Macron
Emmanuel Macron (born 21 December 1977) is a French politician who has served as President of the Republic since 17 May 2017, becoming at age 39 the youngest head of state in the Fifth Republic's history and the youngest French president since Napoleon.[1][2] A former civil servant and investment banker, he founded the centrist political movement En Marche! on 6 April 2016, later rebranded as La République En Marche! and then Renaissance, which positioned him as an anti-establishment candidate outside traditional left-right divides.[3] Macron won the 2017 presidential election against Marine Le Pen with 66% of the vote in the runoff and was narrowly re-elected in 2022 with 58%, but his party failed to secure an absolute parliamentary majority in subsequent legislative elections.[3] Prior to the presidency, Macron served as Minister of Economy, Industry, and Digital Affairs from 2014 to 2016, where he championed the Macron Law, which simplified business regulations, eased labor rules for small firms, and promoted Sunday trading to foster economic flexibility.[1] His administration advanced further pro-market measures, including corporate tax cuts from 33% to 25% and labor reforms that correlated with labor productivity growth rising from 0.6% annually pre-reform to 0.8% afterward, alongside approvals for new nuclear power plants to enhance energy security.[4][5] These policies aimed to counteract France's structural rigidities, yet public spending as a share of GDP exceeded 57%—higher than any other OECD nation—and national debt persisted above 110% of GDP, constraining fiscal maneuverability.[6] Macron's tenure has been marked by significant turbulence, including the 2018–2019 Yellow Vest protests against fuel taxes and perceived elitism, which forced policy reversals, and contentious pension reforms that fueled strikes and were partially shelved amid backlash.[7] His 2024 decision to dissolve the National Assembly after European election losses resulted in a fragmented parliament and prolonged political crisis, exacerbating governance challenges.[8] As of October 2025, Macron's approval rating stands at approximately 18%, reflecting widespread discontent over economic stagnation, inflation, and immigration-related unrest despite his advocacy for European integration and support for Ukraine against Russia.[9][10]Early life and education
Family background and upbringing
Emmanuel Macron was born Emmanuel Jean-Michel Frédéric Macron on 21 December 1977 in Amiens, in the Oise department of northern France, to parents Jean-Michel Macron, a professor of neurology at the city's university hospital, and Françoise Noguès, a physician specializing in medical sciences who later worked as a psychotherapist.[11] [12] [1] The family belonged to the provincial upper-middle class, with both parents maintaining professional careers in medicine amid Amiens's conservative social environment, though they espoused liberal political views.[11] [13] As the eldest of three children—followed by brother Laurent (born 1979, a radiologist) and sister Estelle (born 1982, a nephrologist)—Macron grew up in a household emphasizing intellectual achievement and medical tradition, with his siblings later pursuing parental vocations.[14] [15] The family was non-religious, yet Macron attended the private Jesuit lycée La Providence in Amiens from primary through secondary levels, where he was baptized Roman Catholic at age 12 by personal choice and demonstrated precocious intelligence, often preferring the company of adults and teachers.[11] [12] [16] There, he developed interests in literature, drama, and piano at the Amiens conservatory, participating in theater workshops that shaped his early social engagements.[11] [17] Macron's upbringing reflected a blend of provincial stability and high expectations, with his parents intervening decisively in his mid-teens upon discovering his romantic involvement with drama teacher Brigitte Trogneux (24 years his senior), prompting his transfer to the elite Lycée Henri-IV in Paris to separate them and avert scandal.[13] [18] This episode underscored the family's protective stance, rooted in conventional values despite their liberal leanings, as Jean-Michel Macron later recounted his shock at the revelation.[13] [15]Academic and early professional influences
Macron earned a diplôme d'études approfondies (DEA, equivalent to a postgraduate research diploma) in philosophy from Paris Nanterre University, focusing on political philosophy including works by Machiavelli and Hegel.[19] [20] From 1999 to 2001, prior to completing his formal degrees, he served as a research assistant to the hermeneutic philosopher Paul Ricoeur, aiding in the transcription and editing of Ricoeur's multi-volume memoirs Mémoires interrompus, published posthumously.[20] [21] This close collaboration exposed Macron to Ricoeur's emphasis on narrative self-understanding, ethical recognition between individuals, and the fragility of political institutions amid conflict, themes that Macron later referenced in his writings and speeches as foundational to his views on social cohesion and reform.[22] [23] Ricoeur's influence, drawn from his resistance-era humanism and post-1968 reflections on reconciliation, contrasted with more abstract structuralist trends in French academia, fostering in Macron a pragmatic blend of idealism and realism oriented toward institutional renewal rather than ideological purity.[24] Complementing his philosophical training, Macron obtained a master's degree in public affairs from Sciences Po in 2001, specializing in public policy and economics, before entering the École Nationale d'Administration (ENA) from 2002 to 2004.[19] [20] ENA's rigorous curriculum in administrative law, economics, and public management instilled a technocratic worldview, emphasizing efficient state intervention and meritocratic expertise—hallmarks of the énarques elite that has dominated French governance since the school's founding in 1945.[25] This formation reinforced Macron's early inclination toward centrist, evidence-based policymaking over partisan dogma, as evidenced by his subsequent lectures on economic policy for ENA preparatory students.