National Baptist Convention, USA
The National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc. (NBCUSA) is a Baptist denomination predominantly comprising African American congregations, established in 1895 through the consolidation of three predecessor organizations—the Foreign Mission Baptist Convention (founded 1880), the American National Baptist Convention (1886), and the Baptist National Educational Convention—to coordinate missions, education, and publications among Black Baptists.[1][2] Headquartered at the Baptist World Center in Nashville, Tennessee, it operates as a voluntary fellowship of autonomous churches emphasizing believer's baptism by immersion, congregational governance, and evangelical priorities such as soul-winning and scriptural authority.[3][4] The convention claims a self-reported membership of approximately 7.5 million across more than 10,000 churches, positioning it as the largest African American religious body in the United States, though independent directories estimate active adherents closer to 5 million amid declining participation trends in mainline Protestantism.[4][3] Its structure includes auxiliaries for men, women, youth, and missions, alongside institutions like the National Baptist Publishing Board—historically a major producer of Sunday school materials—and affiliations with seminaries and colleges such as American Baptist College.[3][5] Significant developments include internal divisions, notably the 1915 schism over property incorporation that birthed the rival National Baptist Convention of America, and the 1961 split forming the more activist-oriented Progressive National Baptist Convention, reflecting tensions between conservative institutionalism and direct civil rights engagement under leaders like Joseph H. Jackson, who prioritized denominational unity over mass protest.[1][6] These fractures underscore the NBCUSA's defining characteristic as a decentralized network sustaining Black ecclesiastical independence post-emancipation, while fostering global outreach and community uplift through annual congresses that convene tens of thousands for preaching, training, and policy deliberation.[3][5]Historical Development
Origins and Early Consolidation
During the immediate post-Civil War period, enslaved and newly emancipated Black Baptists, who had often conducted worship in semi-autonomous "praise houses" or brush arbors under slavery, rapidly established independent congregations free from white supervision.[7] This surge was driven by systemic exclusion from white Baptist bodies, such as the Southern Baptist Convention formed in 1845, which upheld racial hierarchies and limited Black leadership roles.[8] By the late 1860s, Black Baptists in the South constructed their own churches, prioritizing self-governance to address spiritual, educational, and communal needs without deference to white oversight, reflecting a causal emphasis on racial self-determination amid Reconstruction-era uncertainties.[8] [9] These autonomous churches proliferated into regional associations during the 1870s and 1880s, fostering networks for mutual aid, ordination of Black ministers, and missionary outreach independent of white-controlled boards.[10] A key precursor emerged in 1867 with the Consolidated American Baptist Convention, which united northern and southern Black Baptists for coordinated efforts until its dissolution around 1880.[11] This organizational momentum underscored a commitment to theological and administrative independence, as Black Baptists rejected paternalistic alliances with white denominations that often subordinated their initiatives.[12] Culminating these developments, the Baptist Foreign Mission Convention formed on November 24, 1880, when approximately 150 delegates, led by Rev. W.W. Colley, convened at the First Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama, representing ministers from 11 southern states.[13] [14] Focused on evangelism in Africa and self-funded missions, this body exemplified Black Baptists' self-reliance, pooling resources to appoint missionaries without reliance on white financial or doctrinal control, thereby laying groundwork for broader consolidation while affirming congregational autonomy as a bulwark against racial subjugation.[15]Founding Convention of 1895
The National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc., emerged from the merger of three prominent Black Baptist organizations—the Foreign Mission Baptist Convention (established 1880), the American National Baptist Convention, and the National Baptist Educational Convention—on September 24, 1895, at Friendship Baptist Church in Atlanta, Georgia.[16][17] This unification addressed the fragmentation among post-emancipation Black Baptist groups, which had pursued separate missions, educational, and home efforts since the late 19th century, aiming to create a singular national entity for greater efficiency and impact.[18] The convention's formation reflected practical necessities under Jim Crow segregation, where Black communities sought autonomous institutions for religious, educational, and charitable work independent of white-controlled denominations.[1] Elias Camp Morris, a pastor from Little Rock, Arkansas, was elected as the first president, providing leadership to coordinate the pooled resources of the merging bodies toward expanded foreign missionary outreach, educational initiatives, and publication of denominational materials.