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Political Rage

Political rage refers to the intense, often visceral form of anger elicited by political stimuli, such as perceived injustices, threats to group interests, or obstructions to ideological goals, manifesting as a desire for retribution or corrective action against offending parties.^[1]^[2] This emotion differs from routine partisan disagreement by involving heightened hostility and a narrowed focus on perceived moral violations in the public sphere.^[3] In recent decades, political rage has intensified across democracies, particularly in the United States, where surveys indicate widespread frustration with political institutions—such as 70% of Americans expressing anger toward the establishment in 2019—and rising endorsement of extreme measures, including 23% supporting violence to "save the country" by 2023.^[1] Empirical evidence links its causes to factors like affective polarization, where animosity toward out-parties grows independently of policy disputes, and social media algorithms that amplify exposure to partisan attacks, thereby sustaining cycles of outrage.^[4]^[5] These dynamics reflect causal mechanisms rooted in human responses to status threats and identity conflicts, rather than mere informational deficits.^[6] While political rage can mobilize electoral participation and signal undervalued commitments—potentially justifying its expression when proportionate to genuine harms—it frequently erodes social trust, prompts avoidance of cross-partisan interactions, and correlates with democratic backsliding through heightened cynicism and delegitimization of opponents.^[3]^[7] Controversies surround its normative status, with research debating whether it enhances political realism by highlighting systemic failures or devolves into counterproductive extremism, as seen in its role in both populist surges and sporadic violence.^[8]^[9] Such effects underscore the need for causal analysis over ideologically skewed interpretations prevalent in certain academic and media outlets.

Definition and Conceptual Framework

Psychological Foundations

Political rage constitutes an acute, visceral form of anger arising from perceived existential threats to an individual's or group's identity, values, or hierarchical status, distinct from milder frustration or principled indignation by its impulsive intensity and propensity for retaliatory cognition. Physiologically, it triggers sympathetic nervous system activation, elevating heart rate and adrenaline to mobilize for conflict, while cognitively biasing processing toward threat exaggeration and in-group defense, often overriding deliberative reasoning.^[10] This differentiates it from indignation, which involves more reflective moral appraisal without equivalent arousal-driven narrowing of attention.^[11] Empirical studies in political psychology reveal that anger amplifies partisan biases by decreasing open-mindedness and prompting hostile evaluations of out-group arguments, leading individuals to anchor decisions on preexisting ideologies rather than new evidence. ^[12] For example, induced anger sustains belief in misinformation aligned with party cues, fostering motivated reasoning that resists correction.^[13] Compared to fear, which correlates with risk aversion and information gathering, anger more potently shifts attitudes toward punitive policies; a 2025 Washington University study across multiple experiments found anger—but not fear—drove participants' views rightward on issues like border security and criminal justice, with effect sizes indicating up to 15-20% variance explained by anger induction.^[14] ^[15] Evolutionarily, rage emerged as a recalibrational mechanism to redress perceived inequities or dominance violations, functioning as a bargaining signal that escalates commitment to extract concessions from adversaries in resource disputes.^[16] In small-scale ancestral societies, this adaptive response enhanced fitness by deterring exploitation and enforcing reciprocity, with anger thresholds calibrated to relative formidability and cost-benefit assessments of retaliation.^[10] Yet, in modern mass democracies characterized by indirect threats and institutional mediation, unmodulated political rage promotes maladaptive outcomes like escalated intergroup hostility and eroded trust, as it prioritizes zero-sum confrontation over cooperative equilibria.^[7] Political rage differs from fear primarily in its motivational orientation toward confrontation rather than avoidance. While fear typically induces risk aversion, self-protection, and withdrawal from perceived threats, political rage energizes approach behaviors, such as mobilization, argumentation, and punitive actions against opponents.^[6] Empirical studies indicate that anger, unlike fear or anxiety, reduces openness to new information while amplifying disdain toward partisan out-groups, fostering biased processing that prioritizes retaliation over deliberation.^[6]^[12] For instance, experimental research on threat responses shows anger driving shifts in political attitudes, particularly conservative leanings, through heightened certainty and reduced uncertainty avoidance characteristic of fear.^[15] In contrast to ideological hatred, which manifests as enduring prejudice and a desire for the target's eradication without relational repair, political rage is typically episodic and triggered by specific events, such as policy reversals or scandals, prompting immediate, restorative aggression rather than chronic dehumanization.^[17] Hatred sustains long-term othering and feedback loops of divisiveness, whereas rage's intensity often subsides post-action or appeasement, aligning with causal mechanisms of threat appraisal over fixed animosity.^[18] This distinction underscores rage's potential for transient escalation in polarized environments, as evidenced by surveys linking acute political anger to severed social ties with adversaries, independent of baseline hatred levels.^[7] Political rage also separates from righteous anger, the latter often framed as morally justified indignation against perceived injustices, which may rationalize violence or sustained activism under a normative banner.^[19] While both involve high-arousal responses, political rage emphasizes raw, event-specific fury across ideological lines, correlating uniformly with social polarization—such as reduced interpersonal contact with out-partisans—without requiring moral self-righteousness.^[7] University of Chicago analyses confirm this symmetry, showing anger's role in tie-breaking behaviors bilaterally, unlike fear's more variable invocation in asymmetric threat narratives.^[7] This action-propelling quality of rage, rooted in appraisal tendencies favoring certainty and dominance, thus distinguishes it as a catalyst for direct engagement over paralysis or prolonged grievance.^[6]

Historical Overview

Pre-Modern and Early Modern Instances

In the French Revolution, political rage erupted against the Bourbon monarchy's fiscal policies and absolutist governance, exacerbated by crop failures and war debts that burdened the populace while exempting privileged estates. The storming of the Bastille on July 14, 1789, saw a crowd of several thousand Parisians, fueled by anger over bread shortages and rumors of royal military repression following the dismissal of reformist minister Jacques Necker, seize the fortress-prison as a symbol of tyranny and source of arms. This event triggered the Great Fear, a wave of rural uprisings destroying manorial records, and the National Assembly's abolition of feudal dues on August 4, 1789, demonstrating how collective fury compelled structural concessions amid fears of aristocratic backlash.^[20] ^[21] The revolution's radical phase intensified this rage into the Reign of Terror from September 1793 to July 1794, where Committee of Public Safety leaders like Maximilien Robespierre channeled popular anger against suspected counter-revolutionaries, resulting in about 17,000 official guillotine executions, mostly in Paris, alongside unofficial killings in provincial massacres. Empirical records indicate over 300,000 arrests, with the majority of victims comprising commoners—artisans, peasants, and sans-culottes—targeted for perceived disloyalty rather than elite privilege alone, as purges spiraled from Vendée civil war reprisals and economic collapse. This period underscores rage's dual causality: initially a response to elite intransigence in addressing inequality and subsistence crises, it devolved into self-perpetuating terror, ending with Thermidorian Reaction executions of Robespierre and allies on July 28, 1794, after participation waned amid exhaustion and factional infighting.^[22] ^[23] Across the Atlantic, the Whiskey Rebellion of 1791–1794 represented a localized expression of political rage against nascent federal authority's tax impositions. Enacted March 3, 1791, the excise on distilled spirits aimed to service Revolutionary War debts but provoked western Pennsylvania grain farmers, who distilled surplus into whiskey for transport and barter, viewing the levy as favoring eastern commercial distillers with payment deferrals. Tensions escalated to violence by July 1794, with mobs of several hundred armed insurgents burning tax collector John Neville's home at Bower Hill and intimidating officials, prompting President George Washington to invoke the Militia Acts and assemble nearly 13,000 troops from four states—the largest U.S. military mobilization to date. The show of force dispersed roughly 7,000 potential rebels without major combat, leading to about 150 arrests and two treason trials (though pardons followed), thus affirming central government's monopoly on coercion over regional defiance rooted in perceived overreach without proportional representation.^[24] ^[25] ^[26]