[22] In his initial professional role after ENA graduation in August 2004, Macron joined the Inspection générale des finances (IGF), the Finance Ministry's premier auditing division, as a sous-inspecteur des finances.[26] [27] Over four years until 2008, he led audits of major public entities, including the state-owned bank Dexia and regional economic development programs, analyzing fiscal inefficiencies and recommending structural adjustments.[28] This hands-on exposure to France's centralized fiscal apparatus deepened his understanding of regulatory bottlenecks and the need for market-oriented reforms within a strong state framework, influencing his critique of overregulation and advocacy for "business-friendly" deregulation in later roles.[26] The IGF's culture of detached expertise, often insulated from electoral politics, further solidified Macron's preference for executive-led change over legislative gridlock, a pattern observable in his subsequent policy initiatives.[28]Banking and pre-political career
Rothschild & Cie role
Emmanuel Macron joined Rothschild & Cie Banque, the French investment banking division of the Rothschild group, in September 2008 as an investment banker shortly after leaving his position as an inspector of finances. His entry into the firm occurred amid the global financial crisis, following the collapse of Lehman Brothers, and he focused primarily on mergers and acquisitions advisory work.[29] Macron advanced rapidly within the bank, being promoted to partner in 2010 after contributing to transactions such as the recapitalization of the newspaper Le Monde and Atos's acquisition of Siemens IT Solutions and Services.[30] This elevation made him one of the firm's youngest partners, positioning him to lead high-profile deals despite his limited prior banking experience.[31] By this time, his annual compensation had risen to a high six-figure sum, reflecting his growing influence in Paris's financial circles.[32] A pivotal achievement came in 2012 when Macron advised Nestlé on its acquisition of Pfizer's infant nutrition business for approximately $11.9 billion (€9 billion at prevailing exchange rates), one of Europe's largest deals that year.[33] [34] The transaction, which he spearheaded as a partner, generated substantial fees for Rothschild and reportedly earned Macron personal bonuses exceeding €2 million, catapulting his net worth and earning him the nickname "the Mozart of finance" among peers.[35] [36] This windfall, drawn from official disclosures, marked the peak of his banking tenure before transitioning to politics.[30] Macron departed Rothschild & Cie in mid-2012 to serve as deputy secretary-general under President François Hollande, leveraging his financial expertise for governmental advisory roles. His four years at the firm honed skills in navigating complex corporate negotiations, which later informed his pro-business economic policies, though critics have questioned potential conflicts from elite financial ties.[35]Key deals and financial expertise
Macron joined Rothschild & Cie Banque in September 2008 as a mid-level investment banker, leveraging his prior experience as an inspecteur des finances at the French Ministry of Economy to focus on mergers and acquisitions (M&A) advisory, particularly for large corporations in consumer goods and pharmaceuticals.[32] His rapid ascent to managing director and partner by 2010, despite limited prior banking experience, stemmed from his ability to navigate high-stakes negotiations using elite networks cultivated in public service, earning him a reputation for brokering intricate cross-border deals amid the post-financial crisis environment.[35] The most prominent transaction under his purview was Rothschild's advisory role for Nestlé in its acquisition of Pfizer's infant nutrition division, announced on April 23, 2012, for USD 11.85 billion in cash—a deal that outbid competitors including Danone and positioned Nestlé to capture an estimated USD 2.4 billion in annual sales from the unit.[37] [38] Macron led the negotiations for Nestlé, coordinating a team that finalized terms in a competitive auction process, with the transaction closing on November 30, 2012, after regulatory approvals.[39] This deal generated substantial fees for Rothschild, estimated between €43 million and €135 million based on standard advisory multiples, and personally netted Macron approximately €2.9 million in bonuses, elevating his total compensation from Rothschild (2010–2012) to around €2.8 million and marking his transition to millionaire status.[33] [36] Beyond this flagship transaction, Macron contributed to smaller M&A mandates, such as advising Atos Origin (now Atos) on its acquisition of Indian IT firm Venture Infotek, though these lacked the scale of the Pfizer deal and did not garner similar public attention.[40] His financial expertise manifested in structuring deals that balanced regulatory hurdles, valuation multiples (e.g., 19.8 times Pfizer unit's projected 2012 core earnings), and strategic synergies for clients, demonstrating proficiency in leveraged buyouts and international consolidations without reliance on proprietary trading amid post-2008 constraints.[41] This period honed Macron's pragmatic approach to corporate finance, emphasizing efficiency and stakeholder alignment over ideological constraints, which later informed his pro-business policy stances.[42]Political ascent under Hollande
Appointment as economy minister