[5] Initial priorities emphasized foreign missions, building on the Foreign Mission Convention's prior efforts in Africa and the Caribbean, alongside domestic education and mutual aid to support Black Baptist churches facing resource scarcity and legal disenfranchisement.[12] This structure enabled the convention to function as a centralized hub for fundraising and program oversight, fostering a unified voice for Black Baptists in advocating community self-reliance.[18] By 1900, the convention had solidified its role as the largest Black religious body in the United States, with affiliated churches demonstrating rapid organizational growth through state and regional associations that aligned under its banner, though exact membership figures from this nascent period remain approximate due to decentralized reporting.[1] Early successes included establishing mission boards and educational arms, which amplified Black Baptist influence in theological training and evangelism, distinct from smaller regional efforts pre-merger.[16]The 1915 Publishing Board Schism
The dispute over the National Baptist Publishing Board, established in 1896 under Rev. Richard H. Boyd's leadership in Nashville, Tennessee, intensified by 1915 as Convention President Rev. Elias Camp Morris pushed for its incorporation to place it under centralized denominational authority.[19][20] Boyd, who had built the board into a financially successful entity producing Sunday school materials and other publications, opposed incorporation, arguing it would undermine the voluntary character of Baptist organizations and subject the board to undue convention oversight.[19][18] At the annual convention session held September 8–13, 1915, in Chicago, Illinois, these conflicting visions erupted into a schism, with Boyd's supporters withdrawing to form the independent National Baptist Convention of America, Inc., prioritizing the board's autonomy.[1][21] Morris's faction retained the original National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc., but lost physical control of the Nashville publishing facilities and assets, which Boyd's group secured through subsequent court proceedings spanning several years.[1][18] The legal resolution favored Boyd, affirming property rights tied to the board's pre-existing operations and highlighting ambiguities in the convention's constitution that failed to delineate clear authority over subsidiary entities.[19][20] Rooted in leadership rivalries—Boyd's entrepreneurial stake in the board's viability clashing with Morris's drive for institutional consolidation—the split reflected broader tensions over power distribution absent robust governance mechanisms, resulting in permanent denominational fragmentation and diluted collective bargaining power among Black Baptists.[18][1]Mid-20th Century Expansion and Civil Rights Engagement
Following World War II, the National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc. (NBCUSA) underwent significant expansion, driven by the Great Migration's urbanization of African American communities and the proliferation of local Baptist congregations seeking affiliation with a national body for resources and influence. By the 1950s, the convention encompassed thousands of churches across state conventions, with claimed membership swelling into the millions amid postwar economic shifts and church planting efforts.[10] This growth solidified the NBCUSA as the preeminent African American Baptist organization, emphasizing autonomous local governance while channeling funds through national boards for missions and education.[6] Under Joseph H. Jackson's presidency from 1953 to 1982, the NBCUSA navigated civil rights engagement with a conservative emphasis on legal and orderly progress, rejecting mass demonstrations in favor of court challenges and institutional advocacy to avoid perceived chaos or communist influence. Jackson supported select initiatives, including donations to the Montgomery Improvement Association during the 1955–1956 bus boycott and endorsements of voter registration drives aligned with anti-communist patriotism.[22] The convention's structures facilitated funding for organizations like the NAACP through member church contributions, prioritizing economic self-sufficiency and lawful reform over disruptive protest, though Jackson critiqued militant tactics as counterproductive to black advancement.[23] Internal tensions arose from Jackson's hierarchical control, which suppressed youth-led critiques favoring direct action, as seen in clashes with figures like Martin Luther King Jr. at the 1961 annual session where dissenters accused leadership of stifling grassroots militancy.[22] Jackson's reassertion of authority, including accusations of incitement against King, highlighted divides between conservative elders prioritizing denominational stability and younger ministers pushing for bolder civil rights confrontation, limiting the NBCUSA's alignment with nonviolent disobedience campaigns.[24] These frictions reflected broader debates on whether denominational unity should constrain activism, with Jackson defending his approach as safeguarding the convention's moral authority amid federal scrutiny.[25]The 1982 Progressive Split