20th Century Developments

In the interwar period, German resentment toward the Treaty of Versailles, imposed on June 28, 1919, and perceived as a punitive diktat with territorial concessions comprising 13% of prewar land and heavy reparations totaling 132 billion gold marks, galvanized fascist political rage against perceived national humiliation and the Weimar Republic's weakness. This fury manifested in the Nazi Party's orchestrated Nuremberg rallies, which escalated in scale; the 1934 rally drew over 700,000 attendees, serving as platforms for Adolf Hitler's speeches decrying the treaty and mobilizing mass support for revanchism.^[27]^[28] Parallel communist rage targeted capitalist systems, exemplified by street battles between Nazi SA paramilitaries and communist Red Front Fighters in Weimar Germany during the early 1930s, where ideological clashes resulted in thousands of casualties amid economic turmoil from the Great Depression.^[29] In the United States, the 1930s Depression era highlighted symmetric political rage across ideological lines. Left-wing fury drove labor unrest, with 1,856 strikes recorded in 1934 alone— the highest since World War I—involving widespread participation and violence, such as the bloody Little Steel strike of 1937, where police and company guards killed ten workers in Chicago. Right-wing backlash against Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal policies, seen as socialist overreach, spurred protests and extremist mobilization, including paramilitary groups inspired by anti-government sentiments amid fears of economic radicalism.^[30]^[31] Post-World War II, McCarthyism embodied anti-communist rage in the 1950s, as Senator Joseph McCarthy's Senate investigations from 1950 onward accused hundreds of government and cultural figures of subversion, leading to blacklists that affected over 10,000 individuals through loyalty oaths and dismissals, though direct violence remained limited compared to inquisitorial fervor. The civil rights era's backlash amplified right-wing anger against desegregation, with white supremacist violence peaking in the 1960s, including over 40 church bombings between 1954 and 1968 and the assassinations of leaders like Medgar Evers in 1963, reflecting escalation from rhetorical opposition to targeted attacks on integration efforts.^[32]^[33] These instances demonstrate bidirectional patterns, where economic grievances and ideological threats provoked mass mobilization and sporadic violence, underscoring rage's role in polarizing democracies without inherent asymmetry to one political flank.^[29]

Post-2000 Escalation

The Tea Party movement emerged in early 2009 amid public backlash against federal bailouts of financial institutions following the 2008 crisis and subsequent fiscal policies under President Barack Obama, manifesting in widespread protests on April 15, 2009, across over 750 U.S. cities opposing perceived excessive government spending and taxation.^[34] This conservative grassroots insurgency influenced Republican primaries, electing hardline fiscal conservatives to Congress who prioritized spending cuts, contributing to legislative standoffs such as the 2011 debt ceiling crisis that nearly led to default and exemplified policy gridlock.^[35] Paralleling this from the left, Occupy Wall Street began on September 17, 2011, in New York City's Zuccotti Park, driven by anger over income inequality and corporate influence after the crisis bailouts favored banks over ordinary citizens, spreading to encampments in dozens of cities with over 700 arrests in New York alone during marches.^[36] While Occupy achieved limited direct policy wins, it amplified anti-elite rhetoric on both sides, fostering mutual distrust that exacerbated congressional impasse on issues like budget reconciliation.^[37] The 2016 electoral shocks intensified this rage trajectory. Following the June 23 Brexit referendum, where 51.9% voted to leave the EU, thousands protested in London on July 2, 2016, under banners like "March for Europe," reflecting fury among remain supporters over perceived democratic betrayal and economic risks.^[38] Similarly, Donald Trump's November 8, 2016, U.S. presidential victory prompted immediate nationwide demonstrations, including the Women's March on January 21, 2017, drawing an estimated 3-5 million participants globally, fueled by opposition to his rhetoric on immigration and trade.^[39] These events correlated with a spike in reported threats; for instance, the FBI documented a 25% rise in threats against federal officials from 2016 to 2017, amid heightened partisan animus.^[40] In the 2020s, asymmetric escalations underscored the digital amplification of rage into physical disruption. Summer 2020 protests following George Floyd's death on May 25 involved over 7,750 demonstrations across U.S. cities, but 574 devolved into riots with widespread arson, looting, and clashes involving Antifa-affiliated actors, resulting in at least 25 deaths, over 14,000 arrests, and insured property damages exceeding $1 billion—the costliest in U.S. insurance history.^[41] In contrast, the January 6, 2021, Capitol breach by Trump supporters protesting election certification lasted hours, involved no sustained riots beyond that day, caused five deaths (one from police shooting, others from medical emergencies), approximately $2.7 million in damages, and led to over 1,500 federal arrests by 2024.^[42] These incidents, differing in scale and duration, highlighted how online mobilization channeled bilateral elite-directed fury into tangible unrest, with 2020's multi-month violence far outpacing January 6 in geographic spread and economic toll per empirical metrics from law enforcement tracking.^[43]