On August 26, 2014, Emmanuel Macron was appointed Minister of the Economy, Industry, and Digital Affairs in French Prime Minister Manuel Valls' second government, replacing Arnaud Montebourg following a cabinet reshuffle prompted by Montebourg's public criticism of the administration's pro-austerity economic policies aligned with Germany.[43][44] The reshuffle came after Montebourg, a left-wing Socialist, resigned alongside other dissenting ministers, including Benoit Hamon and Aurélie Filippetti, who opposed the government's fiscal discipline and perceived concessions to European partners.[45][46] Prior to the appointment, Macron had served as Deputy Secretary-General to President François Hollande at the Élysée Palace since May 2012, where he acted as a key economic adviser, leveraging his experience from four years as an investment banker at Rothschild & Cie Banque.[47][20] Hollande, who had mentored Macron since his time as a student and later in advisory roles, selected him to signal a shift toward more business-friendly reforms amid France's stagnant growth and high unemployment, which stood at around 10.3% in mid-2014.[48][49] The choice of Macron, then 36 years old and lacking prior elected office, drew immediate backlash from the Socialist Party's left wing, who viewed his banking background and advocacy for deregulation as a "provocation" and a betrayal of traditional labor protections.[50] Critics, including figures like Jean-Luc Mélenchon, labeled him a "copy-paste Tony Blair," implying a centrist, pro-market pivot that prioritized investor confidence over union demands.[51] Supporters, however, praised the appointment as a pragmatic response to France's economic challenges, with Valls aiming to streamline the government and advance structural adjustments without internal discord.[46] This move positioned Macron as the public face of Hollande's economic strategy, setting the stage for subsequent liberalization efforts despite ongoing resistance from within the ruling party.[44]Macron Law and initial reforms
Upon his appointment as Minister of Economy, Industry, and Digital Affairs on August 26, 2014, in the second Valls government, Emmanuel Macron prioritized deregulation to enhance French economic competitiveness.[52] Early initiatives included a "shock of simplification" package announced in October 2014, comprising over 100 measures to reduce administrative burdens on businesses, such as streamlining permit processes and cutting red tape in sectors like construction and agriculture.[53] These efforts built on prior Hollande-era policies like the 2013 Crédit d'Impôt pour la Compétitivité et l'Emploi (CICE) tax credit, which Macron defended and expanded to subsidize labor costs for firms, aiming to lower unemployment hovering above 10%.[52] The centerpiece of Macron's tenure was the Loi Macron, formally titled the Law for Growth, Activity, and Equal Economic Opportunities, introduced to the Council of Ministers on March 18, 2015.[54] This omnibus bill targeted structural rigidities by liberalizing regulated professions—such as increasing the number of notaries from 7,000 to 10,000 and easing entry barriers for pharmacists and taxi drivers—while authorizing mutual recognition of EU professional qualifications to foster cross-border competition.[54] Additional provisions extended Sunday trading hours for large stores, overhauled intercity bus regulations to dismantle state monopolies (enabling operators like FlixBus), and reformed competition policy by empowering the French Competition Authority to conduct unannounced inspections and merger reviews.[55] Labor elements included procedural simplifications for employment tribunals and adjustments to works council operations, though deeper changes were deferred.[56] The law also facilitated bank account portability, mandating banks to handle transfers within 12 days to boost consumer choice.[57] Passage of the bill encountered significant resistance from left-wing factions within the Socialist Party, unions, and small business lobbies fearing competition, sparking protests in Paris and other cities during spring 2015.[58] Despite amendments diluting some deregulation (e.g., retaining caps on notaries), the National Assembly approved it on May 19, 2015, by a narrow 265-184 vote, followed by Senate adoption on July 15, 2015, after a joint committee reconciled differences.[58] Promulgated on August 6, 2015, parts faced Constitutional Council scrutiny; in October 2015, it invalidated provisions on professional quotas and bus route protections deemed to infringe on legislative domain.[54] Macron later claimed the reforms contributed to stabilizing growth, citing a 0.2% GDP uptick and business investment rises by mid-2016, though critics attributed improvements to external factors like falling oil prices.[59]Formation of En Marche! and 2017 campaign
Resignation and party founding
Macron founded the political movement En Marche! (later rebranded as La République En Marche!) on April 6, 2016, while serving as Minister of Economy, Industry, and Digital Affairs in François Hollande's Socialist government.[3] Described by Macron as a "democratic revolution" transcending traditional left-right divides, the initiative aimed to promote progressive reforms, volunteer-driven engagement, and a "start-up" approach to politics, drawing from Macron's experiences in banking and government.[60] By mid-2016, En Marche! had recruited over 50,000 members through grassroots efforts, focusing on issues like labor market flexibility and European integration, which aligned with but often exceeded the scope of Macron's ministerial portfolio.[61] The movement's launch strained relations within the Hollande administration, as Macron's independent actions—such as publishing his book Révolution in November 2016, which critiqued government inertia—highlighted policy divergences, including Macron's advocacy for deregulation against Hollande's more cautious socialist base.[62] Tensions peaked amid France's economic stagnation, with unemployment at 10.1% in August 2016 and public dissatisfaction with Hollande's approval ratings below 15%.[63] On August 30, 2016, Macron submitted his resignation to Hollande, stating it allowed him to "devote himself entirely to his political movement" and prepare proposals to "transform France."[64] Hollande accepted, replacing him with Michel Sapin temporarily before appointing Muriel Pénicaud.[65] Post-resignation, Macron intensified En Marche!'s transformation into a presidential vehicle, formalizing its structure as a non-partisan association with a focus on meritocracy and anti-corruption.[66] By November 2016, the movement had expanded to 200,000 supporters, enabling Macron's official candidacy announcement on November 16, 2016, independent of established parties.[67] This phase marked Macron's break from the Socialist Party, positioning En Marche! as a centrist alternative amid France's polarized politics, though critics from both left and right accused it of opportunism given Macron's prior government role.[68]Election victory and centrist platform
