict. Friedman, who worked for AP from 2006 to 2011, described the directive as originating from bureau leadership in response to NGO Monitor's documentation of distortions in NGO reports that AP had cited without scrutiny, such as inflated civilian death tolls from groups like Human Rights Watch and B'Tselem.^[106] He characterized this as part of a broader pattern where AP prioritized NGO narratives over critical analysis, stating that NGOs "are to be quoted, not covered."^[107] The allegation gained corroboration from at least one other former AP Jerusalem reporter, who confirmed the ban applied specifically to the bureau's coverage of Israel-related issues, though European-based AP reporters continued citing Steinberg.^[108] NGO Monitor responded by highlighting the policy's implications for journalistic independence, arguing it exemplified media aversion to accountability for NGO-funded advocacy masquerading as neutral data, evidenced by AP's repeated unchallenged use of NGO claims on topics like settlement expansion and military operations.^[107] Independent analyses, including from legal scholar Eugene Volokh, noted the difficulty of reconciling multiple insider accounts with AP's blanket denial, suggesting the policy targeted local sourcing to shield reliance on NGO inputs amid post-2009 scrutiny.^[109] AP rejected the claims in a December 1, 2014, statement, asserting no formal ban existed and citing instances where Steinberg and NGO Monitor appeared in AP stories since 2009, including during the 2014 Gaza conflict.^[110] However, AP did not disclose internal communications or sourcing guidelines, and critics observed that the cited examples often involved non-Jerusalem datelines, failing to refute the bureau-specific restriction alleged by ex-staff.^[111] This opacity fueled assessments that AP's dependence on NGOs for on-the-ground access and data—without equivalent vetting of critics like NGO Monitor—risked amplifying unverified narratives, as seen in empirical discrepancies like the 2009 NGO casualty reports later adjusted downward upon independent review.^[112] The episode underscored tensions in media practices where insider whistleblowers provide direct evidence of editorial constraints, contrasted against institutional denials lacking granular transparency.

Rebuttals to Criticisms from Targeted NGOs

NGO Monitor has systematically rebutted accusations from organizations such as Human Rights Watch (HRW) and Amnesty International through comprehensive analyses that expose factual errors, methodological deficiencies, and selective omissions in their reports. These responses emphasize empirical verification, including cross-referencing primary data sources like Israeli government statistics and international records, to demonstrate inconsistencies that undermine the NGOs' credibility. For instance, NGO Monitor's methodology prioritizes transparent sourcing and quantitative assessment, contrasting with the targeted NGOs' reliance on unverified testimonies and secondary citations from advocacy-aligned groups.^[113] In addressing HRW's April 2021 report accusing Israel of apartheid, NGO Monitor documented 303 flaws, comprising 105 factual errors, 136 misrepresentations, 37 omissions, and 25 instances of double standards. Specific errors included HRW's false assertion that Arab Israelis face undue population density constraints—citing figures like 2,550 persons per square mile in Arab cities versus 9,000 in Tel Aviv—while ignoring self-selection in settlement patterns; misreporting Gaza entry permits as "hundreds" in 2019 when records show over 127,000; and falsifying quotes, such as altering one from Shimon Peres to imply intent for Jewish domination. These critiques highlighted HRW's self-citation 175 times without primary fieldwork, reinforcing NGO Monitor's argument that such reports prioritize narrative over evidence.^[114]^[115] Similarly, NGO Monitor's April 2022 report, "Amnesty International’s Cruel Assault on Israel," provided a point-by-point refutation of Amnesty's February 2022 apartheid accusation, identifying systematic lies, errors, omissions, and double standards across its 280 pages. The analysis revealed Amnesty's distortion of legal frameworks, such as equating standard security measures with apartheid intent without causal evidence linking them to prohibited discrimination, and omission of comparable practices in Palestinian Authority governance. NGO Monitor further noted Amnesty's failure to engage with counter-data on Arab Israeli integration, including rising socioeconomic indicators, underscoring a pattern of advocacy-driven reporting over balanced inquiry.^[116]^[49] Targeted NGOs' criticisms of NGO Monitor often intensify following exposures of their own funding dependencies, such as European government grants totaling millions that support politicized activities rather than neutral humanitarian work. HRW, for example, revised public claims on accepting government funds only after NGO Monitor's documentation of indirect flows exceeding $100 million annually from sources like Saudi entities, revealing inconsistencies in transparency assertions. These retaliatory responses, including ad hominem attacks on NGO Monitor's independence, correlate with the NGOs' reliance on funders who oppose accountability mechanisms, as evidenced by unchanged error rates in subsequent reports despite rebuttals.^[67]^[117] NGO Monitor's rebuttals underscore sustained accuracy by tracking outcomes of their analyses, such as validated warnings on NGO misuse of humanitarian visas for advocacy—later prompting Israeli policy reviews—and empirical confirmation of terror-linked funding flows that governments subsequently curtailed. This approach highlights the targeted NGOs' persistent refusal to issue corrections, even when primary data contradicts their claims, thereby affirming NGO Monitor's role in enforcing evidentiary standards amid institutional biases favoring unchecked narratives.^[64]^[52]