Causes and Triggers

Socioeconomic and Structural Factors

Economic inequality has intensified political rage by widening the gap between productivity gains and wage growth, particularly following the 2008 financial crisis. During the Great Recession, U.S. median family incomes fell by approximately 8%, with recovery disproportionately favoring high-income earners, leaving middle- and working-class households with stagnant real wages that failed to keep pace with inflation and housing costs.^[44] ^[45] This disparity fueled resentment toward elites perceived as insulated from hardship, as evidenced by surges in anti-establishment voting; for instance, regions hit hardest by job losses showed heightened support for populist candidates promising economic restoration.^[46] Empirical analyses confirm that such economic insecurity correlates with increased affective polarization and rage-directed political mobilization, independent of cultural factors.^[47] Deindustrialization in areas like the U.S. Rust Belt amplified these tensions through structural job displacement from globalization and automation. Between 2000 and 2016, manufacturing employment in states such as Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Michigan declined by over 20%, correlating directly with swings toward non-traditional candidates in the 2016 election; counties exposed to import competition from China, per the "China shock" framework, exhibited 2-5 percentage point shifts in Republican voting relative to unaffected areas.^[48] These losses disrupted community incentives, where once-reliable pathways from education to stable employment eroded, signaling misaligned policy responses—such as insufficient retraining or trade protections—that left workers bearing the costs of broader economic shifts.^[49] Political rage emerged as a causal response to this perceived betrayal, with surveys linking personal economic precarity to elevated anger toward institutions blamed for facilitating offshoring without compensatory mechanisms.^[50] Eroding trust in government institutions further entrenches rage by undermining perceptions of responsive governance amid these stressors. Gallup and Pew data indicate U.S. trust in federal government plummeted to historic lows below 20% by the mid-2010s, coinciding with post-recession anger metrics where over 50% of respondents expressed frustration tied to unmet economic expectations.^[51] Experimental and observational studies demonstrate that anger—often rooted in policy failures like unequal bailout distributions—directly diminishes civic engagement and trust, creating a feedback loop where economic grievances reduce willingness to cooperate with state interventions.^[52] ^[53] In expansive welfare systems, misaligned incentives exacerbate dependency and resentment, as benefits structured around redistribution can trap recipients in low-mobility cycles while fostering perceptions of unfairness toward productive sectors. Research on European and U.S. cases shows that prolonged reliance on social assistance correlates with heightened criticism of welfare adequacy, even among beneficiaries, due to stigmatization and insufficient incentives for self-reliance, leading to rage against both providers and taxpayers.^[54] ^[55] This dynamic underscores how structural policies prioritizing short-term relief over long-term alignment of effort and reward can signal systemic inefficiencies, amplifying political outbursts when economic promises falter.^[56] Social media algorithms are designed to prioritize content that maximizes user engagement, with empirical evidence indicating a strong bias toward material evoking outrage and anger. A Tulane University analysis published in October 2024 demonstrated that politically charged outrage content generates significantly higher click-through rates and shares compared to neutral or positive posts, as platforms reward emotional intensity to retain users longer.^[57] This "rage-click" dynamic creates a feedback loop where algorithms surface more divisive material, empirically linked to heightened user cynicism and anxiety; for instance, a March 2024 University of Michigan Institute for Social Research study, based on nationally representative survey data, found that frequent exposure to political attacks on platforms like Facebook and Twitter correlates with increased anger toward the political system and reduced trust in democratic processes.^[1] Echo chambers exacerbate this amplification by curating feeds that reinforce partisan biases, leading to uniform exposure to rage-inducing attacks. Research from the University of Chicago's Harris School in 2021, drawing on large-scale media consumption data, revealed that while true isolation in echo chambers is less prevalent than assumed, selective exposure to ideologically aligned partisan attacks still intensifies affective polarization across users, as individuals increasingly interpret neutral events through hostile lenses.^[58] A 2023 peer-reviewed study in Nature Human Behaviour further quantified this effect, showing that online networks inflate perceptions of intergroup outrage by over 2.5 times due to algorithmic promotion of moralized attacks within homogeneous groups, fostering a sense of uniform hostility that transcends ideological divides. These dynamics contribute to broader social fragmentation, as repeated immersion in such environments erodes empathy and escalates baseline political tension. Critiques of mainstream media highlight an asymmetry in outrage amplification, where coverage often downplays left-associated violence while emphasizing right-associated incidents, prompting compensatory rage in alternative ecosystems. For example, analyses of 2020 U.S. protest coverage by outlets like CNN and MSNBC showed a framing bias toward contextualizing left-wing unrest (e.g., property damage during Black Lives Matter events, estimated at $1-2 billion in insured losses) as legitimate expression rather than condemnation, in contrast to uniform denouncement of events like the January 6 Capitol breach. This selective pattern, documented in media bias audits, fuels perceptions of institutional hypocrisy among right-leaning audiences, driving migration to platforms like X (formerly Twitter) where unfiltered outrage gains traction—evidenced by a 2023 PNAS study linking such perceived imbalances to heightened partisan media consumption and reciprocal hostility.^[59] Such disparities underscore causal pathways from elite media signaling to grassroots rage cycles, independent of symmetric platform effects.

Ideological and Institutional Provocations

Perceptions of cultural overreach by progressive ideologies, particularly through mechanisms like cancel culture, have been identified as significant triggers for rage among conservative populations. Surveys indicate that a majority of Republicans view cancel culture as a form of censorship and punishment rather than accountability, with 58% of those familiar with the term associating it negatively compared to 30% of Democrats.^[60] This disparity reflects a broader sense of moral encroachment, where policies enforcing ideological conformity—such as workplace diversity mandates or public shaming campaigns—are seen as eroding traditional values and individual freedoms, prompting defensive anger rooted in threats to group identity.^[61] Empirical data from national polls further substantiate this, showing nearly 60% of respondents perceiving cancel culture as a threat to democratic freedoms, with conservative respondents disproportionately reporting heightened frustration over its institutional entrenchment in academia and media.^[62] Institutional hypocrisy among elites exacerbates this rage by undermining perceived legitimacy, as evidenced by scandals involving high-profile networks like Jeffrey Epstein's, which implicated figures across political spectra in patterns of corruption and exploitation. Revelations of Epstein's associations with politicians, financiers, and celebrities from both parties have fueled cross-ideological distrust, with public discourse highlighting selective outrage—such as Democratic criticisms of Republican ties while downplaying similar connections on their side—as emblematic of elite impunity.^[63] This perception of double standards, where powerful actors evade accountability for actions that would devastate ordinary citizens, generates anti-establishment fury by violating norms of fairness and reciprocity, thereby intensifying emotional responses to policy decisions that appear self-serving rather than principled.^[64] Psychological models of intergroup conflict illuminate how such provocations amplify rage through causal pathways involving incomplete information and emotional sensitivity. A 2024 study in the American Political Science Review models anger as a motivator in ideological disputes, demonstrating that when agents operate under informational asymmetries—such as obscured elite motives or biased institutional narratives—anger escalates commitment to outgroup antagonism, prolonging conflict cycles.^[65] This framework aligns with findings that anger bolsters partisan entrenchment by elevating the perceived stakes of ideological battles, where provocations like doctrinal impositions or hypocritical governance signal existential threats, thereby channeling incomplete perceptions into heightened affective responses.^[6] Such dynamics underscore how elite actions, by fostering uncertainty about true intentions, transform policy disagreements into visceral outrage.