Macron resigned as Minister of Economy, Industry, and Digital Affairs on August 30, 2016, to pursue his presidential ambitions independently of the Socialist government under François Hollande.[65] He had founded the En Marche! movement on April 6, 2016, as a grassroots initiative drawing from civil society rather than traditional party structures, emphasizing progressive yet market-oriented reforms to address France's economic stagnation, with unemployment hovering around 10% at the time.[61] On November 16, 2016, Macron officially declared his candidacy, capitalizing on voter fatigue with mainstream parties amid scandals plaguing rivals like François Fillon of the Republicans and the Socialist Party's internal divisions. In the first round of the presidential election held on April 23, 2017, Macron topped the polls with 24.01% of the vote, narrowly ahead of Marine Le Pen's 21.3% from the National Front, eliminating establishment candidates and setting up a runoff perceived as a contest between globalism and nationalism.[69] Turnout was 74.6%, reflecting significant abstention and protest voting. Macron's campaign benefited from endorsements across the political spectrum, including from eliminated centrist and center-left figures, as well as tactical voting against Le Pen in the second round on May 7, 2017, where he won decisively with 66.1% of the votes to Le Pen's 33.9%, achieving the highest runoff margin since direct presidential elections began in 1965.[70] [71] At age 39, Macron became France's youngest president and the first to win without prior elected office or affiliation to a major party machine. Macron's platform, unveiled in detail on March 2, 2017, under the banner of En Marche!, rejected rigid left-right dichotomies in favor of a pragmatic centrism that integrated pro-market deregulation with social investment, often encapsulated in his slogan "en même temps" (at the same time).[72] Economically, it prioritized labor market flexibility by capping severance pay in unfair dismissals, enabling company-level bargaining over industry-wide accords, and reducing payroll taxes by €50 billion while cutting public spending to balance the budget within his term.[73] He proposed lowering the corporate tax rate from 33% to 25% and eliminating the wealth tax on assets other than real estate to stimulate investment and entrepreneurship, contrasting with higher-tax models from his Socialist rivals. Socially, the program included universal unemployment insurance reformed for quicker re-entry into work, increased funding for apprenticeships and vocational training, and merit-based reforms to the rigid education system, including grouping students by ability in middle school. On Europe, Macron advocated deepened integration, including a eurozone budget, shared defense capabilities, and trade openness, while critiquing bureaucratic excess in Brussels; he opposed Frexit but called for reforms to address democratic deficits. Environmentally, he supported nuclear energy's role in low-carbon goals, partial reversal of diesel tax breaks, and a €5 billion green investment plan, balancing ecological transition with industrial competitiveness rather than punitive regulation. This synthesis appealed to urban professionals, youth, and moderate voters seeking alternatives to protectionism and statism, though critics from the left viewed it as neoliberal and from the right as insufficiently sovereignist.[74] The platform's emphasis on evidence-based policy over ideology contributed to Macron's crossover support, evidenced by his gains in both Fillon and Hamon's voter bases post-first round.First presidential term (2017–2022)
Economic and labor policies
Upon assuming the presidency in May 2017, Emmanuel Macron prioritized supply-side economic reforms to enhance labor market flexibility, reduce regulatory burdens, and stimulate investment, drawing on his earlier experience as economy minister. These included a progressive cut in the corporate income tax rate from 33% to 25%, fully implemented by fiscal years opening in 2022, aimed at improving France's competitiveness relative to EU peers.[75][76] The government also abolished the solidarity wealth tax (ISF) in the 2018 finance law, replacing it with the real estate wealth tax (IFI) limited to property assets exceeding €1.3 million, while introducing a 30% flat tax on capital income (prélèvement forfaitaire unique, or PFU) covering dividends, interest, and gains to simplify compliance and retain mobile capital domestically.[77][78] Labor reforms formed the cornerstone of Macron's agenda, with five ordinances promulgated on September 22, 2017, simplifying the 3,000+ article labor code. These shifted collective bargaining primacy to the enterprise level over branch-wide pacts, merged four representative bodies into a unified social and economic committee (CSE) to streamline dialogue, capped unfair dismissal awards at 3–15 months' salary based on tenure (with courts barred from exceeding statutory minima), and eased economic redundancy procedures by allowing aggregation of small sites for threshold calculations.[56][79][80] The changes, ratified by parliament in limited-debate session, faced protests but were credited by reform advocates with fostering hiring by reducing dismissal risks, contributing to net job gains of over 1 million by 2022.[81] Complementing these, the September 5, 2018, law for the freedom to choose one's professional future overhauled training and apprenticeships, transferring funding control from state agencies to employer-region accounts via France Compétences, raising the apprenticeship age limit to 29, and simplifying contract rules to boost enrollment, which rose 10% annually post-reform. It also reformed unemployment insurance by delinking duration from age, imposing 30% degressivity after six months for earners above €4,500 monthly, and ending multi-job supplements to incentivize full-time work and curb moral hazard.