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Syrian Americans

Syrian Americans are Americans of Syrian origin, including descendants of immigrants from the region historically known as Greater Syria under Ottoman rule and more recent arrivals motivated by economic opportunities or escape from conflict.^[1] The community traces its roots to the late 19th century, when the first significant wave of Syrian immigration to the United States began in the 1880s, primarily involving Christian Arabs who settled in urban enclaves such as New York's Little Syria neighborhood, often starting as peddlers and merchants.^[2] Subsequent immigration waves, particularly after the mid-20th century and intensified by the Syrian civil war starting in 2011, have diversified the community religiously and socioeconomically, incorporating more Muslim immigrants alongside the historically predominant Christians.^[1] Syrian immigrants demonstrate higher educational attainment than the average foreign-born population, with 39 percent holding a bachelor's degree or higher, contributing to notable economic success, as evidenced by Syrian business owners earning an average of $72,000 annually compared to $51,000 for U.S.-born owners.^[1]^[3] This entrepreneurial spirit has led to prominence in fields like commerce, entertainment, and science, with figures such as neuroscientist Huda Akil exemplifying achievements in research.^[4] Despite assimilation and integration, the community has navigated challenges including racial classification debates in early 20th-century courts and more recent geopolitical tensions affecting perceptions amid Syria's instability.^[5] Syrian Americans remain highly integrated, with strong community networks supporting cultural preservation through cuisine, music, and religious institutions while pursuing the American economic model.^[4]

History

Late 19th to Early 20th Century Immigration

The first significant wave of Syrian immigration to the United States began in the 1880s and continued until the early 1920s, drawing primarily from the Ottoman Empire's Greater Syria region, which included present-day Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, and Israel.^[6] Approximately 95,000 immigrants from this area arrived during this period, motivated by economic opportunities in America amid poverty, heavy Ottoman taxation, and compulsory military service in the empire.^[6] ^[7] These early migrants were overwhelmingly Christian, including Maronites, Greek Orthodox, and Melkites, with Muslims and Jews comprising smaller proportions; Christians predominated due to their relative willingness to emigrate and networks facilitating chain migration from rural Mount Lebanon and surrounding areas.^[4] ^[8] Initial arrivals often consisted of young men who later sponsored family members, leading to family-based settlement patterns by the 1900s.^[9] Upon arrival, many Syrians settled in urban enclaves such as Little Syria in lower Manhattan along Washington Street, where communities of up to several thousand formed hubs for Arabic-language presses, churches, and businesses.^[9] ^[10] A common occupation was peddling, with immigrants selling textiles, lace, notions, and dry goods door-to-door, leveraging portable skills from homeland crafts to accumulate capital for eventual storefronts; by 1908, over 300 Syrian-owned businesses operated in New York alone.^[9] ^[11] This period ended with the 1924 Immigration Act's national origins quotas, sharply curtailing inflows.^[6]

Mid-20th Century Settlement and Adaptation

Following the restrictive immigration quotas established by the 1924 Immigration Act, Syrian immigration to the United States remained minimal during the 1930s and 1940s, with annual admissions limited to a few dozen individuals under national origins provisions. By 1960, the Syrian-born population in the U.S. totaled approximately 17,000, reflecting cumulative arrivals primarily from pre-1924 waves and limited post-Depression entries.^[1] These immigrants and their descendants continued to concentrate in established urban enclaves such as Paterson, New Jersey; New York City; Detroit; and Boston, where familial networks facilitated initial settlement.^[6] Economic adaptation accelerated amid the decline of the silk industry, in which many Syrian Americans had specialized as weavers and mill owners in Paterson—once hosting over 25 Syrian-operated silk factories by the 1920s. Japanese competition and the rise of synthetic fibers eroded this sector from the 1930s onward, prompting diversification into groceries, dry goods, and manufacturing trades; by the mid-1940s, Paterson's Syrian community increasingly operated retail businesses and small factories.^[12] World War II further catalyzed shifts, as second-generation Syrian Americans entered defense-related industries and military service, with enlistment often expediting naturalization and integration. High rates of English proficiency and homeownership among earlier arrivals supported upward mobility, enabling transitions from tenement peddling to suburban professional pursuits by the 1950s.^[13] Social and cultural adaptation was marked by rapid assimilation, facilitated by the predominantly Christian composition of pre-1960 Syrian immigrants, which aligned with mainstream American religious norms and reduced barriers to intermarriage and community blending. Urban renewal projects, such as the demolition of Manhattan's Little Syria neighborhood in the late 1940s to make way for infrastructure, dispersed families and accelerated dispersal from ethnic enclaves, promoting broader incorporation.^[14] Ethnic organizations, including Orthodox churches and benevolent societies, preserved Arabic language and customs while fostering civic participation; for instance, Syrian American groups lobbied on Middle Eastern issues following the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, reflecting dual loyalties to heritage and U.S. interests.^[5] This era saw declining use of Arabic in households and increased educational attainment, with third-generation individuals often fully identifying as American.^[2]

Post-1965 Immigration Surge

The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 abolished the national origins quota system established in the 1920s, which had restricted immigration from the Middle East, thereby enabling greater inflows from Syria through family-sponsored preferences and employment-based visas for skilled workers.^[15] This policy shift facilitated chain migration from earlier Syrian settler communities, particularly in urban centers with established networks, while also attracting professionals seeking economic advancement amid Syria's political upheavals, including the 1963 Ba'ath Party coup and the 1967 Six-Day War, which exacerbated instability and economic stagnation.^[16] The Syrian-born population in the United States expanded markedly in the ensuing decades, rising from about 17,000 in 1960 to 55,000 by 2000, according to U.S. Census Bureau data analyzed by the Migration Policy Institute.^[17] Annual admissions remained modest compared to larger source countries—typically in the hundreds to low thousands—but cumulative growth reflected sustained family reunification, with over half of post-1965 arrivals entering via immediate relative or preference categories rather than employment or diversity visas.^[18] Economic pull factors, such as opportunities in trade, healthcare, and education sectors where Syrians often concentrated, outweighed push factors like mandatory military service under Hafez al-Assad's regime after 1970, though sectarian tensions and limited freedoms contributed to selective outflows of educated urbanites from Damascus and Aleppo.^[16] Post-1965 arrivals differed from prior waves in composition, incorporating a higher share of Muslims alongside Christians, as quotas no longer implicitly favored Western Hemisphere or European migrants, allowing broader demographic representation from Syria's majority-Muslim society.^[16] These immigrants tended to be more urban and educated than 19th-century peddlers, with many pursuing professional paths; for instance, Syrian professionals filled roles in medicine and engineering, leveraging U.S. demand for skilled labor amid post-war economic expansion.^[18] By the 1980s and 1990s, this wave bolstered Syrian American enclaves in states like Michigan, New York, and California, where community organizations aided adaptation without relying heavily on refugee designations, which were minimal until the 21st century.^[4]

Syrian Civil War Refugees and Recent Developments

The Syrian Civil War, which began in March 2011, prompted a significant outflow of refugees, with over 6.8 million Syrians fleeing abroad by 2023, primarily to neighboring countries like Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan.^[19] In response, the United States initiated refugee resettlement under the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP), admitting approximately 18,000 Syrians from October 2011 to December 2016, during the Obama administration's efforts to expand humanitarian intake amid heightened global pressure.^[19] Admissions peaked in fiscal year (FY) 2016 with over 12,000 Syrians resettled, reflecting a policy shift toward prioritizing persecuted minorities and families, though rigorous security vetting—often lasting 18-24 months—involved multiple agencies including the FBI, DHS, and State Department.^[19] By contrast, the Trump administration imposed a temporary suspension on Syrian entries in 2017 via Executive Order 13769, citing national security concerns, followed by reduced overall refugee caps; Syrian admissions dropped to just 62 in FY 2018.^[20] Under the Biden administration, refugee ceilings rose to 125,000 annually from FY 2022 onward, but Syrian-specific admissions remained modest—totaling fewer than 5,000 from FY 2021 to FY 2023—due to ongoing conflict, processing backlogs, and prioritization of other crises like Ukraine and Afghanistan.^[21] Overall, cumulative U.S. resettlement of Syrian refugees since 2011 stands at around 21,000-25,000 individuals as of 2023, a fraction of the global total hosted mainly by Turkey (over 3.6 million).^[22] These refugees differ demographically from earlier Syrian American waves, with over 95% identifying as Sunni Muslim compared to the Christian-majority of pre-1965 immigrants; family units predominate, with many under 18, settling initially in states like Michigan, Texas, and California through voluntary agency support.^[23] Integration challenges include language barriers, trauma from war, and employment in low-skill sectors, though studies note higher secondary migration to urban enclaves for community ties.^[18] The fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime in December 2024 marked a pivotal shift, enabling voluntary returns; by March 2025, over 300,000 Syrian refugees had re-entered Syria from abroad, including from U.S.-adjacent programs, amid eased sanctions and transitional governance.^[24] U.S. policy adapted with the FY 2025 refugee proposal emphasizing repatriation incentives and reduced new admissions from Syria, reflecting stabilized conditions and domestic priorities under renewed Trump-era restrictions post-2024 election.^[25]^[26] This has slowed Syrian inflows to near zero in early 2025, impacting Syrian American communities by prompting family reunifications abroad rather than expansion, though advocacy groups report persistent asylum claims via southern borders for those evading resettlement caps.^[27] Congressional reports highlight potential for economic remittances to aid Syria's reconstruction, bolstering ties without mass new migration.^[28]

Demographics

Population Size and Growth Trends

The population of Syrian Americans, comprising individuals reporting Syrian ancestry in U.S. Census Bureau surveys, is estimated at approximately 194,000 based on recent American Community Survey (ACS) data aggregation.^[29] This figure reflects self-reported ancestry, which includes both foreign-born individuals and U.S.-born descendants, and constitutes a subset of the broader Arab American population estimated at 3.7 million.^[30] Estimates vary slightly due to underreporting in ancestry questions and classification challenges, as some Syrian-origin individuals may identify primarily as Arab or Lebanese without specifying Syrian ties.^[17] Historical growth has been modest through much of the 20th century, driven by early immigration waves of primarily Christian merchants and laborers, followed by smaller inflows post-1965 Immigration and Nationality Act reforms. The foreign-born Syrian population stood at around 60,000 in 2010, reflecting cumulative immigration up to that point.^[31] Growth accelerated significantly after the onset of the Syrian civil war in 2011, with the foreign-born population rising 43% to approximately 86,000 by 2014, fueled by family reunification, employment-based visas, and refugee admissions.^[31] ^[1] Refugee resettlement has been a key driver of recent expansion, with over 18,000 Syrians admitted as refugees between 2011 and 2017, though numbers fluctuated due to policy changes, including temporary suspensions under the Trump administration.^[19] Overall, the Syrian American population has roughly tripled since 2000, with immigration accounting for nearly all net growth amid low native birth rates in the community relative to broader U.S. trends.^[31] Projections suggest continued modest increases tied to ongoing displacement from Syria, though constrained by U.S. immigration caps and geopolitical factors.^[32]