Manifestations in Politics

Rhetorical and Symbolic Expressions

Rhetorical expressions of political rage frequently employ demagogic language to evoke intense emotional responses, framing opponents as existential threats to galvanize supporters. On the political right, former President Donald Trump's January 6, 2021, speech at the Ellipse included the exhortation to "fight like hell" in defense of perceived electoral irregularities, a phrase that critics argued heightened tensions while supporters viewed it as a call to democratic vigilance. In contrast, left-leaning antifa rhetoric has popularized slogans like "punch a Nazi," originating in responses to post-2016 white nationalist gatherings and used to justify confrontational stances against perceived fascists, as documented in coverage of Portland protests where activists endorsed preemptive action against ideological adversaries.^[66] Such phrases, while not explicitly endorsing violence in all contexts, induce rage by dehumanizing opponents and implying moral imperatives for resistance, with antifa literature explicitly debating the acceptability of physical responses to ideological foes.^[67] Symbolic expressions extend to memes and slogans, which proliferate rapidly on social media to channel collective outrage into shareable, mobilizing content. Quantitative analyses indicate that political memes correlate with increased participation, as their humorous or provocative formats simplify ideological battles and foster echo chambers; for instance, a 2025 study of social media discourse found memes enhance awareness and mobilization but exacerbate polarization by prioritizing emotional resonance over nuance.^[68] Viral slogans, such as those amplifying anti-establishment sentiments during election cycles, have demonstrably driven turnout among younger demographics, with research on millennial engagement in Uganda showing memes as effective tools for political expression and agenda-setting without requiring institutional backing.^[69]^[70] These digital artifacts thus serve as low-barrier outlets for rage, converting abstract frustrations into concrete calls for action that precede broader mobilization. In certain instances, rhetorical and symbolic rage has functioned as a non-violent catalyst for institutional reform, particularly in anti-corruption contexts where public indignation, articulated through speeches and media campaigns, pressures elites without descending into physical confrontation. Global cases illustrate this dynamic, as in movements leveraging nonviolent civic rhetoric to expose graft and demand transparency, fostering accountability through sustained symbolic pressure rather than disruption.^[71] Such expressions harness outrage to build coalitions for policy changes, as seen in uprisings where verbal denunciations of systemic corruption mobilized citizens toward legal and electoral remedies, underscoring rage's potential to disrupt entrenched power when channeled discursively.^[72] This positive analogue highlights how symbolic outlets can redirect emotional energy toward constructive ends, though outcomes depend on contextual restraint and evidentiary focus.

Collective Actions and Protests

The 2020 protests in the United States following the death of George Floyd exemplified organized collective actions driven by political rage, with the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) recording over 10,330 demonstrations associated with the Black Lives Matter movement across more than 2,730 locations in all 50 states and Washington, D.C., from May 26 onward.^[73] While the majority of these events remained peaceful, a subset involving riots and property destruction resulted in insured losses exceeding $1 billion, marking the costliest period of civil unrest in U.S. insurance history and potentially reaching $2 billion according to estimates from property claim services.^[74] ^[75] Tactics included mass marches, road blockages, and occupations of public spaces, often coordinated via social media, though escalation to arson and looting in cities like Minneapolis and Portland highlighted the disruptive scale.^[41] Internationally, the Yellow Vests movement in France, which began on November 17, 2018, as a grassroots response to proposed fuel tax increases perceived as burdensome to working-class drivers, mobilized hundreds of thousands in weekly protests using high-visibility vests as symbols.^[76] Protesters blockaded roundabouts, highways, and urban centers, leading to violent clashes with police and damages estimated in the hundreds of millions of euros, but ultimately forcing policy concessions including the suspension and scrapping of the fuel tax hike by December 2018, alongside promises of income tax relief for low earners.^[77] This decentralized action underscored how economic grievances could fuel sustained public rage, evolving from tax opposition to broader demands for wealth redistribution without formal leadership structures. Collective actions reflect asymmetric tactics across ideological lines, with left-leaning protests often featuring campus occupations and the right employing convoy blockades. In 2024, pro-Palestinian encampments on over 500 U.S. university campuses involved building tent structures, disrupting classes, and demanding divestment from Israel-related investments, resulting in more than 3,100 arrests amid confrontations with authorities.^[78] ^[79] Conversely, the 2022 Freedom Convoy in Canada saw truckers and supporters form vehicle convoys protesting COVID-19 vaccine mandates for cross-border drivers, converging on Ottawa from January 28 with horn-honking blockades of government districts and border crossings like Coutts, Alberta, persisting for weeks and prompting the invocation of emergency powers.^[80] Coverage intensity reveals patterns of bias, as left-leaning outlets were significantly less likely to characterize destructive 2020 events as "riots" compared to right-leaning media's emphasis on convoy disruptions, reflecting broader institutional tendencies to frame aligned protests more sympathetically.^[81]

Escalation to Violence

In the assassination of U.S. President James A. Garfield on July 2, 1881, the perpetrator, Charles J. Guiteau, acted out of rage stemming from the spoils system's denial of a consular patronage position he believed he deserved for supporting Garfield's campaign.^[82] Guiteau's motivations reflected broader frustrations with political favoritism, where job seekers often resorted to extreme measures amid intense partisan competition, contributing causally to Garfield's death from infection two months later and prompting the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act of 1883 to curb such systemic incentives for violence.^[83] Contemporary instances in the United States illustrate similar escalations from political rage to targeted violence against figures perceived as obstructing ideological or personal grievances. On July 13, 2024, Thomas Matthew Crooks fired upon former President Donald Trump at a rally in Butler, Pennsylvania, wounding Trump and killing one attendee, amid a backdrop of heightened partisan animus following years of inflammatory rhetoric.^[84] A second attempt occurred on September 15, 2024, at Trump International Golf Club in Florida, where Ryan Routh, convicted in September 2025 of attempting assassination, positioned himself with a rifle motivated by opposition to Trump's political influence.^[85] Similarly, on April 13, 2025, Cody Balmer conducted an arson attack on Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro's official residence, pleading guilty in October 2025 to attempted murder and terrorism charges after admitting hatred toward Shapiro, an act that caused significant damage and endangered the governor's family during Passover.^[86]^[87] These cases demonstrate causal links where perceived political betrayals or ideological enmities directly precipitate lethal intent, often amplified by individual delusions intersecting with broader societal polarization. Empirical data on the frequency of such escalations reveal patterns across ideologies, challenging narratives that attribute violence predominantly to one side. FBI assessments have historically identified left-wing eco-terrorism, such as actions by the Earth Liberation Front, as a significant domestic threat involving over 600 criminal acts from 1995 to 2001, including arson and property destruction driven by environmental rage, though fatalities were rare compared to ideological killings.^[88] Recent analyses indicate a rise in left-wing political violence since 2020, including attacks tied to anarchist or anti-capitalist motives, per the Center for Strategic and International Studies, which tracks incidents like assaults on infrastructure and public figures amid protests.^[89] Conversely, right-wing extremism has been linked to higher lethality in stochastic attacks, such as mass shootings, but overall politically motivated homicides remain rare, totaling 79 since January 2020 per Cato Institute data, underscoring that causal factors like media echo chambers and institutional distrust fuel both, rather than unilateral blame.^[90] Mainstream sources emphasizing right-wing threats often underreport left-leaning incidents due to definitional biases in academia-influenced datasets, as noted in critiques of selective terrorism coding.^[91]