Recent Developments

Responses to October 7, 2023 Events

In the aftermath of the Hamas-led attacks on October 7, 2023, which killed approximately 1,200 Israelis and foreigners and resulted in over 250 hostages taken, NGO Monitor published analyses documenting NGOs' initial statements and their implications for selective outrage.^[118] These reports emphasized patterns where NGOs equivocated on Hamas's deliberate targeting of civilians, framed the assault as "resistance," or preemptively criticized anticipated Israeli countermeasures, often without condemning the pogrom's scale or intent.^[119] A key October 8, 2023, report by NGO Monitor reviewed statements from groups like Amnesty International, which issued a press release urging "the Israeli government [to] refrain from inciting violence and tensions," while equating civilian tolls on both sides amid the unfolding attack.^[118] Similarly, a senior Human Rights Watch official, Sari Bashi, described the incursions as "resistance to apartheid and oppression" in an October 7 tweet, contextualizing civilian massacres within broader grievances rather than isolating the atrocity.^[118] Palestinian NGOs such as Al-Haq, Al-Mezan, and the Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR)—which NGO Monitor has previously linked to funding from the EU, Sweden, and others, alongside ties to the U.S.-designated terror group Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP)—issued a joint October 8 statement portraying the attacks as "an operation in response to escalating Israeli crimes."^[118] Subsequent compilations by NGO Monitor, updated through October 2023, cataloged further instances of downplaying or justification, including the BDS Movement's October 8 endorsement of the attacks as a "justified use of armed resistance" against Israeli forces and civilians.^[119] Groups like the Union of Agricultural Work Committees (UAWC) celebrated the assault on October 7 as evidence of "the power and will of a great people," while the International Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD) on October 11 lauded it for "restoring Palestinian pride and agency" despite acknowledging "wanton carnage."^[119] Moral equivocation appeared in statements from B'Tselem, which on October 9 asserted that "one crime does not justify another," paralleling Hamas's actions with Israel's without prioritizing the initiation of hostilities.^[119] NGO Monitor contended that such rhetoric fostered a causal narrative inverting victim-perpetrator dynamics, enabling equivocation that obscured Hamas's agency in the massacre.^[119] These analyses extended to donor accountability, revealing pre-existing NGO collaborations with terror-affiliated entities and post-attack justifications that violated funding guidelines. NGO Monitor's documentation influenced policy responses, including Switzerland's November 13, 2023, suspension of CHF 2.3 million in funding to 11 NGOs—such as PCHR, MIFTAH, Al-Shabaka, and Adalah—after identifying violations like terror ties, violence endorsements, and apartheid accusations in their October 7-related communications.^[120] The organization urged governments and philanthropists to scrutinize such patterns, arguing they perpetuated biased advocacy over empirical condemnation of empirically verified atrocities.^[120]