Geographic Distribution and Concentrations

Syrian Americans number approximately 194,230 in the United States based on 2023 estimates derived from American Community Survey data.^[33] They are dispersed nationwide but exhibit concentrations in select states and metropolitan areas, driven by historical immigration waves, economic opportunities, and family reunification. The largest state-level populations occur in California (32,023 individuals, 0.08% of state population), New York (19,268, 0.1%), Florida (16,574, 0.07%), Pennsylvania (15,147, 0.12%), and New Jersey (14,312, 0.15%).^[33] Michigan ranks sixth with 13,247 (0.13%), particularly in the Detroit area.^[33]

Rank	State	Syrian Population	Percentage of State Population
1	California	32,023	0.08%
2	New York	19,268	0.1%
3	Florida	16,574	0.07%
4	Pennsylvania	15,147	0.12%
5	New Jersey	14,312	0.15%
6	Michigan	13,247	0.13%

Urban centers host the densest communities. New York City leads with 11,466 Syrian Americans, including 7,094 in Brooklyn and 1,560 in Manhattan, encompassing both Christian and Jewish subgroups.^[29] Jacksonville, Florida, follows with 2,616, while Los Angeles (2,181) and Detroit (1,510) reflect West Coast and Midwest hubs.^[29] Paterson, New Jersey, maintains a longstanding Syrian enclave within its broader Arab American district, attracting early 20th-century immigrants and sustaining cultural institutions.^[34] The Dearborn-Detroit region in Michigan features a robust Syrian presence amid its majority-Arab demographics, bolstered by post-2011 refugee resettlements.^[35] These patterns align with broader Arab American distributions, though Syrian-specific figures rely on self-reported ancestry, which may undercount due to assimilation or alternative identifications.^[30]

Age, Gender, and Household Composition

Syrian Americans display a demographic profile characterized by a relatively high median age compared to broader immigrant groups, reflecting earlier waves of settlement and subsequent aging. Data from the 2014 American Community Survey (ACS) indicate that Syrian immigrants had a median age of 47 years, older than the 44 years for all immigrants and 36 years for the native-born population.^[1] Age distribution among these immigrants showed 12% under 18 years, 4% aged 18-24, 30% aged 25-44, 34% aged 45-64, and 20% aged 65 and older, suggesting a concentration in middle and older adulthood.^[1] Surveys of Arab American communities, including those of Syrian origin, report an average age of 38 years, slightly above other groups like Egyptians (34 years) but indicative of established communities with generational continuity.^[36] Gender distribution among Syrian Americans is nearly balanced, with approximately 50.5% identifying as female, aligning closely with national averages but influenced by selective migration patterns favoring family units.^[36] This equilibrium contrasts with some refugee inflows where male labor migrants predominate initially, though family reunification has equalized ratios over time. Household composition emphasizes extended family structures, with a mean family size of 4.1 persons among Syrian immigrants—larger than the 3.8 for all immigrants and 3.1 for native-born Americans.^[1] Among those of Syrian ancestry, 62.9% reside in two-generation households, 29.0% in single-generation, and 6.5% in three-or-more-generation setups, reflecting cultural preferences for multigenerational living.^[36] Marital status data show 59.6% married, supporting high rates of family households (89.7% with children in some analyses), and 93.9% of households as married-couple units, underscoring stability and traditional family orientations.^[36]^[37] Only 14.5% live alone, with the majority (65.4%) in households of three or more family members, though poverty affects 66% of Syrian-born children under 18, often in larger units.^[1]^[36]

Religion

Christian Majorities in Early Waves

The initial waves of Syrian immigration to the United States, spanning from the late 19th century to the early 20th century, were overwhelmingly composed of Christians fleeing persecution and economic hardship in the Ottoman Empire. These migrants primarily originated from Christian-majority regions in Greater Syria, including Mount Lebanon and areas around Damascus and Aleppo, where communities faced sectarian violence such as the 1860 Mount Lebanon civil war and the Hamidian massacres of 1895–1896.^[1] Historical estimates indicate that Christians formed the majority of these early Arab immigrants, with Muslims comprising only 5–10% during this period.^[38] Predominant denominations among these early Syrian Christian immigrants included Antiochian Orthodox, Melkite Greek Catholics, and Maronites, reflecting the diverse Eastern Christian traditions of Ottoman Syria. Many arrived as peddlers and laborers, seeking religious freedom and economic opportunities unavailable under Ottoman rule, where Christians endured discriminatory taxes and periodic pogroms. By the 1890s, Syrian Orthodox communities had established parishes in major U.S. cities, such as the Antiochian Orthodox Archdiocese's early congregations in New York, underscoring their majority status and organizational cohesion.^[39] This Christian predominance persisted until the mid-20th century, with over 250,000 immigrants from Greater Syria arriving between 1890 and 1920, the vast majority being Christian peasants motivated by both push factors like Ottoman conscription avoidance and pull factors of American prosperity. Unlike later Muslim-majority waves post-1965, early Syrian Americans leveraged shared Christian faith to facilitate assimilation, founding mutual aid societies and churches that reinforced ethnic-religious identity.^[40] The scarcity of Muslim immigrants in these cohorts stemmed from greater Ottoman tolerance toward Muslim subjects and cultural barriers to long-distance migration for Muslim women and families, contrasting with Christian networks that encouraged chain migration.^[4]

Muslim Communities and Recent Shifts

While Muslim Syrian immigrants were a small minority in early waves of migration to the United States, comprising far fewer arrivals than Christians who fled Ottoman-era persecution, their numbers began to grow after the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act relaxed quotas favoring European origins.^[1] This shift accelerated dramatically following the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, as the United States resettled tens of thousands of refugees predominantly from Muslim-majority regions. Between 2011 and 2015, 96% of the 2,174 Syrian refugees admitted were Muslim, reflecting Syria's overall population where Muslims constitute approximately 90%, including 74% Sunni and smaller shares of Alawite, Shia, and Druze adherents.^[23]^[41] By 2016 alone, 99% of the record 12,587 Syrian refugees granted status were Muslim, marking a stark departure from prior patterns and elevating the Muslim proportion within the broader Syrian American community.^[42] These recent arrivals, largely Sunni Muslims displaced by conflict involving the Assad regime and Islamist factions, have contributed to the formation of nascent Syrian-specific Muslim networks alongside integration into established Arab American mosques and organizations.^[19] Groups like the Syrian American Council advocate for Syrian interests, including those of Muslim members, while broader entities such as the Council on American-Islamic Relations have collaborated with Syrian Americans on crisis response.^[43]^[44] Unlike earlier Christian Syrian enclaves in cities like New York and Paterson, New Jersey, recent Muslim Syrian communities are more dispersed due to refugee resettlement policies prioritizing nationwide distribution, though concentrations exist in Michigan and California amid larger Arab Muslim hubs. This influx has prompted adaptations, including heightened civic engagement around Syria policy and religious freedom concerns, amid reports of intra-community tensions over political alignments with the opposition or regime.^[4]

Jewish and Other Religious Minorities

Syrian American Jews primarily descend from immigrants who fled Ottoman Syria, particularly Aleppo and Damascus, arriving in the United States in large numbers between 1908 and 1924, with subsequent waves in the mid-20th century and a notable exodus in the 1990s amid Syria's restrictive policies toward Jews.^[45]^[46] This community has established a robust presence in Brooklyn's Ocean Parkway area and Deal, New Jersey, where they operate numerous synagogues, yeshivas, and kosher businesses while adhering to stringent Orthodox customs, including a communal takkanot (rabbinic decree) prohibiting intermarriage and conversion outreach.^[45] The metropolitan New York Syrian Jewish population stands at approximately 75,000 as of recent estimates, representing a cohesive enclave that preserves Ladino-influenced Judeo-Arabic dialects and traditions like unique piyyutim (liturgical poems) distinct from Ashkenazi or other Sephardic practices.^[45] Smaller Syrian Jewish settlements exist in Florida, California, and other states, often tied to economic opportunities in real estate, textiles, and finance, sectors where early immigrants built generational wealth through peddling and manufacturing.^[45] Despite assimilation pressures, the community emphasizes endogamy and religious insularity, contributing to low intermarriage rates compared to broader American Jewish trends; rabbinic authorities enforce travel bans to Israel for youth to prevent unauthorized marriages until adulthood.^[46] Among other religious minorities, Syrian Druze Americans form a modest but organized group, drawing from Syria's Druze population concentrated in Suwayda province, where they constitute about 3% of the national total.^[41] Immigration patterns mirror broader Levantine Druze diaspora, with Syrian-origin members integrating into the U.S. Druze community through organizations like the American Druze Society, which fosters cultural preservation and advocacy.^[47] Scattered across states like California, Michigan, and Oregon—evidenced by Portland's Syrian Druze enclave—their numbers remain small and undocumented precisely by origin, though they maintain the faith's esoteric, non-proselytizing tenets derived from 11th-century Ismaili Shiism, emphasizing tawhid (divine unity) and reincarnation without public proselytism.^[47] Recent events, such as 2025 sectarian violence in Syria, have heightened community solidarity and U.S.-based mourning for affected kin.^[48] Negligible presences of other Syrian minorities, such as Yazidis or Mandaeans, appear in U.S. refugee data but lack established communities; for instance, Syrian Yazidi admissions totaled just one by 2015 amid broader civil war displacements.^[49] These groups face compounded challenges from Syria's pre-war demographics, where non-Abrahamic or esoteric sects comprised under 1% of the population, limiting emigration scale.^[41]

Assimilation and Identity

Economic Mobility and Integration Strategies

Early Syrian immigrants to the United States, primarily from the late 19th to early 20th centuries, often entered the economy through itinerant peddling, leveraging portable goods like notions, linens, and spices to build initial capital in urban enclaves such as Little Syria in New York City and Paterson, New Jersey.^[50] This low-barrier strategy relied on family and ethnic networks for supply chains from the Ottoman Empire and credit arrangements, enabling gradual transition to fixed retail establishments in dry goods, manufacturing, and import-export trades.^[51] By the 1910s, many had achieved economic stability, with some advancing into larger mercantile operations, reflecting upward mobility driven by entrepreneurial risk-taking and community mutual aid rather than reliance on wage labor.^[52] Contemporary Syrian immigrants and refugees continue to prioritize entrepreneurship as a core integration mechanism, with 11 percent of Syrian immigrants in the labor force owning businesses—more than double the rate for all immigrants (4 percent) and natives.^[3] ^[53] These ventures frequently concentrate in sectors like retail, food services, and professional services, where ethnic enclaves in areas such as Dearborn, Michigan, and New Jersey facilitate market access and labor pooling.^[18] Syrian business owners report median annual earnings of $72,000, surpassing the $51,000 for U.S.-born owners and $40,000 for other immigrant owners, underscoring effective capital accumulation through self-employment.^[54] For recent Syrian refugees arriving post-2011 civil war, initial economic integration involves challenges like language barriers and credential recognition, yet longitudinal data on refugees broadly indicate rapid mobility: median household incomes rise from $30,500 within five years to $71,400 after 20 years, exceeding U.S.-born medians.^[55] Strategies include skill-matching programs and community sponsorships, with employed Syrians overrepresented in high-skilled fields such as education and healthcare, promoting long-term fiscal contributions through taxes and consumption.^[18] ^[56] This pattern aligns with pre-war Syrian immigrants' established success in homeownership (over 70 percent) and English proficiency among younger cohorts, fostering intergenerational advancement via education and professional networks.^[54]