[82][83][84] Empirical outcomes included a sustained drop in unemployment from 9.4% in Q2 2017 to 7.2% in Q2 2022 per INSEE figures, with over 500,000 fewer long-term unemployed by 2019, though critics noted a rise in short-term contracts potentially masking structural rigidities.[85][86] Pre-COVID GDP growth averaged 2% yearly (2.3% in 2017, 1.9% in 2018, 1.8% in 2019), rebounding to 6.8% in 2021 post-contraction, but public debt climbed to 112% of GDP by 2022 amid fiscal supports, prompting debates on reform efficacy versus expenditure drivers.[87][81] Proponents, including think tanks like Institut Montaigne, attribute employment gains to flexibilization, while detractors in outlets like Le Monde contend tax cuts disproportionately benefited high earners without commensurate broad-based growth.[88][81]Social reforms and protests
Macron's early social reforms emphasized labor market flexibility, including ordinances enacted in September 2017 that simplified hiring and firing procedures, capped severance pay damages, and reduced the influence of sectoral bargaining in favor of company-level negotiations.[89] These measures, aimed at lowering France's 9.1% unemployment rate as of mid-2017, provoked widespread strikes and demonstrations organized by unions like the CGT, with over 100,000 participants marching in Paris and other cities on September 12, 2017, decrying the reforms as an erosion of worker protections.[90] The government bypassed full parliamentary debate by using decree powers, fueling accusations of authoritarianism despite Macron's electoral mandate for deregulation.[91] Further unrest arose in 2018 over proposed reforms to the state-owned SNCF rail network, which included opening lines to competition and restructuring debt-laden services; unions launched strikes from April, disrupting travel for millions and highlighting resistance to Macron's pro-market agenda.[91] The most significant social backlash manifested in the Yellow Vests (Gilets Jaunes) movement, which began on November 17, 2018, as a grassroots mobilization against a proposed carbon tax on fuels—intended to advance environmental goals but increasing costs for rural and suburban drivers reliant on cars due to inadequate public transport.[92] Initially sparked by an online petition garnering over 1 million signatures, the protests evolved into broader grievances over stagnant wages, rising living costs, and perceived elitism in Macron's policies, such as the 2018 abolition of the wealth tax (ISF) on real estate, which critics argued favored the affluent.[93] Weekly demonstrations turned violent in Paris and provincial cities, with rioters clashing with police, torching vehicles, and damaging landmarks like the Arc de Triomphe; by December 2018, over 2,000 arrests had occurred, and economic damage exceeded €1 billion.[94] In response to the escalating crisis, Macron addressed the nation on December 10, 2018, announcing €10 billion in concessions, including a €100 annual tax exemption on low incomes, restoration of a Christmas bonus exempt from social charges, and overtime pay free of income tax, while pledging no further fuel tax hikes.[94] Protests persisted into 2019, prompting the "Grand Débat National"—a series of town halls and consultations involving over 2 million participants—to gauge public sentiment, though Macron framed it as a democratic exercise rather than policy reversal.[95] In April 2019, following the debate, he outlined reforms such as institutional changes to enhance parliamentary powers and a moratorium on airport expansions, but declined to reinstate the wealth tax or fully meet demands for direct democracy, leading to accusations that the process served more as a public relations tool than substantive change.[95] The movement, lacking formal leadership, exposed fractures between urban elites and peripheral France, with approval ratings for Macron plummeting below 25% amid perceptions of disconnect from working-class realities.[96]European and foreign affairs
Upon assuming the presidency in May 2017, Macron delivered a major address at the Sorbonne University on September 26, outlining an ambitious vision for a "sovereign, united, and democratic" Europe, emphasizing reforms in defense, economic governance, migration, and strategic autonomy to counter global threats from powers like the United States, China, and Russia.[97] He advocated for a eurozone budget, a common finance minister, and enhanced border controls, while calling for Europe to develop independent military capabilities, including a common intervention force, permanent structured cooperation, and increased defense spending.[98] These proposals aimed to address Europe's "mortality" in a multipolar world, but implementation faced resistance, with limited progress on fiscal integration due to fiscal conservatism in countries like Germany and the Netherlands.[99] Macron prioritized revitalizing the Franco-German partnership as the engine of EU integration, convening the Franco-German Defence and Security Council on July 13, 2017, with Chancellor Angela Merkel to advance common security and defense policy, including joint projects on cyber defense and military mobility.[100] This culminated in the Aachen Treaty of January 22, 2019, which committed both nations to deeper cooperation in defense, European policy, and border security, though critics noted persistent divergences, such as France's push for eurozone mutualization versus Germany's preference for stability mechanisms.[101] Under Macron's influence, the EU launched the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) in 2017 and the European Defence Fund in 2021, funding collaborative defense projects, yet overall European strategic autonomy remained constrained by NATO dependencies and varying member state commitments.