Ongoing Global Monitoring Efforts

NGO Monitor has extended its scrutiny to government funding practices in Europe and North America, producing reports from 2023 to 2025 that document opaque allocations to NGOs with questionable activities. In February 2024, it analyzed Sweden's post-October 7, 2023, review of Palestinian funding via Sida, contending that the assessment overlooked prior support to groups with terror affiliations by limiting scope to 2023 recipients only.^[121] Similarly, in April 2025, NGO Monitor provided written evidence to the UK Parliament's International Development Committee, detailing instances of UK aid diversion to Hamas-linked projects through NGOs, based on internal documents obtained via freedom of information requests.^[52] A September 2025 report on Canada highlighted Global Affairs Canada's partners, such as the Norwegian Refugee Council and UNRWA, for actions undermining peace efforts despite receiving millions in funding.^[122] These publications have informed policy debates, with data on funding transparency prompting calls for stricter oversight in donor countries. NGO Monitor's analyses prioritize tracing financial flows and NGO outputs against stated humanitarian goals, revealing patterns of unaccounted expenditures and ideological advocacy.^[40] In May 2025, NGO Monitor broadened its focus to non-conflict domains with a report on NGOs in Africa's extractive sector, examining how organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch influence resource policies, often prioritizing anti-Western narratives over evidence-based development impacts.^[123] The study critiques selective targeting of multinational firms while downplaying state-owned enterprises from China and Russia, using project data and policy submissions to argue for balanced governance in resource-rich regions. This initiative underscores ongoing adaptations in monitoring methodology, emphasizing empirical tracking of NGO interventions across continents to expose governance gaps.^[124]