Intermarriage, Language Retention, and Cultural Adaptation

Syrian Americans, particularly those from early 20th-century Christian immigrant waves, have exhibited high rates of intermarriage, often exceeding 80% for U.S.-born individuals marrying non-Arab spouses, as observed in 1990 census patterns among Arab Americans including Syrians and Lebanese.^[57]^[58] This exogamy facilitated rapid assimilation, with marriages frequently occurring within broader Christian communities rather than strictly ethnic lines, though conservative families maintained endogamous practices such as cousin marriages.^[5] More recent Syrian immigrants, including Muslim refugees arriving post-2011, show lower intermarriage rates compared to earlier generations and native-born Arab Americans, aligning with patterns where recent arrivals prioritize cultural and religious continuity.^[59] Language retention among Syrian Americans declines sharply across generations, with first-generation immigrants predominantly speaking Arabic dialects at home—72% in 2014 data—while 45% reported limited English proficiency upon arrival.^[1] Second- and later-generation individuals demonstrate high English proficiency, often exceeding that of other immigrant groups, reflecting assimilation pressures and educational emphasis, though parental attitudes toward heritage Arabic influence preservation efforts like community classes or church services.^[60]^[5] Arabic use persists in familial and religious contexts but fades in public and professional spheres, with code-switching and borrowing from English common among bilingual speakers. Cultural adaptation for Syrian Americans has been characterized by strong socioeconomic integration alongside selective retention of traditions, evidenced by high naturalization rates over 90%, homeownership comparable to natives after a decade, and business ownership at 11% versus 3% for U.S.-born.^[60] Early immigrants dispersed via peddling rather than forming enclaves, accelerating adoption of American norms like name Anglicization and military service, while preserving family-centric values, cuisine such as tabouli and baklava, and holidays like Easter or Ramadan.^[5] Recent waves maintain stronger ethnic ties through multiculturalism and post-1960s identity revival, yet overall patterns show erosion of patriarchal structures in favor of individualism, with divorce rates below national averages.^[5]^[60]

Generational Differences in Ethnic Identification

First-generation Syrian Americans, primarily immigrants from the late 19th and early 20th centuries who were mostly Christian, often retained a strong sense of Syrian ethnic identity tied to regional origins, religion, and village affiliations rather than broader national or pan-Arab labels.^[61] This cohort pursued legal recognition as "white" in U.S. courts to secure citizenship and avoid exclusionary policies, facilitating initial assimilation while preserving cultural practices like traditional cuisine and Christian rituals.^[62] Studies on Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) descent populations, including small Syrian subgroups, indicate foreign-born individuals exhibit higher ethnic identity scores (mean 3.0 on a 20-item MENA Identity Measure scale) compared to U.S.-born (mean 2.8), reflecting stronger retention among first-generation immigrants.^[63] Second-generation Syrian Americans, born in the U.S. to these early immigrants, began shifting toward a more hybridized identity, often accepting "white" racial classification more readily due to socioeconomic mobility and cultural proximity to European Americans, while maintaining ethnic ties through family traditions such as communal meals featuring dishes like kibbeh.^[61] Quantitative assessments among related Arab subgroups, such as Lebanese Americans (frequently grouped with Syrians in historical migration patterns), show second-generation individuals scoring lower on ethnic identity measures (mean 1.59 on the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure) than first-generation (mean 1.79), indicating reduced affirmation, belonging, and commitment to ethnic roots amid acculturation pressures.^[64] Lebanese and Syrian-origin Arab Americans in particular are more prone to self-identifying as white racially, a pattern linked to rejecting broader "Arab American" labels in favor of specific ancestries or Americanized identities.^[62] Third- and later-generation Syrian Americans demonstrate further dilution of explicit Syrian identification, prioritizing American nationality alongside selective cultural retention, such as religious practices and ancestral village lore, often over pan-Arab affiliations.^[61] Oral histories from Syrian and Lebanese descendants in the American South reveal persistent but context-specific ethnic pride, with many rejecting strict U.S. racial categories like "white" despite historical precedents, though overall ethnic identity weakens with age cohorts, as evidenced by lower MENA Identity Measure scores among younger respondents (e.g., 2.9 for ages 18-35 vs. 3.1 for over 65).^[63] Recent post-2011 waves of Syrian refugees, predominantly Muslim, may buck this trend temporarily due to displacement factors strengthening group cohesion, but longitudinal data remains limited; only 51% of broader Arab Americans express comfort with the "Arab American" label, with ancestral specificity often preferred across generations.^[65] Assimilation theories suggest these patterns stem from segmented integration, where early Christian Syrian communities achieved upward mobility via white adjacency, contrasting with potential enclave retention among newer Muslim arrivals facing post-9/11 discrimination.^[62]

Socioeconomic Status

Employment Patterns and Occupational Distribution

Syrian immigrants in the United States, who form the core of the Syrian American workforce, predominantly occupy skilled positions despite lower overall labor force participation. Analysis of American Community Survey data from 2008 to 2012 indicates that 49 percent of employed Syrian immigrants worked in management, business, science, and arts occupations, exceeding the shares for broader immigrant and native populations.^[1] Service occupations accounted for 25 percent, sales and office roles for 15 percent, natural resources, construction, and maintenance for 7 percent, and production, transportation, and material moving for 4 percent.^[1] This distribution aligns with the group's high educational levels, where 53 percent hold at least a bachelor's degree, compared to 31 percent of all immigrants.^[1] Labor force engagement remains subdued, particularly among recent arrivals affected by the Syrian civil war. In 2014, only 53 percent of Syrian immigrants aged 16 and older participated in the civilian labor force, below the 64 percent rate for all immigrants and 63 percent for U.S.-born individuals.^[18] Participation was markedly lower for women at 41 percent, versus 56 percent for immigrant women overall, potentially reflecting cultural factors, family responsibilities, and barriers like language proficiency and trauma from displacement.^[1] Unemployment stood at 9 percent for Syrians, higher than the 7 percent for immigrants and 6 percent for natives, indicating challenges in matching skills to opportunities despite occupational skew toward professionals.^[1] Earlier Syrian American cohorts, primarily from pre-1960s waves, showed upward mobility from entry-level trades. Many began as itinerant peddlers selling notions and dry goods, evolving into proprietors of retail stores and small manufacturing operations by the mid-20th century.^[66] By 2000, U.S. Census data reported 42 percent of Syrian Americans in management and professional roles, surpassing the 34 percent for Arab Americans and 29 percent for the general population, underscoring generational advancement in white-collar sectors.^[66] Post-2011 refugee inflows, however, introduce variability, with anecdotal evidence of initial concentration in low-wage service and manual labor due to disrupted education and credential recognition issues, though longitudinal data remains limited.^[67]

Educational Attainment and Access

![Education-USA-Arabs.png][float-right] Syrian immigrants in the United States demonstrate elevated educational attainment relative to broader immigrant and native-born populations. Data from the 2014 American Community Survey indicate that 39 percent of Syrian immigrants aged 25 and older held a bachelor's degree or higher, compared to 29 percent of all immigrants and 30 percent of U.S.-born individuals.^[1] Among those with a bachelor's degree, 47 percent had obtained a graduate or professional degree, surpassing rates for both immigrant (42 percent) and native-born (37 percent) groups.^[1] However, 26 percent lacked a high school diploma, higher than the 10 percent among natives but lower than the 30 percent for immigrants overall.^[1] Gender disparities exist within this population, with Syrian immigrant men exhibiting particularly strong outcomes. In 2014, 27 percent of Syrian immigrant men held advanced degrees (master's, doctorate, or professional), exceeding the 13 percent for all immigrant men and 11 percent for U.S.-born men.^[3] For women, 21 percent had a four-year college degree, aligning closely with native-born women (19 percent) but above immigrant women (17 percent), though only 9 percent held advanced degrees.^[3] These patterns reflect the selective nature of later migration waves, which included more urban professionals from Syria compared to earlier rural cohorts with limited formal education.^[68] Access to education for Syrian Americans has historically emphasized assimilation through public schooling, particularly for early 20th-century arrivals who prioritized English-language instruction and vocational training for economic integration.^[69] Recent refugee inflows, post-2011, face initial barriers such as language proficiency and credential recognition, yet maintain high aspirations, with post-2012 arrivals showing elevated attainment levels over prior waves.^[23] Overall, Syrian Americans' engagement with U.S. educational institutions contributes to intergenerational mobility, though specific data on U.S.-born descendants remains limited, with broader Arab American subgroups reporting graduate degree rates twice the national average.^[70]

Income Levels, Wealth Accumulation, and Poverty Rates

Syrian American households reported a median income of $62,781 in 2010 inflation-adjusted dollars, surpassing the national median of $51,144 and the Arab American median of $62,234 during the 2006-2010 period analyzed by the U.S. Census Bureau.^[71] This elevated income level reflects contributions from earlier waves of immigration, particularly Christian Syrians who arrived as merchants and professionals in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, facilitating intergenerational economic mobility through entrepreneurship in trade, retail, and services. Per capita income for Syrian ancestry individuals stood at $28,768, higher than the U.S. average of $27,334, underscoring patterns of household size and dual earners common in Levantine Arab communities.^[71] Poverty rates among Syrian Americans were lower than national and broader Arab averages, at 9.5% compared to 14.3% for all U.S. households and 13.5% for Arab households in the same 2006-2010 data.^[71] Levantine Arab immigrants, including those of Syrian origin, exhibit higher median annual earnings—$67,254 for men—than counterparts from North African ($60,492) or Arabian Peninsula origins ($55,562), attributable to selective migration of skilled professionals and better alignment of pre-migration human capital with U.S. labor markets, per analysis of IPUMS-Census data.^[72] However, recent Syrian immigrants post-2011, often refugees, face elevated poverty risks, with 20% of families below the federal poverty level in 2014, exceeding the 15% U.S.-born rate, due to disrupted education, language barriers, and lower initial labor force participation, especially among women.^[1] Wealth accumulation among Syrian Americans remains understudied, but patterns mirror broader Arab American trends of building assets via small business ownership and real estate investment, particularly in ethnic enclaves like Paterson, New Jersey. Established families leverage cultural emphasis on education and family networks for sustained upward mobility, though recent arrivals lag in net worth due to relocation costs and credential recognition issues. No comprehensive longitudinal data tracks Syrian-specific wealth disparities, but higher educational attainment— with Syrian immigrants exceeding foreign-born averages—supports long-term asset growth through professional occupations in healthcare, education, and engineering.^[18]^[72]