[102] In foreign affairs, Macron continued France's military engagement in the Sahel region through Operation Barkhane, launched in 2014 but reoriented under his leadership with 5,000 troops combating jihadist groups in Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Chad, and Mauritania, emphasizing multilateralism via the G5 Sahel Joint Force established in 2017.[103] He hosted the G5 Sahel summit in Paris on July 13, 2017, securing €50 million in initial EU funding, but faced growing anti-French sentiment, coups in Mali (2012 and 2020), and demands for withdrawal, leading to a partial drawdown announced in June 2021 amid deteriorating relations with juntas.[104] On Libya, Macron supported diplomatic efforts for stabilization post-2011, backing the 2015 Skhirat agreement and engaging in Berlin Process talks, though French arms sales and alleged support for General Khalifa Haftar drew accusations of exacerbating divisions.[105] Macron pursued pragmatic relations with the United States under President Trump, inviting him to France's Bastille Day parade on July 14, 2017, to symbolize alliance strength, while diverging on issues like the Iran nuclear deal withdrawal in 2018 and Paris climate accord exit.[106] With Russia, he engaged President Putin in over 20 meetings, including at Versailles on May 29, 2017, and maintained the Normandy Format for Ukraine's Donbas conflict, achieving Minsk II extensions but no resolution, as Russian incursions persisted.[100] These efforts reflected Macron's "strategic dialogue" approach, prioritizing deterrence and multilateralism, though outcomes were mixed, with African operations yielding tactical successes against groups like AQIM but failing to stabilize governance, and European reforms advancing incrementally rather than transformationally.[103][99]2022 re-election and second term
Campaign against Le Pen
In the lead-up to the April 24, 2022, second-round runoff of the French presidential election, Emmanuel Macron intensified his campaign by contrasting his pro-European, reformist agenda with Marine Le Pen's nationalist platform, emphasizing the risks of her policies on France's economy and international standing. Macron highlighted Le Pen's historical skepticism toward the European Union, including her party's past advocacy for Frexit and prioritization of national sovereignty over EU supranational authority, arguing that such positions would isolate France amid global challenges like the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine.[107][108] He specifically criticized the 2014 loan from a Russian bank to her National Rally party, portraying it as evidence of undue influence from Vladimir Putin, especially resonant after Russia's February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, which Macron had actively opposed through diplomatic efforts and arms support to Kyiv.[108][109] The pivotal televised debate on April 20, 2022, between Macron and Le Pen featured sharp exchanges on purchasing power, security, and foreign policy, with Macron leveraging his incumbency to defend his record while accusing Le Pen of fostering division and weakness abroad. Macron challenged Le Pen's moderated stance on Europe, pointing to inconsistencies in her manifesto that retained protectionist measures and restrictions on EU migration policies, framing them as detrimental to France's competitiveness.[110][111] Le Pen countered by attacking Macron's perceived arrogance and failure to address inflation and energy costs exacerbated by the Ukraine war, but Macron maintained offensive momentum by linking her views to authoritarian tendencies, citing her reluctance to unequivocally condemn Putin. Post-debate polls indicated Macron as the perceived winner, with 53% of viewers favoring his performance according to one survey, bolstering his lead among centrist and left-leaning voters engaging in tactical voting to block Le Pen.[112][113] In the campaign's closing days, Macron held mass rallies, such as one on April 2 in Metz, where he warned of the "danger of extremism" reaching new heights, implicitly referencing Le Pen's platform as a threat akin to Brexit-style disruptions that could undermine France's global influence and economic stability. He urged voters to reject isolationism, stressing continuity in his reforms on labor markets and European integration, while downplaying domestic unrest like the Yellow Vests to focus on Le Pen's alleged radicalism.[114][115] Macron secured re-election with 58.54% of the vote to Le Pen's 41.46%, a margin narrower than in 2017 but still decisive, with turnout at 71.99% reflecting polarized mobilization; official results from France's Interior Ministry confirmed the outcome, marking Macron as the first president since Jacques Chirac in 2002 to win consecutive terms.[116][117][118]Legislative dissolution and 2024 crisis
On June 9, 2024, President Emmanuel Macron announced the dissolution of the National Assembly, invoking Article 12 of the French Constitution, shortly after his Renaissance-led coalition received 14.6% of the vote in the European Parliament elections compared to 31.4% for the National Rally.[119][120] The decision, described by analysts as a high-stakes gamble to consolidate his position amid declining popularity, triggered snap legislative elections on June 30 and July 7, 2024.[121] Macron argued the move would clarify the political landscape and counter the National Rally's momentum, though critics within his own camp viewed it as impulsive.[122] The elections produced a fragmented outcome, resulting in a hung parliament with no bloc securing the 289 seats needed for a majority in the 577-seat Assembly. The left-wing New Popular Front alliance, comprising La France Insoumise and allies, won 182 seats; Macron's centrist Ensemble coalition obtained 168; and the National Rally secured 143.[123][124][125] This distribution defied pre-election polls favoring the National Rally but reflected strategic voting and tactical withdrawals to block extremes, leaving France without a governing majority for the first time since the Fifth Republic's inception in 1958.