Joseph H. Jackson served as president of the National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc. from 1953 to 1982, marking the longest tenure in the organization's history at 29 years.[22] During this period, Jackson faced accusations from some ministers of circumventing constitutional tenure limits, which stipulated an initial five-year term with provisions for reelection but encouraged rotation to prevent entrenchment.[22][10] His prolonged leadership, characterized by conservative stances on social activism, intensified internal divisions, culminating in the 1982 presidential election where Baton Rouge pastor T. J. Jemison mounted a successful challenge.[5] Jemison's victory represented a reformist demand for accountability against incumbency power, as Jackson's refusal to relinquish office after decades exemplified how indefinite terms prioritize patronage networks—distributing resources and positions to loyalists—over merit-driven governance, ultimately eroding institutional dynamism and fostering member dependency on singular authority figures.[26] The 1982 contest highlighted a broader clash within the convention between entrenched conservatism and progressive impulses for renewal, though prior fractures, such as the 1961 departure of civil rights advocates, had already diminished the NBC's cohesive influence. Jemison, a civil rights veteran who organized the 1953 Baton Rouge bus boycott, assumed the presidency on September 1982, signaling a pivot toward greater alignment with activist traditions previously marginalized under Jackson.[26] This transition retained the convention's core conservative base, ensuring numerical stability amid an estimated membership of over 2.5 million churches, but empirically weakened unified bargaining power in national affairs, as ongoing ideological tensions fragmented collective advocacy.[5] Under Jemison's leadership from 1982 to 1994, the convention formalized reforms, including a vote to cap officer terms at two consecutive four-year periods, directly addressing the perils of perpetual incumbency demonstrated by Jackson's era.[5] This measure aimed to promote accountability and meritocracy, countering causal patterns where extended tenures cultivate self-perpetuating elites detached from grassroots needs, though implementation faced resistance from patronage beneficiaries. The shift preserved operational continuity while underscoring the causal realism that indefinite power consolidates dependency, reducing incentives for innovation and broad representation in denominational decision-making.[10]Post-1982 Challenges and Recent Crises
Following the 1982 split that established the Progressive National Baptist Convention, the National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc. (NBCUSA) encountered additional fractures exacerbating internal disunity. In December 1988, disagreements over centralized control of Sunday school curricula prompted a secession, forming the National Baptist Convention of America, Unincorporated, which diminished the NBCUSA's influence in educational programming.[27] Concurrently, another rift around organizational authority yielded the National Missionary Baptist Convention of America in 1988, further fragmenting resources and allegiance among African American Baptist congregations.[28] These post-1982 divisions, rooted in disputes over authority rather than doctrine, have sustained patterns of leadership contention without comprehensive reforms to election or oversight mechanisms.[29] Membership stagnation has compounded these issues, with official NBCUSA figures asserting around 7.5 million affiliates, contrasted sharply by independent enumerations. The Association of Religion Data Archives documented 1,567,741 adherents across 2,530 congregations in 2020, suggesting inflated self-reports due to loose affiliative ties or unverified church counts rather than active participation.[17] This discrepancy underscores stalled growth amid broader declines in Black Protestant denominations, where empirical data indicate retention challenges from generational shifts and competition with nondenominational churches, rather than expansion.[30] The 2024 presidential election intensified crises, featuring procedural irregularities such as abbreviated voting windows and limited candidate options—effectively a binary choice between one nominee or abstention—prompting widespread accusations of undemocratic practices and threats of additional schisms.[31] Rev. Boise Kimber, pastor of First Calvary Baptist Church in New Haven, Connecticut, emerged as president in September 2024, inheriting a mandate clouded by governance distrust that has historically favored charismatic incumbents over institutional accountability.[32] In June 2025, Kimber's administration faced backlash for accepting a $300,000 donation from Target Corporation, amid an ongoing boycott by Black clergy coalitions protesting the retailer's diversity, equity, and inclusion policies.[33] Critics, including boycott organizer Rev. Jamal Bryant, labeled the move a "betrayal" of community solidarity, alleging insufficient consultation with grassroots leaders and potential mishandling of funds without transparency on allocation.[34] The controversy, amplified by public denunciations, reignited calls for divestment from the NBCUSA and hints of new factions, illustrating how ad hoc financial decisions without fiduciary oversight perpetuate volatility in a convention reliant on presidential discretion.[35]Governance and Leadership
Presidential Role and Election Processes