Politics and Civic Life

Political Affiliations and Voting Behaviors

Syrian Americans, estimated at 100,000 to 150,000 individuals, exhibit diverse political affiliations influenced by their socioeconomic status, religious conservatism, and concerns over U.S. foreign policy toward Syria.^[73] Many have historically leaned toward the Democratic Party due to support for social welfare programs such as the Affordable Care Act and alignment with urban, educated demographics in states like Michigan, New York, and California.^[73] ^[74] However, a significant portion, particularly among religiously conservative Christians and Muslims, is drawn to Republican emphases on traditional family values and interventionist approaches against authoritarian regimes.^[73] Voting behaviors are heavily shaped by U.S. policy on Syria, with anti-Assad sentiments—prevalent among post-2011 immigrants—prompting criticism of perceived Democratic leniency toward the regime and its Iranian backers.^[73] In the 2020 election, Syrian Americans in key swing states like Michigan (home to approximately 27,000) were divided, weighing Trump's troop withdrawals and erratic Syria engagement against Biden's anticipated continuity with Obama-era ambivalence on Iranian proxies.^[75] By 2024, dissatisfaction with the Biden administration's Iran policy and failure to confront Assad led community leaders to signal increased support for Donald Trump, with figures like Maher Sharafeddine stating Biden's approach was "disastrous" and expressing intent to vote Republican.^[76] This shift reflects broader mobilization efforts, including dinners with Trump allies like Ric Grenell, where Syrian American attendees voiced readiness to back policies aimed at regime change and countering Iranian influence.^[76] Community organizations, such as the Syrian American Council, have boosted political engagement since 2016, focusing on lobbying for anti-Assad measures rather than strict party loyalty.^[73] Pro-Assad factions remain a minority but contribute to internal rifts, often aligning with Democrats critical of interventionism.^[77] Overall, while no comprehensive polls provide precise partisan breakdowns, anecdotal evidence from diaspora leaders indicates a pragmatic, issue-driven voting pattern, with foreign policy tipping balances in recent cycles toward Republicans in battleground areas like Detroit, where Syrian populations exceed 6,400.^[76]

Stances on U.S. Domestic Issues

Syrian Americans display diverse perspectives on U.S. domestic issues, shaped by their religious composition—predominantly Christian among earlier waves and more mixed with Muslim arrivals post-2011—and experiences as immigrants or descendants. Limited polling targets Syrian Americans specifically, but broader Arab American surveys provide insight into subgroup tendencies, with Christian Syrian Americans often aligning with conservative social values due to Orthodox and Eastern Catholic traditions emphasizing family and life sanctity.^[78] On immigration, a key domestic concern given community demographics, 56 percent of Arab Americans in a 2024 survey favored tightening U.S. border controls to address illegal entries, indicating a restrictive stance despite historical immigration patterns.^[79] This view contrasts with general public opinion but aligns with priorities for orderly legal processes among established immigrant groups. Syrian refugees resettled in the U.S. have expressed appreciation for American liberties, including protections against terrorism, which may bolster support for robust national security measures over expansive refugee admissions.^[80] Data on social issues like abortion and same-sex marriage remains sparse for Syrian Americans, though Arab American Institute analyses describe the community as conflicted, with traditional religious adherents opposing expansive rights expansions while younger or secular members show openness.^[81] Christian Syrian Americans, comprising a notable diaspora segment in states like Michigan, tend toward opposition to abortion, mirroring U.S. Christian denominations' preferences for legal restrictions except in limited cases, as evidenced by broader religious polling.^[82] Gun control views are undocumented specifically, but emphasis on personal liberty among refugees suggests resistance to stringent regulations.^[80] Overall, domestic priorities often subordinate to foreign policy concerns, contributing to electoral volatility.^[83]

Foreign Policy Views, Particularly on Syria and the Middle East

Syrian Americans have demonstrated significant engagement with U.S. foreign policy toward Syria since the 2011 uprising, with community organizations and individuals predominantly advocating opposition to the Assad regime due to its violent crackdown, including documented chemical weapons attacks and civilian bombings. The Syrian American Council (SAC), a leading grassroots group founded in 2009, has lobbied for measures such as the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act of 2019, which imposed sanctions on entities supporting Bashar al-Assad's government for alleged human rights abuses, including the torture and disappearance of over 100,000 civilians as reported by affiliated networks. SAC's efforts contributed to bipartisan congressional support for the legislation, reflecting a consensus among many Syrian Americans that Assad's rule perpetuated instability and required international isolation.^[43]^[84] Views on U.S. intervention have varied, often balancing anti-Assad sentiment with concerns over escalation and unintended consequences like empowering extremist groups. In 2013, following Assad's Ghouta chemical attack that killed over 1,400 civilians, Syrian American leaders publicly urged limited U.S. strikes to deter further atrocities and enforce red lines, arguing that inaction signaled impunity for regime crimes. However, broader community perspectives included apprehension about prolonged involvement, with some favoring humanitarian safe zones or aid to moderate rebels over direct military action. This advocacy aligned with SAC's calls for arming vetted opposition forces to counter Assad's allies, Iran and Hezbollah, whose interventions prolonged the conflict and displaced millions.^[85]^[86] Among Syrian American Christians, who comprise a notable portion of earlier immigrant waves from Ottoman-era persecutions, opinions have shown greater nuance, with some viewing Assad's secular Ba'athist regime as a relative protector against Sunni Islamist radicals despite its documented destruction of over 60% of Syria's churches and monasteries since 2011. Post the regime's collapse in December 2024, Syrian Americans broadly celebrated the end of Assad's 24-year rule, which had resulted in over 500,000 deaths and 13 million displacements, but Christian subgroups expressed heightened fears for minority protections under Hayat Tahrir al-Sham-led governance, citing the group's al-Qaeda roots and past extremism. Organizations like SAC emphasized the need for U.S. monitoring of transitional justice and minority rights, while praising the fall as validation of long-term opposition to Assad's authoritarianism.^[87]^[88]^[78] On broader Middle East issues, Syrian Americans' priorities often intersect with Syria-specific concerns, including opposition to Iranian influence via proxy militias that bolstered Assad and criticism of Turkish incursions displacing border communities. Community stances align with wider Arab American sentiments in polls, where majorities have disapproved of U.S. handling of regional conflicts, particularly perceived favoritism toward Israel amid Palestinian casualties, though Syrian-focused groups prioritize countering Assad-enablers like Russia and Iran over pan-Arab causes. SAC and allied coalitions have pushed for U.S. policies isolating these actors, including sustained sanctions post-2024 to prevent regime remnants or Iranian resurgence, while advocating reconstruction aid conditional on democratic reforms and minority safeguards.^[43]^[89]

Cultural Elements

Cuisine and Culinary Traditions

Syrian American culinary traditions derive from Levantine cuisine, emphasizing fresh vegetables, herbs, grains, lamb, and olive oil in dishes such as mezze platters featuring hummus, baba ghanoush, and muhammara; kibbeh, a bulgur-crusted meatball or pie; and salads like fattoush with toasted pita, tomatoes, cucumbers, and sumac.^[90]^[91] These elements reflect Syria's geographic position, blending Mediterranean and Middle Eastern influences without significant deviation in immigrant adaptations.^[92] Early Syrian immigrants arriving in the United States from the 1880s onward introduced these foods through peddling and small shops in enclaves like New York's Little Syria on Washington Street, where vendors sold preserved items such as pickled turnips, rose water, and sweets alongside fresh preparations like stuffed vine leaves and shawarma precursors.^[93] By the early 20th century, community groceries and eateries preserved recipes amid assimilation pressures, with families maintaining home-cooked traditions of stuffed squash (mahshi) and lentil soups to sustain cultural identity.^[94]^[95] In contemporary Syrian American communities, restaurants serve as cultural anchors, particularly in areas like Los Angeles' San Fernando Valley, where establishments such as Kobee Factory, founded by Syrian immigrant Wafa Ghrier, specialize in handmade kibbeh varieties using traditional techniques like mortar-pounded bulgur and meat.^[96]^[97] Post-2011 refugee arrivals have expanded this presence, with family-run spots in cities like Oakland and Spokane offering shawarma, kebabs, and desserts like kunafa, often sourcing spices to replicate homeland flavors and fostering communal gatherings around meals.^[98]^[99] These venues not only provide economic opportunities but also transmit recipes intergenerationally, countering dilution from American fast food influences through emphasis on shared feasts during holidays like Easter or Eid.^[100]^[101]

Music, Dance, and Performing Arts

Syrian Americans preserve elements of traditional Levantine music through performances featuring instruments such as the qanun, oud, and ney, often integrated into community events and weddings.^[102] These traditions emphasize rhythmic modes known as maqams, which influence both folk and classical compositions passed down in diaspora communities.^[103] Dabke, a lively line dance with roots in Syrian and broader Levantine culture, remains a staple at Syrian American social gatherings, symbolizing communal joy and resilience.^[104] Participants form lines or circles, stomping in unison to upbeat percussion and string accompaniment, adapting the form to American venues while maintaining its energetic footwork and shoulder movements.^[105] In contemporary music, Syrian American artists like Omar Souleyman have popularized electronic interpretations of dabke, drawing large audiences in the US with high-energy sets that echo rural Syrian wedding performances.^[106] Bands such as Hello Psychaleppo blend psychedelia with Syrian folk elements, touring to highlight the homeland's cultural heritage amid ongoing conflict.^[107] Composer Kareem Roustom, of Syrian descent, creates orchestral works incorporating Arabic scales, performed by American ensembles.^[108] Performing arts contributions include vocalist Dima Orsho, who performs mezzo-soprano renditions fusing Syrian melodies with Western opera. Syrian American actor Jay Abdo has appeared in Hollywood films, portraying roles informed by his experiences fleeing Syria in 2017.^[109] Singer Paula Abdul, whose father emigrated from Syria, achieved fame as a pop artist and choreographer in the 1980s, incorporating Middle Eastern influences in her dance routines.^[110] These figures demonstrate how Syrian Americans adapt traditional forms to mainstream American stages, though community theater and folk troupes often focus on informal preservation rather than large-scale production.^[111]