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CAMERA Prompts New York Times Magazine Caption Correction ...
Dec 7, 2016 · NGO Monitor reported: Left unsaid in the article, and in a “Back ... For additional New York Times corrections prompted by CAMERA, please see here ...
[100]
NGO Monitor should not be taken seriously - The Electronic Intifada
Oct 18, 2005 · NGO Monitor's editor, Gerald Steinberg is a consultant to the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs and National Security Council.
[101]
Monitoring NGO Monitor - 18 Days and Counting - Opinio Juris
Apr 17, 2010 · NGO Monitor tracks NGOs for bias against Israel. This is an inherently partisan goal. To deflect accusation of a purportedly nonpartisan NGO by ...
[102]
Pro-Israel group NGO Monitor teams up with Europe's far-right
Jun 23, 2017 · Danish far-right politician Anders Vistisen will host an event for the pro-Israel lobby group NGO Monitor next week.<|separator|>
[103]
Dutch reject Wilders' smears against Gaza rights group
Oct 23, 2020 · Far-right leader accused Al Mezan of terror links based on scurrilous claims by NGO Monitor.
[104]
NGO Monitor - Bias and Credibility - Media Bias/Fact Check
Private donors and foundations provide all our funding, and NGO Monitor receives no governmental support. NGO Monitor receives significant financial support ...
[105]
The Double Standard in the Human-Rights World - The Atlantic
Mar 27, 2025 · Although this march in early October observed the one-year anniversary of the day Hamas militants broke a cease-fire by invading Israeli ...
[106]
AP's Weak Push Back Against Former Reporter's Criticism
Dec 3, 2014 · In his Atlantic piece, Friedman described the AP's blacklisting of Bar Ilan University Professor Gerald Steinberg, president of NGO Monitor, a ...
[107]
Statement on Media Censorship of Criticism of NGOs - NGO Monitor
Dec 1, 2014 · Gerald Steinberg. In my time as an AP writer moving through the local conflict, with its myriad lunatics, bigots, and killers, the only person I ...Missing: dispute | Show results with:dispute
[108]
Second Witness Confirms AP Banned NGO Monitor
Dec 4, 2014 · Another ex-AP journalist backs claim that Associated Press banned interviews with NGO Watch's Gerald Steinberg.
[109]
Who is right about the AP's alleged blacklisting of pro-Israel ...
Dec 3, 2014 · A few reporters based in Europe did cite Gerald Steinberg and NGO Monitor, but Friedman never alleged that the AP as a whole banned ...Missing: dispute | Show results with:dispute
[110]
AP statement on Mideast coverage | The Associated Press
Dec 1, 2014 · Gerald Steinberg. He and his NGO Monitor group are cited in at least a half-dozen stories since the 2009 Gaza war. _ The repeated allegation ...Missing: dispute | Show results with:dispute
[111]
Fact-Checking AP's Denial of Censorship | HonestReporting
Dec 3, 2014 · AP reporters were banned from quoting Professor Gerald Steinberg, who founded NGO-Monitor. His organization tracks the activities and funding of non- ...
[112]
Blacklisting of pro-Israel watchdog organization NGO Monitor by the ...
Dec 2, 2014 · Blacklisting of pro-Israel watchdog organization NGO Monitor by the Associated Press ; 1. Hannah Natanson · Meryl Kornfield ; 2. Cat Zakrzewski.
[113]
Best Practices for Human Rights and Humanitarian NGO Fact-Finding
May 1, 2012 · Best Practices for Human Rights and Humanitarian NGO Fact-Finding discusses the centrality of the need for accuracy in NGO reporting, noting ...
[114]
NGO Monitor finds over 300 flaws with Human Rights Watch report ...
Dec 5, 2022 · In total, NGO Monitor found 303 total flaws with HRW's report, divided into 105 errors, 136 misrepresentations, 37 omissions and 25 instances of ...
[115]
[PDF] A Threshold Crossed: Documenting HRW'S “Apartheid” Fabrications
Nov 1, 2022 · ... ngo-monitor.org | www.ngo-monitor.org. Organization in Special ... Ironically it was right-wing groups led by MK Bezalel Smotrich who.<|separator|>
[116]
Amnesty International's Cruel Assault on Israel - NGO Monitor
Apr 14, 2022 · In February 2022, Amnesty released a 280-page report on Apartheid. As detailed in this report, the publication is fundamentally flawed, ...Missing: early | Show results with:early
[117]
HRW's Demonization, BDS, and Downplaying Antisemitism
Nov 30, 2023 · NGO Monitor analyzes HRW's expanded demonization of Israel, calling for boycotts and lawfare, and focusing on lobbying Europe to pressure ...Click Here To View A... · Hrw's Bds And Lawfare · Downplaying Antisemitism...
[118]
Immediate NGO Responses to the Hamas Pogrom - NGO Monitor
Oct 8, 2023 · On October 7, 2023 (which was the Sabbath and a Jewish holiday), hundreds of ... ” According to the statement, “On Saturday, 7 October 2023 ...
[119]
Compilation of NGO Statements on October 7 Massacre and Aftermath
Oct 17, 2023 · NGO Monitor has compiled statements from NGOs during the October 2023 Gaza War.Missing: engagement testimonies lawmakers
[120]
Switzerland Suspends Funding to 11 NGOs after October 7 Hamas ...
Nov 13, 2023 · Switzerland Suspends Funding to 11 NGOs after October 7 Hamas Massacre · Contents · Topics in this Report · NGOs in this Report · Funders in this ...
[121]
Sweden's NGO Review Found No Terror Support Because They ...
Feb 28, 2024 · The review exclusively relates to NGOs that were being funded by Sweden in 2023, ignoring NGOs that were previously supported and are presumably ...Missing: UK | Show results with:UK
[122]
Canada's NGO and UN Partners for Palestinian Humanitarian Aid
Sep 10, 2025 · Several organizations receiving Canadian government funding act in ways that directly contradict Canada's stated values of peace and ...Norwegian Refugee Council · Unrwa · Unicef
[123]
Resource Extraction in Africa and the Controversial Role of NGOs
May 7, 2025 · This report critically examines the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Africa's extractive sector, analyzing their influence ...Missing: conflicts | Show results with:conflicts
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[PDF] May 2025 Extractive Industry and NGOs Report - NGO Monitor
May 5, 2025 · This report critically examines the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in. Africa's extractive sector, analyzing their influence ...Missing: Asia | Show results with:Asia