[126][127] The resulting deadlock exacerbated governance challenges, as Macron, barred by constitutional limits from dissolving the Assembly again until 2025, struggled to appoint a stable prime minister. Michel Barnier formed a minority government in September 2024 but faced a no-confidence vote on December 4, 2024, over a disputed budget bill using Article 49.3, leading to its collapse after just two months.[128] Subsequent appointments, including short-lived cabinets under François Bayrou and others, culminated in Sébastien Lecornu's resignation on October 6, 2025—marking the fifth prime ministerial change in under two years amid failed budget negotiations and rising debt concerns.[129][130] By late 2025, the crisis had deepened public distrust, with polls showing over 70% of respondents viewing the political system as dysfunctional and attributing instability to Macron's initial dissolution.[131] Hyper-partisanship stalled reforms on fiscal deficits—projected to exceed 6% of GDP—and immigration, while opposition calls mounted for Macron's resignation or fresh elections, though constitutional constraints limited options until his term ends in 2027.[132][133] Economic analysts warned of sovereign debt risks, as repeated government falls hindered austerity measures amid EU fiscal scrutiny.[134] The episode underscored the perils of Macron's centrist strategy in a polarized landscape, yielding legislative gridlock rather than the anticipated clarification.[135]Policies amid political instability (to 2025)
Following the dissolution of the National Assembly in June 2024 and the ensuing legislative elections, which resulted in a fragmented parliament with no clear majority, President Emmanuel Macron appointed Michel Barnier as prime minister on September 5, 2024, tasking him with forming a minority government to address fiscal challenges including a projected 2025 budget deficit of 6.1% of GDP. Barnier's administration prioritized deficit reduction through spending cuts and tax measures, but faced immediate opposition; on December 4, 2024, it invoked Article 49.3 of the Constitution to pass the 2025 social security budget without a vote, prompting a no-confidence motion that passed with 358 votes, leading to Barnier's resignation after just 90 days in office—the shortest tenure in the Fifth Republic.[136][137] Macron subsequently named François Bayrou as prime minister on December 13, 2024, with a mandate to negotiate cross-party support for fiscal reforms amid a public debt exceeding 110% of GDP.[138] Bayrou's government advanced limited measures, including efforts to stabilize public finances through targeted expenditure controls, but struggled with parliamentary gridlock; it survived initial confidence votes but collapsed on September 8, 2025, following a no-confidence vote tied to stalled budget negotiations, marking Bayrou's tenure at under nine months and the fourth such government change under Macron since the 2024 elections.[139][140] In response, Macron appointed Sébastien Lecornu as prime minister on September 11, 2025, emphasizing compromise to pass the 2026 budget amid ongoing instability and credit rating pressures, with France's deficit at 5.4% of GDP for 2025.[141] Lecornu's platform included proposals for a temporary wealth tax on assets over €10 million (excluding family businesses and innovative firms) to raise revenue and secure leftist abstentions, aiming to reduce the 2026 deficit to 4.7% of GDP through €20-30 billion in savings and revenue measures, while ruling out immediate use of Article 49.3 to foster dialogue.[142][143] By October 2025, the government faced renewed threats of no-confidence over these amendments, with Moody's maintaining France's Aa2 rating but shifting its outlook to negative due to persistent fiscal risks and political fragmentation.[144][145] Throughout this period, Macron's administrations avoided sweeping structural reforms, focusing instead on crisis management; for instance, no major labor or pension adjustments were enacted beyond provisional budgeting, as repeated government turnover prioritized short-term stability over long-term initiatives, exacerbating investor uncertainty and constraining broader policy ambitions.[132] Macron rejected resignation calls on October 13, 2025, affirming his commitment to serve until 2027 while criticizing opponents for exacerbating paralysis.[146]Foreign policy
Relations with EU and NATO
Macron has positioned France as a leading advocate for deeper European Union integration since assuming the presidency in 2017, emphasizing "strategic autonomy" to enhance the bloc's independence in defense, economic policy, and global affairs.[97] In his September 2017 Sorbonne speech, he proposed reforms including a common EU budget, eurozone parliament, and joint defense initiatives to counter external dependencies, though many faced resistance from member states wary of ceding sovereignty.[97] During the COVID-19 crisis, Macron championed collective EU debt issuance for recovery funds, securing agreement in 2020 on €750 billion in shared borrowing, which marked a rare fiscal integration milestone despite initial German opposition.[147] His April 2024 Sorbonne address reiterated calls for EU sovereignty amid geopolitical shifts, advocating enhanced defense capabilities and protection against hybrid threats, but domestic political instability in France has eroded his influence in Brussels by 2025.[148][149] On EU enlargement, Macron has insisted on institutional reforms to prevent dilution of decision-making, conditioning support for Ukraine and Balkan candidates on qualified majority voting expansions and deeper political union, reflecting France's preference for a core group of integrated states over rapid expansion.[150] Efforts to build European defense, such as the 2024 initiative for joint procurement and nuclear deterrence discussions, aim to complement NATO but have progressed slowly, with limited buy-in from larger members like Germany.[151][152] Regarding NATO, Macron has balanced criticism of transatlantic dynamics with reaffirmed commitment, notably declaring in November 2019 that the alliance was experiencing "brain death" due to perceived U.S. unpredictability under President Trump and insufficient European strategic reflection.