Literature, Media, and Intellectual Contributions

Syrian American authors have produced works that frequently examine themes of displacement, cultural heritage, and personal identity amid the backdrop of Syria's conflicts. Zeyn Joukhadar, a Syrian American novelist, debuted with The Map of Salt and Stars in 2018, intertwining the narrative of a contemporary Syrian refugee family's flight from the civil war with the historical tale of a 12th-century female cartographer from Syria, earning acclaim for its lyrical exploration of loss and resilience.^[112] Joukhadar's follow-up, The Thirty Names of Night (2020), follows a Syrian American trans protagonist unraveling family secrets tied to Syrian ornithological heritage and urban legends in Damascus, addressing intersections of queerness, migration, and memory while winning the Lambda Literary Award.^[113] In media, Syrian Americans have distinguished themselves through on-the-ground reporting from conflict zones, providing firsthand insights into Middle Eastern dynamics. Arwa Damon, born in Boston to a Syrian mother and American father, worked as a CNN senior international correspondent from 2006 to 2019, covering pivotal events such as the Iraq War, the Arab Spring, and the Syrian civil war, often embedding in high-risk areas like Aleppo and Raqqa.^[114] Her reporting garnered awards including the Emmy for her 2014 coverage of ISIS atrocities, and post-CNN, she founded INARA in 2016 to deliver medical aid to children in war-torn regions like Syria and Gaza.^[115] Intellectual contributions by Syrian Americans span academia and policy analysis, often focusing on economic, political, and technological dimensions of the Middle East. Economists like Omar S. Dahi, a Syrian American professor at the City University of New York's John Jay College, have analyzed the impacts of sanctions and conflict on Syrian development through peer-reviewed studies emphasizing empirical data on inequality and reconstruction challenges. In engineering, figures such as Fawwaz Ulaby, a Syrian-born naturalized American, advanced remote sensing technologies during his tenure at the University of Michigan, co-authoring foundational texts on radar and microwave engineering that influenced NASA applications. These efforts reflect a pattern of leveraging diaspora expertise for rigorous, data-driven scholarship amid ongoing Syrian crises. Syrian American families typically feature close-knit, patriarchal structures where the father holds primary authority in decision-making, though maternal roles in child-rearing remain prominent. Respect for elders is a core value, with children expected to defer to parental guidance on major life choices, including education and marriage. In the United States, nuclear families have largely supplanted the extended kin networks common in Syria, driven by immigration patterns, urban living, and professional demands that scatter relatives geographically. Household sizes average smaller than in Syria, reflecting assimilation, yet multigenerational living persists in some communities for cultural continuity and elder care.^[5]^[116] Marriage traditions emphasize family involvement, with parental approval often sought even as individual choice has increased among younger generations in America. Ceremonies blend Syrian customs—such as formal proposals, dowry negotiations (mahr for Muslims), and segregated gender celebrations—with American legal requirements, including civil registrations. Weddings frequently involve large gatherings featuring traditional attire, feasting, and communal dancing, reinforcing social ties. Divorce rates remain lower than national averages, influenced by cultural stigma and family mediation efforts to preserve unions.^[116]^[5] Holidays reflect religious diversity: earlier Christian immigrants, predominantly Orthodox, celebrate Christmas on January 7 and Easter per the Julian calendar with church services, family meals, and gift exchanges. Muslim Syrian Americans, prevalent among post-2011 refugees, observe Ramadan through fasting and communal iftars, followed by Eid al-Fitr feasts marking the fast's end, and Eid al-Adha sacrifices commemorating Abraham's devotion. These occasions prioritize family reunions, charitable giving, and prayer, adapting Syrian practices to American contexts like community center events. Many also participate in U.S. holidays such as Thanksgiving, integrating them with ethnic foods to foster intergenerational bonding.^[5]^[117] Social customs underscore hospitality as a paramount virtue, with hosts offering elaborate meals and extended stays to guests as a sign of generosity rooted in Arab traditions. Interactions prioritize indirect communication to maintain harmony, avoiding public confrontation, while gender roles traditionally separate spheres—men in public domains, women in domestic—though U.S. exposure has prompted shifts toward egalitarianism in newer generations. Funerals involve ritual washing, shrouding, and swift burials per Islamic or Christian rites, with mourning periods emphasizing communal support and remembrance gatherings. Community associations often mediate disputes and organize events to sustain these norms amid assimilation pressures.^[118]^[5]

Notable Syrian Americans

Pioneers in Business and Technology

Steven Paul Jobs, whose biological father Abdulfattah Jandali emigrated from Syria to the United States in the 1950s, co-founded Apple Inc. in 1976 and served as its CEO until 2011.^[119]^[120] Under Jobs's leadership, Apple developed the Macintosh computer in 1984, which popularized graphical user interfaces, and later the iPhone in 2007, which transformed mobile computing and generated over $200 billion in annual revenue by 2023.^[121] His innovations in consumer electronics established benchmarks for design, usability, and integrated ecosystems, influencing global technology standards. Rami Essaid, born in Syria in 1983 and immigrating to the United States in second grade, founded Distil Networks in 2011 as a cybersecurity firm specializing in bot detection and mitigation.^[122]^[123] The company secured enterprise clients and achieved a $100 million acquisition by Imperva in 2021, demonstrating Essaid's expertise in addressing automated threats that account for over 40% of internet traffic.^[124] Rania Succar, a Syrian American, became CEO of Intuit Mailchimp in 2022, leading the email marketing platform serving 13 million customers and processing billions of emails daily.^[125]^[126] In 2025, she advanced to CEO of Kaseya, overseeing AI-powered IT management software for global enterprises.^[127] Jerrier A. Haddad (1922–2017), born in the United States to Syrian parents, co-developed IBM's 701 in 1952, the first commercially available scientific computer, which processed complex calculations for defense and research applications.^[128] Holding 19 patents in computing and electronics, Haddad contributed to early electronic data processing systems that laid groundwork for modern mainframes.^[128]

Figures in Entertainment, Arts, and Academia

Syrian Americans have made contributions to entertainment, including Paula Abdul, a singer, dancer, choreographer, and television personality born on June 19, 1962, whose paternal grandparents emigrated from Syria, making her of Syrian Jewish descent.^[110] Dan Hedaya, an actor known for roles in films like Blood Simple (1984) and the television series Cheers (1985–1993), was born in Brooklyn, New York, on December 24, 1940, to Syrian immigrant parents.^[129] Jay Abdo, an actor who starred in over 70 Syrian films and series before fleeing the country in 2011 due to threats amid the civil war, resettled in the United States and gained recognition in Hollywood, appearing in productions like A Hologram for the King (2016).^[130] In the arts, Diana Al-Hadid, a sculptor and painter born in Aleppo, Syria, in 1981 and raised in the United States, creates works that blend historical references with contemporary materials like steel, plaster, and wax, often exhibited in galleries such as Kasmin Gallery in New York.^[131] Mohamad Hafez, a multidisciplinary artist and architect born in Damascus in 1984, constructs mixed-media installations depicting Syrian urban scenes using salvaged materials to evoke themes of displacement and memory, with works featured in institutions like the Yale Peabody Museum.^[132] Prominent Syrian Americans in academia include Huda Akil, a neuroscientist born in Damascus in 1945, who earned her PhD from UCLA in 1971 and has advanced understanding of brain mechanisms underlying emotions, stress, and addiction as a professor at the University of Michigan, receiving the National Medal of Science in 2023.^[133] Shadia Habbal, a solar physicist born in Homs, Syria, specializes in space physics and has led expeditions to observe total solar eclipses, serving as a professor at the University of Hawaii and contributing to NASA-supported research on the solar corona.^[134] Kareem Roustom, a composer and educator born in Damascus to a Syrian father and American mother, holds a faculty position at Emerson College and blends Arab musical traditions with Western forms in orchestral and chamber works commissioned by ensembles like the Kronos Quartet.^[135]

Political and Community Leaders

Mitch Daniels served as the 49th Governor of Indiana from January 10, 2005, to January 14, 2013, becoming a prominent Syrian American in elected office. His grandfather immigrated from Syria in 1905, and Daniels has emphasized his Syrian-Lebanese ancestry, noting genetic testing indicated it as his primary heritage.^[136] ^[137] ^[138] Abraham Hamadeh, son of Syrian immigrants with Druze roots, was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives for Arizona's 8th district in November 2024, marking the first Syrian American in Congress. A U.S. Army veteran, Hamadeh has advocated for Middle East stability, including a historic August 2025 trip from Jerusalem to Damascus to meet Syria's interim president and discuss counterterrorism, hostage recovery, and regional peace.^[139] ^[140] Community leadership among Syrian Americans centers on advocacy for Syrian democracy, refugee aid, and cultural integration. The Syrian American Council (SAC), established in 2009 as a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, mobilizes against authoritarianism in Syria through lobbying and awareness campaigns; its policy chief, Mohammed Alaa Ghanem, is a Syrian-born human rights activist and former editor who coordinates U.S. policy efforts via the American Coalition for Syria.^[141] ^[43] Suzanne Akhras founded the Syrian Community Network (SCN) in 2015, partnering with local governments to deliver health, education, and resettlement services to over 10,000 Syrian refugees in the Chicago area by 2020.^[142] The Syrian American Alliance, focused on bilateral peace and education initiatives, is chaired by Dr. Mahmoud Khattab, who leads coalitions pressing for democratic reforms in Syria and U.S. support for opposition groups.^[143]

Challenges and Criticisms

Internal Divisions Over Syrian Politics

Syrian Americans have experienced significant internal divisions over Syrian politics, particularly since the outbreak of the civil war in 2011, reflecting sectarian fault lines similar to those in Syria itself. Sunni Muslims within the community have predominantly opposed Bashar al-Assad's regime, viewing it as responsible for widespread repression and atrocities, and have supported various opposition factions through advocacy and aid. In contrast, Alawites, Christians, and other minorities have often backed the government or adopted neutral stances, citing fears of Islamist extremism among rebels, such as affiliations with groups linked to al-Qaeda, which could endanger minority communities.^[144] These divisions stem from pre-existing loyalties, with earlier waves of Syrian immigration (pre-2011, largely Christian) tending toward regime sympathy to preserve stability for co-religionists, while post-war Muslim refugees introduced stronger anti-regime sentiments.^[144] Tensions have surfaced in practical conflicts within U.S. enclaves, notably in Paterson, New Jersey, home to one of the largest Syrian American populations. In 2013, anti-Assad activists, including figures like Mohamed Khairullah, organized boycotts against businesses perceived as pro-regime, such as Sultan Restaurant and supermarkets like Nouri Brothers and Fattal's, arguing that patronage indirectly supported the government's war efforts.^[144] Pro-Assad owners countered that such actions imported Syria's sectarian strife to America, with one stating that "anti-Assad is just a code word for Sunni." Community events, including protests and counter-protests, highlighted these rifts, though they remained localized without widespread violence.^[144] Anti-Assad advocacy has been channeled through organizations like the Syrian American Council (SAC), founded in 2006 but activated post-2011, which lobbied U.S. policymakers for sanctions, aid to vetted rebels, and condemnation of regime chemical weapons use, growing its influence through chapters in multiple states.^[86] The Syrian American Medical Society similarly expanded from 140 to over 500 members by aligning with opposition humanitarian efforts, providing medical aid to rebel-held areas.^[144] Pro-regime views, while vocal among individuals, lack equivalent formal structures in the U.S., often expressed through informal networks or silence amid dominant opposition narratives in diaspora media. Despite polarization, many Syrian Americans prioritize shared humanitarian goals, fostering solidarity in refugee resettlement and relief, even as political debates persist.^[4]