Societal and Political Consequences

Effects on Polarization and Trust

Political anger has been shown to exacerbate affective polarization by prompting individuals to sever social connections with those holding opposing partisan views, thereby eroding interpersonal bonds across ideological lines. A study utilizing nationally representative survey data and experimental manipulations found that induced political anger leads Americans to report significantly lower willingness to engage in social activities—such as dining or vacationing—with out-partisans, with effects observed uniformly across demographic and partisan subgroups.^[7] This mechanism contributes to the formation of echo chambers, as anger motivates avoidance of dissenting perspectives, reducing opportunities for cross-aisle dialogue and mutual understanding. Empirical models from the research indicate that such behavioral shifts amplify existing divides, with anger acting as a causal driver rather than a mere correlate of polarization.^[7] Parallel causal pathways link political anger to diminished trust in governmental institutions, independent of specific policy grievances. Experimental evidence demonstrates that exposing participants to anger-inducing stimuli—whether politically targeted or apolitical—results in decreased evaluations of government trustworthiness and efficacy, with effect sizes persisting even after controlling for baseline attitudes. For instance, in laboratory settings, anger arousal lowered self-reported political efficacy and institutional confidence by comparable margins across partisans, suggesting a generalized distrust mechanism wherein heightened emotional arousal impairs optimistic assessments of public authority. This erosion compounds over time, as recurrent anger cycles reinforce cynicism toward democratic processes, though the effect is bidirectional: underlying institutional failures can initially spark the rage. While anger intensifies these dynamics, it often manifests as a response to substantive policy disagreements rather than fabricated conflicts, underscoring genuine societal fissures. Surveys reveal stark partisan cleavages on issues like immigration, where majorities on one side view high inflows as a cultural threat warranting restriction, while opponents prioritize humanitarian imperatives, fueling reciprocal outrage rooted in incompatible visions of national identity.^[94] Such divides are not illusory but empirically verifiable through consistent polling data showing minimal overlap in preferred outcomes, with anger serving to highlight rather than invent these rifts—causal realism posits that suppressing expression of these tensions would merely defer escalation, as unresolved material and value conflicts persist.^[94] This perspective contrasts with narratives attributing polarization solely to elite manipulation, emphasizing instead how grassroots resentments over tangible changes, such as demographic shifts, authentically propel emotional intensity.

Impacts on Electoral and Policy Processes

Political rage mobilizes voters by heightening engagement among those perceiving systemic grievances, often boosting turnout for candidates promising retribution or radical change. Empirical analyses of the 2016 U.S. presidential election indicate that county-level measures of anger, derived from social media sentiment, strongly predicted support for Donald Trump, with angrier areas showing higher preferences for populist platforms during primaries and the general election.^[95] Field experiments further demonstrate that invoking anticipated anger—such as warnings of partisan opponents gloating over voter abstention—increases participation rates by eliciting emotional responses that override apathy.^[96] However, this dynamic entrenches electoral extremes, as anger correlates with diminished support for compromise-oriented moderates and amplifies turnout among ideological fringes, contributing to the election of more polarized representatives.^[97] In policy processes, rage exacerbates gridlock by incentivizing obstructionist tactics, such as filibusters and government shutdowns, where partisan fury prioritizes symbolic standoffs over negotiation. Senate filibuster invocations have surged with rising polarization, blocking routine legislation and major initiatives; for instance, from 2007 to 2020, filibusters obstructed over 60% of significant bills, per analyses linking emotional partisanship to procedural abuse.^[98] The 2018–2019 U.S. federal government shutdown, lasting 35 days and costing the economy at least $11 billion, exemplified this, as demands for border wall funding clashed with opposition outrage, halting appropriations amid mutual recriminations. Such episodes reflect conflict dynamics where affective polarization sustains veto points, reducing legislative output by an estimated 20–30% in divided governments compared to unified ones.^[99] Rage-driven policies, often enacted hastily amid public fury, have yielded unintended consequences, as seen in the "defund the police" push following the 2020 George Floyd protests. Cities like Minneapolis slashed police budgets by $8 million in 2020, redirecting funds to social services amid demands fueled by anti-police sentiment, while national homicide rates surged 30% that year per FBI Uniform Crime Reports, with major cities reporting up to 44% increases from 2019 to 2021 according to police chiefs' associations. Critics, drawing on staffing and deterrence models, attribute these spikes partly to reduced proactive policing—such as fewer patrols and response delays—rather than solely pandemic effects, noting reversals in defunding after crime waves prompted hiring surges by 2022.^[100] This illustrates how emotion-led reforms, bypassing rigorous evidence on policing's causal role in crime reduction, distort policy toward ideological catharsis over empirical efficacy.^[101] The unrest associated with political rage, such as the 2020 riots following George Floyd's death, inflicted insured property damages exceeding $1 billion, marking the costliest episode of civil disorder in U.S. insurance history and surpassing the 1992 Los Angeles riots.^[74] These events disrupted local economies through direct destruction of businesses, with preliminary estimates reaching $2 billion when accounting for uninsured losses, leading to closures and relocation of firms from high-risk urban areas.^[102] Broader ripple effects included heightened insurance premiums for civil unrest coverage and persistent declines in economic activity, as evidenced by reduced retail investment and property values in riot-impacted neighborhoods persisting years later.^[103] Boycotts fueled by partisan outrage have imposed additional economic strains on corporations, exemplified by campaigns targeting brands perceived as politically misaligned, which resulted in measurable revenue dips; for instance, targeted consumer actions in 2020 led to short-term sales losses in the millions for affected companies while prompting counter-boycotts that amplified market volatility.^[104] On the social front, pervasive exposure to political rage via media and interpersonal conflicts has correlated with elevated mental health burdens, including heightened anxiety and cynicism. The American Psychological Association's 2024 Stress in America survey documented politics as a predominant stressor, with over half of adults reporting negative mental health impacts from election-related discord and polarization.^[105] Empirical analyses indicate that perceived increases in polarization elevate the odds of anxiety and depressive disorders by up to 57%, independent of other demographic factors, reflecting a societal shift toward chronic emotional strain from ideological entrenchment.^[106] Causally, political rage often signals deeper societal fractures, such as family instability, which empirical reviews link to heightened risks of ideological radicalization and vulnerability to extremist appeals among youth.^[107] This breakdown in traditional social structures undermines resilience against rage-driven behaviors, with data showing correlations between disrupted family environments and school failures that funnel individuals toward polarized groups, exacerbating macro-level cohesion deficits.^[108]

Perspectives and Debates

Left-Leaning Interpretations

Left-leaning analysts frequently portray political rage as a hallmark of right-wing authoritarianism, interpreting it as a reactionary response to societal shifts toward greater diversity, equity, and inclusion. This perspective gained prominence after the 2016 U.S. election, with commentators attributing the surge in support for Donald Trump and the MAGA movement to underlying resentments against demographic changes and eroding traditional power structures. For example, analyses describe this rage as manifesting in aggressive rhetoric that echoes historical patterns of backlash, such as those seen in George Wallace's campaigns, positioning Trumpism as a threat to democratic norms through inflammatory appeals to grievance and exclusion.^[109]^[110] Proponents of this view often cite perceived escalations in right-wing extremism as evidence of rage-fueled instability. A October 2025 Pew Research Center survey indicated that 52% of Americans consider right-wing extremism a major problem, a figure reflecting heightened concerns among Democrats who disproportionately identify it as such compared to Republicans (77% of whom flag left-wing extremism instead).^[111]^[112] Such data is invoked to argue that conservative anger stems from opposition to progressive policies on immigration, racial equity, and cultural pluralism, framing it as a driver of polarization rather than a symmetric phenomenon.^[113] This interpretation extends to institutional critiques, where right-wing rage is seen as undermining efforts to address systemic inequalities, such as through resistance to diversity initiatives. Scholars link this to "white anxieties" and moral panics over equity programs, positing that expressions of fury against DEI represent not principled disagreement but a visceral defense of privilege amid diversification.^[114]^[115] Post-2016 works emphasize how this dynamic fosters authoritarian leanings within conservatism, with MAGA rhetoric portrayed as channeling collective discontent into challenges against established governance and social progress.^[116]