The president of the National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc., functions as the chief executive officer, presiding over meetings of the Convention and its Board of Directors unless delegating the role, appointing the Nominating and Credentials Commissions, calling special meetings with written notice, and providing overall direction to officers and Convention activities.[36] This authority extends to influencing policy implementation and organizational oversight, positioning the president as the central figure in executive decision-making.[36] Elections for president occur every five years during the designated annual session, with candidates required to be members in good standing of a constituent church, district association, or state convention registered in the prior two annual meetings.[36] Nominations proceed via petitions signed by at least 100 constituent members, due by January 1 preceding the election year, followed by selection through electronic voting by representative members, verified by an Election Commission.[36] The five-year term allows for re-election to a maximum of two consecutive terms, after which ineligibility applies until a subsequent cycle.[36][37] Historically, the structure has favored incumbents through procedural norms and the absence of earlier term restrictions, enabling extended influence until formalized two-term limits were established, though these reforms faced internal resistance as evidenced by schisms like the 1961 Progressive split over leadership tenure disputes.[38] Recent procedural adaptations, such as ballots limited to a single candidate or a "no" option as implemented in the 2024 election, have amplified concerns about diminished competition and legitimacy, highlighting vulnerabilities in the election mechanics that concentrate power without sufficient counterbalances.[31][32] This unchecked executive authority, reliant on Convention goodwill rather than codified checks, has periodically precipitated governance crises by enabling dominant figures to shape appointments, policies, and even electoral processes.[36]Board Structure and Internal Decision-Making
The Board of Directors of the National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc. serves as the primary governing body between annual sessions, overseeing financial management, personnel nominations, and resolution of internal disputes.[12] It consists of the convention's elected officers, including the president, vice presidents-at-large, general secretary, and treasurer, alongside the presidents of state and territorial conventions representing constituent member churches.[12] [39] This structure positions the board to execute strategic decisions, such as budget allocations and endorsement of leadership candidates, with authority derived from the convention's bylaws.[36] Internal decision-making processes emphasize board-led nominations for key positions, including the presidency, which are then presented for ratification at annual meetings.[40] In practice, this has insulated the board from direct accountability to the broader membership, as evidenced by the 2024 presidential election where the board's slate featured only one candidate, Rev. Boise Kimber, after disqualifying others on procedural grounds, prompting accusations of stifled competition and limited delegate choice between Kimber or abstention.[41] [31] Convention records and contemporaneous reports indicate this nomination dominance reduced open contests, with critics arguing it prioritizes insider continuity over democratic renewal, though defenders cite bylaws requiring vetted qualifications to maintain organizational stability.[40] [42] This centralized board authority contrasts with core Baptist ecclesiology, which traditionally upholds congregational polity wherein individual churches retain autonomy in doctrine, membership, and local governance, free from hierarchical mandates.[43] The tension arises as the NBC's board exerts top-down control at the denominational level—managing disputes and finances without mandatory congregational referenda—potentially undermining the decentralized ideal, where decisions should reflect aggregated local church consensus rather than elite appointee consensus.[43] Empirical patterns, such as repeated single-candidate elections, suggest causal dynamics favoring entrenched networks over broad input, though no formal mechanism exists for membership-initiated recalls of board members.[40]Key Historical Presidents and Transitions
Elias Camp Morris, the inaugural president of the National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc., was elected in 1895 following the merger of three major Black Baptist organizations and served until his death in 1922, a tenure spanning 27 years.[20] Under Morris's leadership, the convention consolidated its structure, emphasizing foreign missions, education, and publication efforts to foster denominational unity and self-reliance among Black Baptists.[18] His administration laid foundational stability by establishing key institutions, such as support for Arkansas Baptist College, which he co-founded in 1884, thereby advancing ministerial training and institutional growth without significant internal fractures during his era.[44] The transition following Morris's death in 1922 marked an initial shift toward more formalized leadership elections, with L. K. Williams succeeding him in 1924 after a brief interim period. Williams, serving until 1940, focused on expanding educational and missionary outreach, though his era saw emerging tensions over administrative centralization that foreshadowed later disputes.