Integration Hurdles for Recent Refugees

Recent Syrian refugees, primarily arriving in the United States after the 2011 civil war escalation and peaking at around 15,000 admissions between 2014 and 2016, face multifaceted integration barriers stemming from war-induced disruptions, limited prior resources, and socioeconomic mismatches.^[54] Unlike earlier Syrian immigrants who often entered via family sponsorship with entrepreneurial backgrounds, post-2011 arrivals typically arrive with interrupted education, minimal transferable skills, and high rates of psychological trauma, complicating self-sufficiency.^[145] Initial resettlement support through programs like the Refugee Cash Assistance (RCA) and Refugee Medical Assistance (RMA) provides temporary aid, but long-term hurdles persist, with many relying on public benefits at higher rates than native-born populations in the first years.^[146] Language proficiency represents a primary obstacle, as most recent Syrian refugees arrive with little to no English knowledge, hindering education, job prospects, and daily interactions.^[147] This barrier exacerbates educational gaps, where children often enter U.S. schools years behind grade level due to prolonged disruptions in Syria and host countries; for instance, surveys of Syrian refugee youth indicate widespread illiteracy rates exceeding 50% at middle-school ages upon arrival.^[148] Adults face similar issues, with credential recognition challenges limiting access to professional roles, leading to underemployment in low-skill sectors like cleaning or food service despite pre-war qualifications in fields such as engineering or teaching.^[149] Economic integration is slowed by skills mismatches and initial welfare dependency, with Middle Eastern refugees, including Syrians, showing 91% participation in food stamps and 68% in cash assistance programs shortly after arrival, per 2012-2014 data from the Department of Health and Human Services.^[146] Employment rates improve over time—reaching parity with U.S.-born workers after 20 years—but recent cohorts experience higher unemployment spikes, such as a 4.2 percentage point increase during the 2020 economic downturn compared to the general population's 2.4 points, due to vulnerability in entry-level jobs.^[150]^[151] Psychological trauma from exposure to violence, displacement, and loss affects an estimated 30-50% of Syrian refugees with symptoms of PTSD, depression, or anxiety, often untreated due to stigma, access barriers, and cultural unfamiliarity with Western mental health services.^[152]^[153] Family separations and ongoing concerns for relatives in Syria compound these issues, fostering isolation that impedes community engagement.^[153] Cultural differences, including conservative Islamic norms on gender roles and social customs, create friction in adapting to American individualism and secular institutions, sometimes leading to enclave formation in cities like Detroit or Chicago, which delays broader assimilation.^[154] Discrimination perceptions, amplified by post-9/11 associations with terrorism despite low incidence rates among resettled Syrians, further erode trust in host society structures, though empirical data shows no disproportionate crime involvement compared to other immigrant groups.^[145] These factors collectively prolong the transition to full integration, with success varying by access to targeted programs like English classes and vocational training.

Public Perceptions, Stereotypes, and Policy Debates

Public perceptions of Syrian Americans have historically been favorable toward early 20th-century immigrants, who were predominantly Christian and integrated into American society as merchants and professionals, often achieving socioeconomic success comparable to other white ethnic groups.^[155]^[60] These communities, concentrated in areas like New Jersey and Michigan, assimilated through intermarriage, English adoption, and civic participation, fostering views of Syrians as model minorities distinct from broader Arab stereotypes.^[156] However, perceptions shifted after the 2011 Syrian civil war, with recent Muslim-majority refugees facing heightened skepticism; a 2015 Gallup poll found 60% of Americans opposed admitting Syrian refugees, citing terrorism risks amplified by ISIS's presence in Syria and the Paris attacks.^[157]^[158] Stereotypes of Syrian Americans reflect this divide: pre-war arrivals were sometimes romantically idealized for their Christian heritage or stereotyped as exotic peddlers, but legal battles over their "whiteness" for naturalization highlighted racial ambiguity, with courts variably classifying them as Asian or Caucasian.^[156] Post-2011, newer arrivals are often conflated with generic Arab-Muslim tropes of potential terrorists or welfare dependents, despite data showing Syrian refugees undergo extensive vetting and pose negligible security threats—no U.S.-resettled Syrian refugee has been involved in terrorism.^[159]^[160] Surveys indicate Americans favor Syrian refugees who are female, skilled, Christian, or English-proficient, prioritizing perceived integration potential over humanitarian need alone.^[161] Policy debates center on balancing refugee admissions against national security, with Syrian cases emblematic due to the Assad regime's collapse, jihadist insurgencies, and over 6 million displaced persons.^[162] The U.S. admitted only 15,583 Syrians from 2014 to 2016 amid Obama-era caps, dropping further under Trump via travel bans targeting high-risk nationalities including Syrians, which halved overall refugee resettlement and sparked lawsuits over religious discrimination claims, though proponents cited empirical vetting gaps in chaotic origin countries.^[54]^[163] Critics argue such restrictions ignore assimilation successes of earlier Syrians and low recidivism rates, while advocates emphasize causal links between lax screening and isolated European attacks involving Syrians, urging indefinite pauses until Syria stabilizes.^[164]^[165] By 2022, Pew data showed 72% viewing refugee intake as important, but partisan divides persist, with Republicans more wary of unvetted inflows from conflict zones.^[166]