Right-Leaning Counterarguments

Right-leaning commentators argue that expressions of political rage from conservative perspectives represent a legitimate backlash against entrenched left-wing dominance in cultural, educational, and media institutions, which systematically marginalize dissenting views and impose ideologically driven policies. This hegemony, they contend, manifests in biased coverage that downplays or excuses progressive excesses while amplifying conservative missteps, fostering a one-sided narrative that stifles debate. For instance, analyses from conservative think tanks highlight how mainstream outlets routinely frame right-leaning policies through a lens of extremism, eroding public trust and justifying defensive outrage among those feeling culturally displaced.^[117]^[118] Such rage is framed as a rational response to tangible harms from policies like lax border enforcement, which conservatives link to surges in fentanyl trafficking and related deaths—over 70,000 unintentional fentanyl overdoses in 2022 alone, with the drug primarily entering via the U.S.-Mexico border amid record migrant encounters exceeding 2.4 million in fiscal year 2023. Critics attribute this crisis to open-border advocacy, arguing it prioritizes humanitarian rhetoric over national security, enabling cartels to flood communities with lethal narcotics and straining resources in ways ignored by elite discourse. Similarly, the promotion of critical race theory (CRT) in education is seen as exacerbating racial divisions by framing American institutions as inherently oppressive, leading to curricula that prioritize identity-based guilt over merit and unity, as evidenced by its integration into federal training programs under prior administrations.^[119]^[120] Conservatives emphasize an asymmetry in political violence, pointing to historical precedents like the Weather Underground's campaign of over two dozen bombings between 1970 and 1975 targeting government and corporate sites in protest of U.S. policies, which included accidental explosions killing three members but exemplified sustained radical action with minimal mainstream condemnation at the time. In contrast, right-wing incidents are portrayed as sporadic and often reactive, channeling grievances over economic dislocation from offshoring—such as the loss of 5 million manufacturing jobs since 2000—and cultural erosion that polite society dismisses as backward. This perspective posits that suppressing these valid concerns through institutional gatekeeping only intensifies resentment, positioning rage not as unhinged aggression but as a corrective force against unaccountable power.^[121]

Empirical and Causal Analyses

Empirical research indicates that political anger functions as a motivator for participation while simultaneously exacerbating social divisions. Experimental and survey data from a 2022 study demonstrate that induced political anger prompts individuals to sever social ties with opposing partisans, fostering isolation along ideological lines and contributing to broader affective polarization.^[7] Similarly, analyses across multiple social contexts, including workplaces and friendships, reveal consistent patterns where anger drives partisan-based decisions, reducing cross-aisle interactions irrespective of the anger's ideological origin.^[4] These effects occur symmetrically, with anger amplifying in-group solidarity and out-group hostility on both left- and right-leaning sides, as evidenced by self-reported emotional responses in national surveys where 69% of politically engaged Americans frequently experience anger toward politics.^[94] From a causal perspective, political rage emerges not merely from perceptual distortions like misinformation but from tangible threats to socioeconomic status and institutional fairness. Longitudinal data link rising economic inequality—marked by stagnant wages for median earners amid executive compensation surges from $1.3 million in 1993 to $13.9 million in 2017—to heightened grievance-driven anger, fueling support for anti-establishment movements as a response to perceived elite entrenchment.^[122] This aligns with first-principles causal mechanisms where disparities in power concentration, such as regulatory capture benefiting top income brackets, generate legitimate resentments that manifest as rage when unaddressed through equitable policy channels. Empirical models of grievance politics further substantiate that voter anger correlates with lived experiences of exclusion, rather than isolated ideological priming, predicting shifts toward populist mobilization in contexts of uneven resource distribution.^[123] The double-edged nature of anger underscores its adaptive role in signaling threats but detrimental impact on reasoned discourse. A 2019 analysis by University of Alberta psychologist Julie Hudson highlights how political anger enhances short-term mobilization—evident in turnout spikes during grievance-laden campaigns—yet impairs empathy and escalates aggression, leading to suboptimal collective decisions.^[124] Causally, this stems from anger's evolutionary function to prioritize immediate defense over deliberation, a dynamic amplified in modern media environments where algorithmic amplification sustains outrage cycles without resolution.^[6] Notable research gaps persist, particularly in symmetrically examining rage across ideological spectra amid institutional biases. While studies robustly document anger's polarizing effects bilaterally, analyses disproportionately frame right-leaning expressions as pathological—attributing them to disinformation—while normalizing left-leaning counterparts as righteous, potentially reflecting systemic skews in academic and media sourcing that underemphasize equivalent drivers like policy failures on inequality.^[7]^[94] This asymmetry limits causal realism, as underexplored elite capture in progressive institutions may parallel conservative grievances, warranting balanced empirical scrutiny to discern genuine threat responses from amplified narratives.^[122]

Mitigation Strategies

Individual and Cultural Approaches

Cognitive reappraisal, a technique involving the reinterpretation of politically provocative stimuli to alter their emotional significance, has demonstrated efficacy in reducing anger intensity and physiological arousal. By prompting individuals to view opposing political arguments or policy threats as less personally catastrophic—focusing instead on evidence-based probabilities rather than worst-case assumptions—reappraisal mitigates automatic threat responses rooted in partisan bias. A meta-analysis of emotion regulation strategies confirmed reappraisal's superior effect on decreasing anger compared to suppression or rumination, with effect sizes indicating moderate to large reductions in self-reported anger across experimental paradigms.^[125] Similarly, laboratory studies under stress conditions showed that instructed reappraisal led to lower anger reports and attenuated blood pressure elevations relative to passive response conditions.^[126]^[127] Stoic practices, which encourage detachment from uncontrollable externals and rational evaluation of impressions, provide an individual framework compatible with reappraisal for tempering political rage. Practitioners are trained to question initial emotional judgments, such as perceiving policy disagreements as moral betrayals, fostering resilience through premeditation of adversities (premeditatio malorum). Empirical investigations link Stoic-inspired exercises, including journaling and perspective-shifting, to enhanced emotional regulation and reduced reactivity, as evidenced by improved scores on validated scales like the Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale in intervention cohorts.^[128] Neuroscientific alignments further support this, with Stoic reframing paralleling cognitive therapies that downregulate amygdala activity during emotional provocation.^[129] At the cultural level, emphasizing narratives of agency and communal rituals—such as deliberative forums or rites reinforcing mutual obligations—counters rage amplified by competitive victimhood frames, which correlate with escalated intergroup hostility and endorsement of punitive politics. Societies or subgroups prioritizing stoic virtues or forgiveness protocols exhibit lower baseline anger expression, per cross-cultural surveys linking collectivist resilience orientations to diminished grievance-driven outrage. Small-scale randomized interventions teaching reappraisal or mindfulness in polarized settings have yielded measurable drops in anger reactivity toward political outgroups, with follow-up assessments showing sustained bias reduction up to six weeks post-training.^[130]^[131]