[5] These early handovers were relatively smooth compared to subsequent ones, correlating with shorter terms and less entrenched power dynamics, which helped maintain organizational cohesion amid post-World War I challenges for Black religious bodies. Joseph H. Jackson's election in 1953 initiated the longest presidency in convention history, lasting until 1982—a 29-year period characterized by numerical growth in membership and missions but marred by escalating internal dissent over term limits and leadership style.[45] Jackson's tenure expanded international evangelism and institutional investments, yet allegations of patronage networks and resistance to constitutional reforms limiting presidential terms fueled opposition, particularly from civil rights-oriented clergy who viewed his cautious approach to activism—initial support for the 1956 Montgomery bus boycott evolving into warnings against disruptive protests—as misaligned with urgent social needs.[22] This pattern of extended leadership correlating with factionalism culminated in multiple challenges, including expulsion of dissenters in 1957 and broader schisms driven by demands for democratic transitions, underscoring how prolonged incumbency often prioritized stability at the expense of broader accountability.[45] Subsequent transitions post-Jackson, such as T. J. Jemison's ascension in 1982, continued patterns of contention, with elections frequently involving rival slates and legal disputes over legitimacy, reflecting entrenched interests in a denomination where presidential influence extended to resource allocation and endorsement power.[5] While these leaders advanced mission work—evident in sustained growth to millions of adherents—the recurring controversies highlight a causal link between indefinite reelection norms and internal instability, as extended terms enabled mission expansions but also bred perceptions of authoritarianism and favoritism.[18]2024 Election Controversy and Boise Kimber's Ascension
The 2024 presidential election for the National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc., conducted on September 5, 2024, during the annual session at the Baltimore Convention Center, presented Rev. Boise Kimber as the only qualified candidate after the Election Supervisory Commission disqualified four challengers. The commission enforced a requirement of 100 endorsements from churches registered between 2020 and 2022 and in good financial standing, rejecting submissions from Revs. Tellis Chapman, Claybon Lea Jr., Alvin Love, and James B. Sampson due to endorsements from unregistered or ineligible congregations.[31][32] This restriction, imposed by board-linked oversight, limited nominations and drew accusations of procedural rigging, as it excluded churches registered in 2023, effectively curtailing broader participation.[46][47] Ballots offered delegates a binary choice: "yes" for Kimber or "no" to nullify his candidacy and trigger a revote, reflecting the absence of competitive options. Kimber garnered 1,774 "yes" votes (69%) against 79 "no" votes from a total of approximately 2,538 cast, with voting stations open from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m.[31][47] Critics, including the disqualified candidates and figures like Rev. Dwight McKissic, contended that the endorsement rules and bylaws' ambiguities suppressed voter choice and democratic representation, urging "no" votes via social media and a joint video to challenge the outcome's validity.[32][46] Despite these objections, outgoing President Rev. Jerry Young, concluding his 10-year term, certified the results, averting immediate nullification but leaving lingering disputes over governance transparency.[31] Kimber, senior pastor of First Calvary Baptist Church in New Haven, Connecticut, since 1986 and a convention officer since 2020, assumed leadership amid calls for reform. He was formally installed at the midwinter board session in January 2025, succeeding Young in a public handover.[32][48] In his inaugural address, Kimber committed to unity, declaring, "What God has done no persons can put asunder," while pledging expanded roles for women and youth to address generational gaps and post-pandemic church needs.[31][49] Persistent board crises, including unresolved endorsement disputes and bylaws ambiguities noted by observers like Rev. Breonus Mitchell, continued to erode perceptions of institutional stability, with some disqualified candidates initially questioning but later acknowledging Kimber's presidency.[31][47] The election's single-candidate format, driven by pre-vote disqualifications, highlighted causal flaws in oversight mechanisms, prioritizing compliance over contestation and fueling skepticism about the convention's internal democratic claims.[32][46]Demographics and Statistics
Membership Estimates and Discrepancies