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Dec 9, 2024 · Paterson's Syrian community is a long-seated one, with Syrians arriving in numbers in the late 19th Century, working in the city's factories ...<|separator|>
[35]
The Detroit area's many Syrians are celebrating Assad's overthrow ...
Dec 14, 2024 · Michigan has the largest concentration of Arab Americans of any state and is home to the country's largest Arab-majority city, Dearborn. It also ...Missing: population | Show results with:population<|control11|><|separator|>
[36]
None
Summary of each segment:
[37]
Syrians in the United States in 2025 | Zip Atlas
In terms of income, Syrians residing in the United States exhibit better median male earnings ($58,187), per capita income ($46,837), and median earnings ...
[38]
[PDF] ARAB AMERICAN NATIONAL MUSEUM WITH RANDA KAYYALI ...
The majority of Arabs who came during this early period of immigration were Christian men; an estimated 5-10% were. Muslim. By 1919, half of Arab immigrants ...
[39]
Orthodox Christians in North America - Chapter 4
Known collectively as “Syrians,” Arab Orthodox immigration to the United States began as early as 1878. By 1895, a sufficiently large community had been ...
[40]
United States of America : Arab and other Middle Eastern Americans
The first, between 1890 and 1920, brought over 250,000 people from what was then Greater Syria and other regions, mostly Christian peasants seeking economic ...
[41]
2023 Report on International Religious Freedom: Syria
The U.S. government estimates 10 percent of the population is Christian. There are reports, however, that indicate that number is considerably lower – ...
[42]
U.S. admits record number of Muslim refugees in 2016
Oct 5, 2016 · This goal was exceeded, and refugee status was given to 12,587 Syrians. Nearly all of them (99%) were Muslim and less than 1% were Christian.Missing: early | Show results with:early<|separator|>
[43]
Syrian American Council
Advocating for a free, democratic, and pluralistic Syria. Three stars Featured In: NYT Washington Post Wall Street Journal Together we amplify the voice of the ...Staff · About · 2025 Syrian American Council... · Vision & Mission
[44]
Syrian-American and U.S. Muslim Groups Call for Immediate Action ...
Sep 4, 2015 · CAIR is America's largest Muslim civil liberties and advocacy organization. Its mission is to enhance the understanding of Islam, encourage ...<|separator|>
[45]
Syrian Jewish Community in North America
Most of the Syrian Jewish community in Metro New York are descendants of those who arrived between 1908 and 1924. The majority of the diaspora was primarily ...
[46]
The Syrian Jewish Migration of the 1990s: A Modern Exodus
Oct 18, 2020 · Henry Harary tells the story of the Jews who took their shot at escaping Syria in the 1990s and built new lives in America.
[47]
American Druze Society - Main Page
As a Druze organization in the United states, the ADS is bringing its Druze members together to share and preserve their faith, values, heritage, and culture.
[48]
Druze American community in Portland mourns through crisis in Syria
Jul 21, 2025 · Members of the Syrian American community in Portland are grieving the loss of loved ones following attacks in southern Syria.
[49]
The State Department Turns Its Back on Syrian Christians and Other ...
Nov 2, 2015 · Over the past five years of Syria's civil war, the United States has admitted a grand total of 53 Syrian Christian refugees, a lone Yazidi, ...Missing: immigrants | Show results with:immigrants
[50]
[PDF] the Untold Story of Early Syrian American Factory Workers - HAL AMU
In their respective studies, they trace the steps of the first Syrian immigrants, describe in detail how the pioneer generation settled in the US, abandoned ...
[51]
The Social and Economic Integration of the Ottoman Syrians ...
Between the late 19th and the early 20th centuries, thousands of Ottoman citizens from the Greater Syria region of the Empire, immigrated to the USA.Missing: US | Show results with:US
[52]
https://oxfordre.com/americanhistory/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.001.0001/acrefore-9780199329175-e-598
[53]
RELEASE: Thriving Communities of Syrian Immigrants Integrate and ...
Dec 13, 2016 · Syrian immigrants are a highly entrepreneurial group: 11 percent of Syrian immigrants are business owners, compared with 4 percent of immigrants ...Missing: mobility | Show results with:mobility
[54]
Syrian Immigrants in the United States - Center for American Progress
Dec 13, 2016 · Approximately 90,000 Syrian immigrants reside in the United States. Similar to other immigrant groups, Syrian immigrants live throughout the ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[55]
[PDF] Starting Anew: The Economic Impact of Refugees in America
Jun 9, 2023 · While the median household income of refugees who have been in the country just five years or less was roughly $30,500 in. Starting Anew | ...
[56]
How refugees strengthen the U.S. economy | The IRC
Aug 5, 2025 · Refugees and asylees boost the US economy through work, taxes, and entrepreneurship, generating $123.8B in net fiscal benefits (2005-2019) while strengthening ...
[57]
[PDF] Intermarriage among Arabs in the United States - iussp
It is expected that. Lebanese and Syrian Americans are more likely to be exogamous than other Arab groups, who have a disproportionately higher share of recent ...
[58]
Patterns, Determinants, and Implications of Intermarriage Among ...
Mar 2, 2004 · The results indicate high rates of intermarriage consistent with an assimilation perspective. Over 80% of U.S.-born Arabs had non-Arab spouses, ...
[59]
Arab Americans and the Melting Pot | Newswise
Feb 2, 2002 · More recent immigrant Arabs, an increased proportion of who are Muslim, have lower rates of intermarriage than their native-born counterparts.
[60]
Syrian Immigrants Have Integrated Well, Refugees Will Too
Jan 18, 2017 · It is the latest piece of evidence confirming that immigrants from Syria assimilate well into the United States.Missing: 1930-1960 | Show results with:1930-1960
[61]
[PDF] Syrian and Lebanese Identity in the American South - eGrove
May 9, 2020 · It is the objective of this thesis to explore how Americans of Syrian and Lebanese descent understand their ethnic, racial, cultural, and.
[62]
Assimilating to a White Identity: The Case of Arab Americans
Racial identity is one of the primary means by which immigrants assimilate to the United States. Drawing from the tenets of segmented assimilation, ...
[63]
Development of an Ethnic Identity Measure for Americans of Middle ...
Sep 24, 2020 · We obtained data from 378 adults, 73% of whom identified as Arab and 27% as Chaldean. MENA-IM scores were higher among older, lower-educated, ...
[64]
[PDF] The Relationship Between Generation, First And Second, Ethnic ...
Jan 1, 2016 · There is a relationship between (a) generation, first and second, and (b) ethnic identity as measured by the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure ...
[65]
Identity and Ethnic/Racial Self-Labeling among Americans of Arab ...
Feb 4, 2021 · Findings indicated that 84% of the current survey participants consider themselves an ethnic minority and 51% are comfortable with the Arab American label.
[66]
(PDF) Syrian Americans - ResearchGate
In the 2000 Census, the population of Syrian Americans was 76,000, constituting 8.9 percent of Arab Americans and ranking third in the Arab population, after ...
[67]
Social Determinants of Occupational Balance Among Syrian Refugees
Sep 24, 2025 · Importance: Occupational balance is vital for well-being, yet refugees face barriers to maintaining meaningful daily activities.
[68]
Who Are the Syrian Refugees? | Cato Institute
Nov 19, 2015 · Of all refugees resettled in the United States, 44 percent are Christian, compared to less than 3 percent from Syria. Note about worldwide ...
[69]
The Role of Education in the Americanization of “Syrians” in the ...
May 21, 2025 · This article seeks to make the case that education was an instrumental force in the shaping of Arab American identity during the earliest decades of diaspora ...Missing: demographics | Show results with:demographics
[70]
Arab American intergroup relations | Research Starters - EBSCO
Overall, Arab Americans obtain higher levels of education than the average American and hold graduate degrees at a rate twice that of the general population.Demographics · Arab American Women · The Multicultural Immersion...
[71]
Arab Households in the United States: 2006-2010
In 2006-2010, there were 511,000 Arab households in the US, with 1.5 million people of Arab ancestry, a 76% increase since 1990. Arab households are defined by ...
[72]
[PDF] Socioeconomic Achievement Among Arab Immigrants in the USA
Nov 3, 2017 · This study examines how well conventional indicators of income achievement among immigrants vary by region of origin and gender among. Arab ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[73]
Syrian-Americans and the American Elections
Nov 6, 2018 · The vote of Syrian-Americans during the mid-term elections will partly be shaped by the policies of the two main American parties towards ...
[74]
Syrians in America Reside In Mostly Democratic States - NBC News
Nov 17, 2015 · Syrian-born populations in the Unites States mostly reside in large states with big urban centers that also vote Democratic in presidential elections.
[75]
'Between a Rock and a Hard Place': War-Weary Syrian Americans ...
Sep 29, 2020 · President Donald Trump won Michigan in 2016 by about 11,000 votes. There are roughly 27,000 Syrian Americans in Michigan—but they're torn ...
[76]
Syrian Americans Moving Toward Trump - National Review
May 30, 2024 · After a dinner in Michigan with Ric Grenell and other Trump allies, Syrian-American community leaders say they're more willing to vote for ...
[77]
[PDF] Make Syria Great Again? A Theoretical Case for the Transnational ...
However, one group of voters that has not been thoroughly examined is Arab Americans, over a quarter of whom indicated support for. Trump in an October 2016 pre ...
[78]
US-based Syrian Christians eye new regime with mixture of hope ...
Jan 25, 2025 · Christians such as Moussa make up a significant part of the Syrian immigrant community in the US. In election battleground states such as ...
[79]
Most Arab Americans hold conservative views on illegal immigration ...
Oct 23, 2024 · 56 percent of Arab Americans surveyed think US border controls should be tightened, a surprising twist for a population of immigrants or descendants of ...
[80]
Syrian Refugees in the U.S. Love America's Liberty - Niskanen Center
Mar 30, 2016 · Syrian refugees around the United States are also condemning terrorism. It's the violence that made them flee, and the reason that they flee to ...
[81]
Democrats Are Learning “Demographics Aren't Destiny”
May 28, 2024 · They were, however, conflicted about abortion and gay rights. ... Arab American Institute. The Arab American Institute is a non-profit ...
[82]
16. Religion and views on LGBTQ issues and abortion
Feb 26, 2025 · Read more about how U.S. religious groups see abortion and same-sex marriage, as well as society's acceptance of homosexuality and ...
[83]
The Arab American Vote 2024
Oct 2, 2024 · Still, Arab Americans remain an active constituency. Political engagement in the community includes 35% of Republicans, 24% of Democrats ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[84]
How Does the Syrian American Council Shape Decision-Making in ...
Sep 23, 2025 · The council, along with other advocacy groups, played a role in drafting the Caesar Act, the sanctions' legislation imposed on Syria since 2020.
[85]
Syrian-Americans Encourage U.S. Strike Against Assad Regime - NPR
Aug 29, 2013 · For Syrian Americans, the situation in Syria is emotionally wrenching, and the prospect of U.S. intervention leaves them torn. NPR's Cheryl ...
[86]
Syrian American Council Urges A Crackdown On Assad's Regime
The Syrian American Council (SAC) is has no faith in Assad since he hasn't honored past agreements. Additionally, the Syrian government already announced that ...
[87]
Don't Be Fooled: Assad is No Friend of Syria's Christian Minorities
May 16, 2017 · Christians are not safe in Assad's Syria. According to the Syrian Network for Human Rights, over 60 percent of all churches in Syria that have ...
[88]
Syrian Americans in Michigan celebrate as al-Assad loses power
Dec 8, 2024 · The Syrian American Christian community has expressed concern about opposition fighters they see as extremists.
[89]
Diasporic Syrian Activism in the US: Successes and Challenges
Jul 5, 2024 · This commentary offers a critical assessment of Syrian anti-Assad advocacy and lobbying efforts in the United States.
[90]
What to eat in Syria? Top 82 Syrian Foods - TasteAtlas
Best Syrian Foods · Toum · Shawarma · Sfiha · Kunāfah · Hummus · Lahmacun · Znoud el sit · Mutabal.
[91]
These 15 Syrian Recipes Are Treasures Of Middle Eastern Cooking
Aug 6, 2021 · Dig into famous dips like hummus, baba ghanoush, and muhammara, along with main dishes like lamb and vegetable stews, falafel, stuffed grape ...
[92]
Syrian Food Culture Integrated into the American Culture - foodinism
Mar 20, 2014 · Syrian culture is rich and so is their cuisine. Their food consists mainly of Mediterranean, Greek and Southwest Asian dishes.
[93]
From Washington Street to Atlantic Avenue: Food Stories from New ...
Sep 29, 2017 · Beginning in the 1880s, Syrian immigrants settled in lower Manhattan, setting up food shops, restaurants, and grocery stores. We'll taste ...
[94]
[PDF] THE ROLE OF FOOD AND CULINARY CUSTOMS IN THE HOMING ...
As a Syrian-Californian myself, I interview Syrian immigrants about their foodways and tell the Syrian immigrant story to an American audience. Ray demonstrates ...<|separator|>
[95]
Syrian Culture in Early Twentieth-Century Nebraska
Aug 30, 2019 · However, Syrian immigrants carried herbs and spices with them on the voyage to America or grew home gardens, so they could preserve certain ...
[96]
Bringing the History of Middle-Eastern Cuisine to Los Angeles
Oct 12, 2016 · I learned this at my new obsession, the Kobee Factory, run by Syrian immigrant Wafa Ghrier. I stumbled upon the Kobee Factory in Van Nuys over a ...
[97]
Excellent Syrian Cuisine at Kobee Factory | Well-Known Restaurant ...
Kobee Factory is a well-known restaurant in 14110 Oxnard St, Van Nuys. Here we produce excellent Syrian cuisine. Visit our kitchen to satisfy your Syrian ...
[98]
Old Damascus Fare is a new family-run catering business from ...
Mar 2, 2018 · Old Damascus Fare is a new family-run catering business from Oakland serving traditional Syrian food. The Syrian refugee family resettled in Oakland and ...
[99]
A Taste of Syria: Refugee Chef Finds Success in Spokane
Through World Relief, Abdulkareem was introduced to community members who saw potential in his dream of opening his own restaurant.
[100]
Syrian Restaurants in the USA: Preserving Culture Through Food
Aug 22, 2025 · Many Syrian restaurants in the USA were founded by immigrants who arrived during earlier migration waves or more recently due to the Syrian ...
[101]
Savoring Syria: Documenting the Syrian Kitchen in Exile