Institutional and Legal Responses

Social media platforms have responded to political rage by intensifying content moderation and deplatforming accounts associated with incitement or misinformation, particularly following the January 6, 2021, Capitol riot. Twitter (now X) suspended over 70,000 accounts trafficking in false election claims in early 2021, which studies indicate reduced the spread of misinformation by limiting their reach and engagement within mainstream networks.^[132] Similar actions against high-profile figures, such as former President Trump's suspension, correlated with decreased amplification of polarizing narratives on the platform.^[133] However, empirical analyses reveal mixed outcomes on curbing real-world violence escalation, as deplatformed users often migrate to unregulated fringe sites where extremist cohesion and violent rhetoric persist or intensify.^[134]^[135] Law enforcement institutions have bolstered proactive measures against threats fueled by political anger, including expanded threat assessment units. The U.S. Capitol Police investigated 9,474 concerning statements or direct threats against members of Congress in 2024, marking the second-highest annual total on record and an 18% increase from 2023, prompting heightened monitoring of online and offline indicators of potential violence.^[136] By mid-2025, the agency projected handling approximately 14,000 threats, reflecting sustained surges tied to electoral tensions and policy disputes.^[137] Federal guidelines emphasize rapid response protocols, such as inter-agency intelligence sharing, to preempt escalations from rhetorical rage into actionable harm, though enforcement prioritizes verifiable intent over mere expression.^[138] Critiques from right-leaning analyses contend that these institutional tools exhibit selective application, disproportionately targeting conservative voices for deplatforming while tolerating comparable left-leaning rhetoric, potentially fueling perceptions of institutional bias and underground radicalization.^[139] Empirical reviews, however, find limited evidence of systematic anti-conservative censorship, attributing disparities to higher volumes of norm-violating content from right-leaning accounts rather than ideological favoritism.^[140] Legal frameworks, including statutes on incitement under 18 U.S.C. § 373, have been invoked more rigorously post-2021 to prosecute threats, but uneven prosecution rates across ideologies remain a point of contention in oversight reports.^[141]

Evidence-Based Interventions

A 2025 megastudy evaluating 25 interventions aimed at reducing affective polarization—intense negative emotions toward political out-groups linked to rage—tested effects on approximately 32,000 online participants across diverse U.S. demographics. Corrective fact-checking and perspective-taking exercises produced modest short-term reductions in hostile attitudes, with effect sizes around 0.1 to 0.2 standard deviations immediately post-intervention, but these dissipated within days to weeks, highlighting the transient nature of such psychological nudges without deeper structural changes.^[142] Interventions targeting anger's cognitive roots, such as reframing political disagreements as shared problems rather than zero-sum conflicts, similarly yielded temporary de-escalation in simulated debates but failed to alter long-term behavioral tendencies toward rage-fueled rhetoric or withdrawal from discourse.^[143] Civic education programs emphasizing accurate perceptions of political opponents have demonstrated causal reductions in affective hostility, particularly when implemented in adolescence. A longitudinal analysis of U.S. survey data from over 1,000 adults found that high school civic education exposure decreased partisan affective gaps by up to 15% in later life, with stronger effects among individuals with moderate partisan identities who were less prone to identity-entrenchment biases.^[144] These programs, which include exercises on the "perception gap"—where partisans overestimate opponents' extremism—foster empathy without diluting ideological commitments, as evidenced by pre-post assessments showing sustained improvements in willingness to engage cross-aisle.^[145] However, scalability remains limited, with randomized trials indicating effects wane without reinforcement, underscoring the need for repeated exposure to counter habitual anger amplification via media echo chambers.^[146] Policy interventions enhancing institutional transparency have causally boosted public trust, indirectly curbing rage rooted in perceived corruption or elite capture. Field experiments in multiple countries, including randomized rollouts of government disclosure portals, increased transparency perceptions by 10-20% and trust metrics by 5-8 percentage points, with effects persisting six months post-implementation through reduced cynicism about decision-making processes.^[147] ^[148] In political contexts, requirements for donation transparency raised party trust by addressing conflict-of-interest perceptions, while asset declarations mitigated anger over undue influence, though gains were smaller (2-4 points) in high-corruption environments where baseline distrust is entrenched.^[148] These reforms outperform passive information dumps by enabling verifiable accountability, yet meta-analyses caution that without enforcement, they risk backfiring if exposed flaws fuel further outrage.^[149] For preventing rage escalation to violence, targeted de-radicalization protocols focusing on threat misperceptions show preliminary efficacy in high-risk groups. Quasi-experimental evaluations of community-based programs, drawing on rule-of-law reinforcement and norm-setting against violence, reduced endorsement of aggressive tactics by 12-18% among polarized samples, with causal inference from difference-in-differences models linking participation to lower incidence of threats.^[150] Mindfulness-integrated approaches, tested in randomized trials, further attenuate intergroup anger by 0.15-0.25 standard deviations short-term, targeting physiological arousal roots, though integration with civic metrics is needed for political specificity.^[130] Overall, evidence converges on multimodal strategies—combining education, transparency, and norm enforcement—as most robust, yet no single intervention achieves durable, population-level rage mitigation absent broader cultural shifts.^[151]