The National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc. self-reports membership figures as high as 8.5 million across over 30,000 churches, though more recent affiliated estimates cite 5.2 million to 7.5 million members in 10,000 to 31,000 congregations.[50][32] These claims persist despite internal records showing far fewer formally registered churches, such as only 2,600 in a 1998 annual report.[10] Independent data from the Association of Religion Data Archives (ARDA) estimates 1,567,741 U.S. adherents in 2,530 churches as of 2020, reflecting a sharp drop from earlier self-reported peaks like 8.2 million in 1992.[17] Pew Research Center surveys similarly indicate about 1% of U.S. adults self-identifying with the denomination, equating to roughly 2.5 million individuals based on adult population figures.[51] Such variances arise primarily from lax affiliation criteria and the absence of a centralized membership registry, enabling local churches to contribute unverified tallies that inflate totals for institutional prestige without cross-validation against actual attendance or baptism records.[10] Since the 1982 progressive split, which further fragmented allegiance, evidence points to membership stagnation or erosion, exacerbated by rural church closures, competition from Pentecostal and independent groups, and broader Protestant declines, with recent reports highlighting resultant revenue shortfalls.[10][52] This opacity contrasts with the Southern Baptist Convention's rigorous, annually audited metrics, which openly document a 25% membership drop to 12.7 million since 2006 through name removals and verified reporting.[53][54]Church Networks and Geographic Spread
The National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc. (NBCUSA) structures its church networks through a voluntary affiliation of approximately 64 autonomous state and regional Baptist conventions, which coordinate activities among local congregations while upholding the Baptist principle of congregational independence.[55] These state bodies, such as the Tennessee Regular Baptist Convention and various Mississippi conventions, enable regional collaboration on missions, education, and ministry without imposing centralized doctrinal authority, as local churches retain full control over governance, ordination, and internal affairs.[10] This decentralized model reflects the denomination's commitment to ecclesiastical autonomy, allowing over 2,500 reporting churches to affiliate loosely for mutual support and resource sharing.[17] Geographically, the NBCUSA maintains a strong concentration in the Southern United States, where 66% of its members reside, aligning with historical patterns of African American migration and settlement in urban centers of the Bible Belt states like Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Texas.[51] This regional dominance fosters deep ties to Black communities in cities such as Atlanta, Birmingham, and Memphis, where affiliated churches serve as hubs for social, cultural, and spiritual life.[17] While present in 43 states, the convention's influence remains most pronounced in the South, supporting evangelism and community outreach tailored to these demographics.[50] The emphasis on independent congregations ensures that doctrinal control stays at the local level, enabling adaptability to regional contexts while participating in convention-wide initiatives like annual sessions and auxiliaries.[43] This network configuration has solidified the NBCUSA's role as a pivotal force in Southern Black religious life, with churches often anchoring community institutions and exerting informal sway over local cultural norms and civic engagement.[51]Comparative Size Among Baptist Denominations
The National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc. (NBCUSA) constitutes the largest predominantly African American Baptist denomination in the United States, with self-reported membership of approximately 5.2 million across 10,358 churches as of 2024.[3] Independent estimates, such as those from the Association of Religion Data Archives (ARDA), suggest lower U.S.-based adherence figures of about 1.57 million members in 2,530 congregations as of 2020, highlighting common discrepancies between self-reported totals—which often encompass nominal or international affiliates—and verified active participation.[56] These splits from earlier unified Black Baptist bodies, including the 1915 formation of the National Baptist Convention of America (NBCA) and the 1961 establishment of the Progressive National Baptist Convention (PNBC), fragmented what might otherwise have approached a more consolidated scale comparable to majority-white groups. By contrast, the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC) remains the largest Baptist denomination globally and in the U.S., reporting 12,722,266 members in 2024 across its network of churches, though it has experienced consecutive declines from a peak exceeding 16 million in the early 2000s.[57] The SBC's relative organizational cohesion, despite internal theological debates, has preserved its numerical preeminence, enabling greater resource pooling for missions and influence in American evangelicalism. Other major Baptist bodies include the American Baptist Churches USA (ABCUSA), with around 1.26 million members per 2020 ARDA data, reflecting mainline Protestant trends of gradual erosion; the NBCA, self-reporting about 3.5 million members; and the PNBC, estimating 2.5 million.[56][58][59]| Denomination | Self-Reported/Estimated Membership | Churches/Congregations | Year | Notes/Source |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Southern Baptist Convention | 12,722,266 | ~47,000 | 2024 | Official denominational report; includes declines but remains largest overall.[57] |
| National Baptist Convention, USA | 5.2 million | 10,358 | 2024 | Largest Black Baptist body; self-reported, with ARDA U.S. estimate ~1.57M in 2020.[3] [56] |
| National Baptist Convention of America | ~3.5 million | ~8,000 | Recent | Post-1915 split from NBCUSA predecessor.[58] |
| Progressive National Baptist Convention | ~2.5 million | ~1,360 | Recent | 1961 split emphasizing civil rights activism.[59] |
| American Baptist Churches USA | ~1.26 million | ~4,790 | 2020 | Mainline group; ARDA data shows ongoing decline.[56] |