Jun 22, 2016 · Yearning for a taste of home, the Syrian diaspora accesses this heritage through reestablishing culinary traditions and recreating the tastes of ...
[102]
Music and Dancing - Syria Scope Travel
Discover Syria's music and dancing tapestry: from poetic melodies to rhythmic beats. Dive into the world of oud, ney, and traditional dances.
[103]
Folk Music - Syrian Heritage Archive
Feb 3, 2025 · Folk Music · Jawfiya. Like the hawliya, the jawfiya is a traditional lyrical art form found in the south.‎‎ It also has a special dabke dance.‎‎ ...
[104]
Syria's Radical Dabka - MERIP
Dabka is a highly stylized dance practiced widely in Syria, as well as Jordan, Lebanon and Palestine. Its origins remain undocumented.
[105]
Traditional Music & Dance of Syria at Dubai Expo - YouTube
Mar 11, 2022 · syriandabke #dabke #dabka #dabkedance #syrianfood #syriandance Syrian Dabke is a form of traditional folk dance that originated in Syria and ...
[106]
Omar Souleyman: America's Favorite Syrian Wedding Singer - NPR
Nov 14, 2013 · The growing Syrian diaspora streaming out of a country being torn apart includes one of its most popular singers: Omar Souleyman.Missing: notable | Show results with:notable
[107]
Syrian-American musicians raise voices as homeland suffers
Oct 18, 2017 · Hello Psychaleppo is among several Syrian-American acts on the road, sharing music and messages about their homeland as the conflict rages on.
[108]
Four Arab Musicians You Should Know
Apr 17, 2023 · Kareem Roustom is a Syrian-American composer and professor. Born in Damascus to an American mother and a Syrian father, Roustom and his family ...
[109]
Syrian Actor Jay Abdo Set For Hollywood-Produced Civil War Drama
Apr 7, 2022 · Syrian-American actor Jay Abdo (“Hologram for the King”) is set to play the lead in “Broadcast,” a drama about the atrocities of the Syrian civil war.Missing: performers | Show results with:performers
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8 famous Americans with Syrian roots - New York Daily News
Nov 19, 2015 · Singer Paula Abdul is of Syrian descent. The singer and former “American Idol” judge also has Syrian roots through her father, Harry.Missing: musicians | Show results with:musicians
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Fighting for Syrian Refugees with Soul Music - Twin Cities PBS
Feb 7, 2024 · Bassel Almadani is a Syrian-American musician who is using his platform to bring awareness to the civil war and refugee crisis in his family's homeland.Missing: traditional | Show results with:traditional<|separator|>
[112]
Author of The Thirty Names of Night - Zeyn Joukhadar
Zeyn Joukhadar is the Syrian American author of the Lambda Literary and Stonewall Book Award-winning novel The Thirty Names of Night (Atria/Simon & Schuster ...
[113]
The Thirty Names of Night - Zeyn Joukhadar
Jun 4, 2025 · Five years after a suspicious fire killed his ornithologist mother, a closeted Syrian American trans boy sheds his birth name and searches for a ...
[114]
Journalist Arwa Damon on conflict reporting: 'You will leave a part of ...
Mar 8, 2024 · Arwa Damon is a renowned Syrian-American journalist known for her work covering conflict in the Middle East.
[115]
Arwa Damon - IWMF
Born in Boston, Massachusetts to an American father and a Syrian mother (Damon's grandfather was former Syrian Prime Minister, Muhsin al-Barazi; and ...Missing: background | Show results with:background
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Syrian - Family - Cultural Atlas
Jan 1, 2016 · Furthermore, the ratio of men to women in Syria has shifted dramatically as more men have been recruited into the army, killed in battle or ...
[117]
Syrian American community holds potluck to celebrate Eid al-Adha ...
Jun 8, 2025 · On June 7, the second evening of Eid al-Adha, the Syrian American Social Club hosted a feast at the Second Church in Newton, ...
[118]
Syrian - Core Concepts - Cultural Atlas
Jan 1, 2016 · Syrian society is quite hierarchical and people tend to adhere to the stratifications between social statuses. A person's wealth, education and ...
[119]
Steve Jobs, Son of a Syrian, Is Embraced in the Arab World
Oct 6, 2011 · Steve Jobs, the innovative force behind Apple, grew up in San Francisco but traced his roots back to Syria.
[120]
Steve Jobs was a Syrian immigrant's son - The Denver Post
Jun 22, 2016 · Steve Jobs' biological father, Abdulfattah Jandali, was a Syrian immigrant. Jobs co-founded Apple and was a pioneer of the microcomputer revolution.
[121]
Steve Jobs: The Syrian-American Visionary Who Revolutionized ...
Jul 17, 2024 · Discover the extraordinary life of Steve Jobs, from his Syrian roots to co-founding Apple and transforming the technological landscape with groundbreaking ...
[122]
SG DC: Fighting the Bots with Rami Essaid of Distil Networks
A Syrian-born American entrepreneur and software engineer, Rami is the founder and CEO of Distil Networks, the leading public and private cloud security ...
[123]
Rami Essaid - Golden
Rami Essaid (born May 30, 1983) is a Syrian-born American entrepreneur and software engineer, and is the founder and CEO of Distil Networks.
[124]
An open letter to President Trump from a Syrian-born entrepreneur
Feb 15, 2017 · Rami Essaid is CEO and cofounder of Distil Networks, a bot detection and mitigation company. Subscribe to get latest news! Deep insights for ...
[125]
Syrian American CEO says Arab heritage is an asset, not a hinderance
Sep 9, 2023 · Rania Succar, who was named CEO of Intuit Mailchimp in 2022, said her Syrian heritage is an inspiration for success, rather than a hinderance.
[126]
Thirty Minute Mentors Podcast Transcript: Mailchimp CEO Rania ...
Oct 31, 2023 · Rania Succar is the CEO of MailChimp, which helps 13 million customers around the world send more than half a billion emails every day. Rania, ...
[127]
Kaseya Appoints Rania Succar as Chief Executive Officer
Jun 3, 2025 · Kaseya names CEO Rania Succar to lead company's next phase of innovation, platform depth, and customer-centric growth.
[128]
9 World-Renowned Syrian Scientists You Should Know About
Apr 12, 2024 · From groundbreaking discoveries to revolutionary innovations, these Syrians became pioneers in their respective fields and left a lasting impact on the ...
[129]
Notable Americans of Syrian descent - MySA
Cleveland Browns quarterback The ...
[130]
From Damascus to Hollywood, a Syrian actor living the American ...
Jan 20, 2017 · After fleeing his native Syria in 2011, actor Jay Abdo took refuge in the United States. In the space of three years, he found success in Hollywood.
[131]
Diana Al-Hadid - Kasmin Gallery
Diana Al-Hadid's wall reliefs and sculptures transform industrial materials to weave enigmatic narratives that engage ancient and modern civilizations.
[132]
BIO - Mohamad Hafez Art
A Syrian-American artist and architect, Mohamad Hafez was born in Damascus, raised in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and educated in the Midwestern United States.
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Neuroscientist Huda Akil wins Vanderbilt Prize in Biomedical Science
May 22, 2025 · A native of Syria, Akil earned her bachelor's and master's degrees in psychology and psycholinguistics from the American University of ...
[134]
Discrimination Against Female Researchers Still Exists, Says ...
Mar 8, 2022 · Influenced by the achievements of Marie Curie, the Syrian-born astronomer Shadia Habbal has been drawn to science since childhood.
[135]
About - Kareem Roustom
Syrian-American Kareem Roustom is a composer of emotionally rich, rhythmically intricate music for chamber, orchestral, choral ensembles, dance and chamber ...
[136]
Former Gov. Mitch Daniels has Syrian heritage - IndyStar
Nov 20, 2015 · Grandfather of former Gov. Mitch Daniels, now president of Purdue University, emigrated to the United States from Syria in 1905.
[137]
Daniels highlights Syrian heritage - POLITICO
May 4, 2011 · Mitch Daniels drew extensively on his Syrian heritage in accepting an award from an Arab-American group Wednesday night.
[138]
President Daniels to grads: 'I'm talking to you' - Purdue University
May 16, 2022 · Ancestry.com informs me that genetically I'm more Syrian and Lebanese than anything else, but I've got high percentages of Scotch, Welsh and ...
[139]
Rep. Abe Hamadeh brings a unique perspective to conflicts in Syria ...
Mar 10, 2025 · Hamadeh is the child of Syrian immigrants with Druze, Kurdish and Muslim heritage and served in the U.S. military in Saudi Arabia.
[140]
Congressman Abraham Hamadeh Makes Historic Trip to Syria to ...
Aug 10, 2025 · WASHINGTON D.C. - Congressman Abraham J. Hamadeh (AZ-08), in an unprecedented trip from Jerusalem to Damascus, met with Syrian President ...Missing: politicians | Show results with:politicians
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Mohammed Alaa Ghanem - Syrian American Council
An early pioneer of organized Syrian American political advocacy, he currently serves as the policy chief for the American Coalition for Syria (ACS), an ...
[142]
Board of Directors - Syrian Community Network
Suzanne Akhras is the Founder and past Executive Director of Syrian Community Network (SCN). Under her leadership, SCN became a key community partner in serving ...
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One On One With Dr. Mahmoud Khattab, Chairman Of The Syrian ...
Dr. Mahmoud Khattab is the Chairman of the Syrian American Alliance. The organization is one of five that make up the Coalition for a Democratic Syria.Missing: notable | Show results with:notable<|control11|><|separator|>
[144]
Syrian Americans draw domestic battle lines as civil war finds ...
Aug 9, 2013 · "Sectarian identity is a large part of Syrians, and it gets imported to America," he said. "Anti-Assad is just a code word for Sunni, for people ...
[145]
Refugees and Asylees in the United States - Migration Policy Institute
Jun 15, 2023 · Annual Refugee Resettlement Ceiling and Number of Refugees Admitted to the United States, FY 1980-2023*. *Data on admitted refugees for ...
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The High Cost of Resettling Middle Eastern Refugees
Nov 4, 2015 · The cost of resettlement includes heavy welfare use by Middle Eastern refugees; 91 percent receive food stamps and 68 percent receive cash ...
[147]
Integration in the United States through the Eyes of Syrian Refugees
Apr 20, 2016 · Over the course of the past year, seventeen Syrian refugee children were resettled in Elizabeth, NJ and placed in the Elizabeth public school system.Missing: mobility | Show results with:mobility
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Loss of a Generation: The Education of Syria's Refugee Children
Aug 25, 2020 · One third of Syria's children are out of school completely, at least in part because a third of the country's schools were destroyed or damaged.Missing: statistics | Show results with:statistics
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The Educational Experiences of Refugee Children in Countries of ...
Refugee children often experience frequent disruptions and limited access to schooling, leaving many behind their age-appropriate grade level. Sporadic ...
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[PDF] Labor Force Trends of Recently-Arrived Refugees During the COVID ...
Apr 1, 2023 · Their unemployment rate increased by 4.2 percentage points in 2020, compared to 2.4 percentage points for the general U.S. population. • The ...
[151]
New Report Reveals Refugees' Profound Economic Contributions ...
Jun 20, 2023 · “The findings are clear: refugees pay billions of dollars in taxes annually and demonstrate a remarkable entrepreneurial spirit, with high rates ...Missing: Syrian | Show results with:Syrian
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Mental health and psychosocial wellbeing of Syrians affected by ...
Conflict affected Syrians may experience a wide range of mental health problems including (1) exacerbations of pre-existing mental disorders; (2) new problems ...
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The Mental Health of Syrian Refugees in the United States
As they enter the US, Syrian refugees already have mental health issues, and after they enter the country, they experience risk factors such as racialization, ...<|separator|>
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[PDF] Social and Cultural Integration Process Among Syrian Refugees in ...
She is an educated girl who understands how Americans perceive her Arabic and. Syrian identity, and she also understands why such discrimination exists.
[155]
Middle East expert finds Syrian Americans comprise a rich ...
Feb 18, 2016 · USC Dornsife's Sarah Gualtieri explores the vibrant history and valuable contributions of Southern California's thriving Syrian American community.Missing: mid- | Show results with:mid-
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Syrian-Americans comprise a rich multiplicity of identities, Middle ...
“In some cases they were thought to be Asian or not to be white, and cases were heard in courts across the nation in which their racial identity was litigated.
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Syrian Refugees and Americans: Perceptions, Attitudes and Insights
This study explores Americans' perceptions of Syrian refugee resettlement as well as Syrians' perceptions of America using face to face interviews and content ...
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The U.S. Record Shows Refugees Are Not a Threat
Oct 7, 2015 · The most common arguments against resettling more Syrian refugees, made by some Republican presidential candidates and members of Congress, is ...
[160]
Detroit area Syrians hope to shake stereotypes
Dec 27, 2015 · Syrians living here say terror fears shouldn't close door into America for refugees.
[161]
Americans preferred Syrian refugees who are female, English ... - NIH
We find that Americans prefer Syrian refugees who are female, high-skilled, English-speaking, and Christian, suggesting they prioritize refugee integration.
[162]
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How have the Trump administration's policies impacted refugees?
Sep 18, 2025 · Trump administration suspended refugee resettlement, canceled 10000+ flights, terminated agency contracts, and cut benefits—costing billions ...
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What Americans really think about the Syrian refugee crisis | Brookings
Sep 30, 2015 · Humanitarianism is non-partisan. Attitudes toward admitting Syrian refugees are shaped by opinions on immigration and terrorism. Republicans are ...
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The United States and the Syrian Refugee Crisis: A Plan of Action
Jan 27, 2016 · At MDL, the U.S. military will set up facilities for both the refugees and the U.S. government employees that will process them. As in Operation ...
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Attitudes on taking in refugees vary by party, race and ethnicity
Sep 19, 2022 · 72% of Americans say taking in civilian refugees should be an important goal for immigration policy in the United States.