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Sep 25, 2025 · ... left-wing terrorism and work with communities to gain their support against extremists. Leaders across the political spectrum must condemn ...Missing: eco- | Show results with:eco-
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Politically Motivated Violence Is Rare in the United States
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https://www.justsecurity.org/122278/correctly-assessing-left-wing-terrorism-and-political-violence-in-the-united-states/
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Views of American politics, polarization and tone of political debate
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[PDF] Does Anger Drive Populism? Omer Ali, Klaus Desmet, and Romain ...
More angry counties displayed stronger preferences for populist candidates during the 2016 presidential primaries and elections. However, once we control for.
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Field Experiments Invoking Gloating Villains to Increase Voter ...
Aug 11, 2025 · When we inform respondents that a partisan villain would be happy if they did not vote (for example, a Gloating Villain treatment), we find that ...
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Tweeted Anger Predicts County-Level Results of the 2016 United ...
May 3, 2019 · These findings might be an outcome of emotional resonance—voters being attracted by political appeals that match their emotions—because Trump ...
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Filibuster Report Shows Increased Government Gridlock
The use of the filibuster to create gridlock in the Senate has increased drastically over the past two decades, according to a new report.
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Party Polarization and Legislative Gridlock - jstor
This article investigates how parties affect legislative gridlock-the inability of government to enact significant proposals on the policy agenda.
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Duh! Study shows 'defund the police' resulted in more killings
May 6, 2025 · According to the Major Cities Chiefs Association, a police group that tracks crime levels, murders rose 44% from 2019 to 2021 across 70 of ...
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Defunding the police: Reflecting on the US experience and lessons ...
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[100]
George Floyd Riots Caused Record-Setting $2 Billion in Damage ...
Sep 16, 2020 · New reporting from Axios reveals that the total insured property losses incurred during the George Floyd riots will come in at $1 billion to $2 billion.
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Economic Damage From Civil Unrest May Persist for Decades - VOA
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How 2020 protests changed insurance forever
Feb 22, 2021 · As a result, the potential risk of civil unrest could linger, and that means we'll need to better understand how the riot and civil disorder ...
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Stress in America 2024: A nation in political turmoil
APA's latest Stress in America™ poll revealed a populace dealing with multiple stressors as the country braces for the 2024 U.S. presidential election.
[104]
Politics Is Hurting Mental Health | What the Data Shows
Oct 9, 2025 · The study found that people perceiving increased polarization in recent years had up to 57% higher odds of developing anxiety and depressive ...
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Asymmetric and sexist polarization: political self-positioning as a ...
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Is radicalization a family issue? A systematic review of family‐related ...
A qualitative study based on interviews with violent extremists showed that children raised in extremist families are at higher risk of becoming violent ...Missing: polarization | Show results with:polarization
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“Wild words” – analyzing angry rhetoric in American politics
Nov 19, 2018 · The purpose of this paper is to explore the use of angry political rhetoric employed by George Wallace and Donald Trump.
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The MAGA Ideology and the Trump Regime - Monthly Review
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Racism underlies seemingly race‐neutral conservative criticisms of ...
Jan 22, 2024 · We examined how potential job candidates react to a hiring organization that requests diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) statements.
[112]
Backlash, white privilege and anger: Resistance to the equality ...
Jul 23, 2024 · The article explores connections between anti-diversity discourses in the media industry and wider societal discourses on race, gender and ...
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The attacks on DEI: white anxieties, moral panics, and material ...
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[114]
Trump Authoritarianism More Dangerous Today - LA Progressive
Mar 14, 2023 · There are no real alternatives to Trump's authoritarian approach in today's Republican Party.
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How Conservatives Must Counter the Media's Left-Wing Election ...
Dec 16, 2020 · It's up to conservatives to expose Americans to that truth, making sure the media either changes their ways or that thread snaps once and for all.
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The left-wing cultural bias—in three simple charts
Jan 4, 2021 · This underlying bias helps explain why, other things being equal, principled conservatives tend to have more difficulty being elected to office ...
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Fentanyl and the U.S. Opioid Epidemic | Council on Foreign Relations
A study by researchers at the Mayo Clinic and Yale University found that deaths from fentanyl alone nearly tripled from 2016 to 2021. However, 2023 marked the ...
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Critical Race Theory, the New Intolerance, and Its Grip on America
Dec 7, 2020 · Critical Race Theory makes race the prism through which its proponents analyze all aspects of American life. CRT underpins identity politics, ...
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Evading the FBI: The Weather Underground Organization
Oct 26, 2016 · In protest of American racism and the Vietnam War, they detonated more than two dozen dynamite bombs between 1970 and 1975, and hit some ...
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Working for the Few: Political capture and economic inequality
Left unchecked, political institutions are undermined and governments overwhelmingly serve the interests of economic elites – to the detriment of ordinary ...<|control11|><|separator|>
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[PDF] Grievance Politics: An Empirical Analysis of Anger Through the ...
Studies agree on the inputs of grievance politics: The crisis‐laced rhetoric of populist parties and the emotional experiences of voters supporting them are.
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COMMENTARY || Anger in politics can be a double-edged sword
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Anger and emotion regulation strategies: a meta-analysis - Nature
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Regulating Anger under Stress via Cognitive Reappraisal and ...
Aug 14, 2017 · Previous studies have suggested that cognitive reappraisal successfully down-regulates anger by reframing individuals' interpretations of an ...
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The effects of trait reappraisal and suppression on anger and blood ...
Participants who were induced to reappraise reported less anger and exhibited smaller increases in sympathetic reactivity compared to participants who were ...
[126]
Stoicism, mindfulness, and the brain: the empirical foundations of ...
Building on the Stoic notion of self-regulation, we explore philosophical conceptualizations in relation to empirical evidence from psychology and cognitive ...
[127]
The Stoics were right – emotional control is good for the soul - Psyche
Sep 12, 2023 · Both neuroscience and psychotherapy agree that you can change your mental framework as the Stoic Marcus Aurelius described.
[128]
Managing emotions in the age of political polarization
Evidence is clear that partisan information can provoke strong emotional reactions associated with threats to personal identity and moral ideology; however, ...
[129]
'Why Me?' The Role of Perceived Victimhood in American Politics
Jan 2, 2021 · This narrative of victimization transcends Trump and other political elites. ... victimhood, holding other factors constant. Dashed lines ...Missing: rage | Show results with:rage
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Post-January 6th deplatforming reduced the reach of misinformation ...
Jun 5, 2024 · Here we evaluate the effect of the decision by Twitter to suddenly deplatform 70,000 misinformation traffickers in response to the violence at ...
[131]
Deplatforming Accounts After the January 6th Insurrection at the US ...
Jun 5, 2024 · This study confirms the responsibility platforms have to safeguard democracies against disinformation and political violence.
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The systemic impact of deplatforming on social media - PMC
Such fringe platforms are weakly regulated and poorly monitored, with evidence to suggest that they allow violent narratives to develop and thrive (10, 20–25).
[133]
The Cohesion of Far-Right Extremist Followers after Deplatforming
Aug 24, 2025 · ... violence fosters trust, loyalty, and. shared experiences, replacing ... political conversations, enhancing their reach and impact.
[134]
Threats against federal officials surged in 2024, Capitol police report ...
Feb 6, 2025 · The number of investigations into threats against Congress and the Capitol complex surged to the second-highest number on record in 2024.
[135]
Targeted political threats on the rise and hard to stop
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The Great Deplatforming of 2021 - Discourse Magazine
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[138]
Evidence that Conservatives Are Not Unfairly Censored on Social ...
The fact is that there is no evidence of a systematic bias against conservatives online.
[139]
What Does Research Tell Us About Technology Platform ...
May 21, 2025 · There is little empirical evidence that platforms disproportionately deny or degrade conservative users' access to services or that conservative ...
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Can science-based interventions tamp down polarization? - PNAS
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[141]
4 science-based strategies to tame angry political debate and ...
Feb 27, 2020 · Based on my knowledge of psychological research, here are four approaches you can use to overcome divisiveness.
[142]
Civic education's relationship to affective partisan divides later in life
Aug 26, 2021 · This study explores two potential moderators of the relationship between civic education and affective polarization, partisan social identity strength and age.
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Insights into individual and collective dynamics | PNAS Nexus
Oct 15, 2024 · Affective polarization threatens citizens' willingness to compromise, interact, and hold their representatives accountable (4, 5). We argue that ...
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Transparency and Trust in Government. Evidence from a Survey ...
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The effects of transparency regulation on political trust and ...
Sep 12, 2023 · We find that transparency in political donations improves trust in political parties, while asset declaration for conflict of interest prevention reduces ...4 Research Design · 6 Analysis And Results · 8 ConclusionMissing: rebuild | Show results with:rebuild<|separator|>
[147]
A transparency statement improves trust in community-police ...
Mar 7, 2025 · A pre-registered field experiment (N = 232) finds that community members feel less threatened and report greater trust when officers use a brief transparency ...
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How to Prevent Political Violence | Journal of Democracy
Political violence can be reduced if: 1) leaders insist on nonviolence; 2) governments and politicians support the rule of law, accountability, and equitable ...Missing: rage | Show results with:rage
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Fresh approaches needed to tackle political 'age of rage', US study ...
Sep 22, 2025 · Researchers show interventions to reduce hostility only have short-term impact and there is no 'magical fix'