[153] He defended the remark as a "wake-up call" to spur European responsibility, not an exit strategy, emphasizing the need for a stronger European pillar within NATO to address gaps in burden-sharing and coordination.[154] Post-2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, France under Macron has intensified NATO cooperation, contributing to enhanced forward presence and leading coalitions for military aid, including discussions in November 2024 with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte on bolstering Ukraine support.[155] Macron's troop deployment proposals for Ukraine reassurance forces faced allied rejection in 2024, highlighting tensions between his autonomy push and collective alliance restraint, yet France met NATO's 2% GDP defense spending target by 2024.[156][157] By 2025, Macron's advocacy frames NATO as vital but insufficient alone, urging Europeans to prepare for potential U.S. retrenchment without undermining the alliance's Article 5 deterrent.[158]Ukraine war and Middle East engagements
Following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, President Macron pursued diplomatic channels with Russian President Vladimir Putin, including a February 7, 2022, meeting in Moscow where Macron sought de-escalation but found limited convergence on security guarantees.[159] These efforts, which continued with four post-invasion phone calls by early March 2022, failed to avert escalation, as Macron later acknowledged the limits of such bilateral diplomacy amid Putin's intransigence.[160] Macron shifted to robust support for Ukraine, emphasizing European resolve without excluding future talks involving Kyiv, as reiterated in his August 19, 2025, proposal for Geneva-hosted peace negotiations between Putin and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.[161] France under Macron committed substantial military aid to Ukraine, delivering equipment valued at over €3.8 billion in security assistance from February 24, 2022, to December 31, 2023, including Caesar howitzers, Milan anti-tank missiles, and training for Ukrainian forces.[162] By September 2025, total French pledges reached €8.6 billion in combined military and financial support, encompassing artillery, air defense systems, and reconstruction funds, though critics noted France's per-capita contributions trailed those of smaller allies like Denmark.[163] In March 2025, Macron announced an additional €2 billion package, prioritizing long-term European defense autonomy amid U.S. policy uncertainties.[164] In the Middle East, Macron initially aligned France with Israel's right to self-defense after Hamas's October 7, 2023, attacks, visiting Israel on October 24, 2023, and equating Hamas to ISIS as a shared terrorist threat warranting a decisive response.[165] This stance evolved amid Gaza's civilian toll, with Macron by October 2024 criticizing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's operations, calling for an arms embargo on Israel and halting settlement expansions as an "existential threat" to peace.[166] France recognized Palestinian statehood in 2025 to bolster two-state viability, while Macron offered French participation in a post-war Gaza stabilization force and opposed any mass displacement or annexation there.[167][168] Macron's engagements extended to Lebanon, where France co-brokered a November 26, 2024, ceasefire along the Israel-Hezbollah Blue Line with U.S. mediation, aiming to enforce UN Resolution 1701 and deploy Lebanese forces south of the Litani River.[169] In Syria, Macron maintained France's non-recognition of Bashar al-Assad's regime post-2023 offensives, conditioning normalization on political transition and counter-terrorism, though direct military involvement remained limited to legacy operations against ISIS remnants.[170] These positions drew Israeli accusations of anti-Israel bias by May 2025, highlighting tensions in Macron's balancing of security alliances and humanitarian imperatives.[171]Global influence and criticisms
Macron has advocated for European strategic autonomy, emphasizing the need for the European Union to develop independent defense capabilities and reduce reliance on the United States, particularly in response to uncertainties in transatlantic relations.[172][173] This vision, articulated in speeches such as his April 2024 address at the Sorbonne, has influenced EU discussions on defense scaling, industrial policy, and geopolitical cohesion, with France playing a key role in advancing initiatives like joint procurement and military mobility.[174][175] However, progress has been hampered by fiscal constraints and divergent member state priorities, limiting tangible outcomes beyond rhetorical commitments.[172] In the Indo-Pacific region, Macron has positioned France as a resident power leveraging its overseas territories, which house over 1.6 million citizens and significant military assets, including the only EU nuclear submarines in the area.[176] The 2021 Indo-Pacific strategy and subsequent updates have focused on partnerships with India, Australia, and ASEAN nations, aiming to counterbalance Chinese influence through multilateral forums and freedom-of-navigation operations.[177][178] France's engagements, such as joint exercises and defense exports, have sustained a degree of influence, though they remain secondary to major powers like the US and China.[179] Critics argue that Macron's global diplomacy often prioritizes rhetorical flair over substantive results, with frequent unsolicited interventions—such as proposals on Ukraine or Taiwan—yielding limited diplomatic gains and eroding perceptions of French reliability.[180][181] In Africa, France's influence has markedly declined under Macron, exemplified by the withdrawal of troops from Mali in August 2022 after a junta terminated the partnership, followed by expulsions from Burkina Faso and Niger in 2023-2024 amid rising anti-French sentiment and shifts toward Russian partnerships.[182][183] The failure of Operation Barkhane, launched in 2014 and reoriented under Macron, to stabilize the Sahel—coupled with persistent jihadist threats and governance breakdowns—has been attributed to overreliance on military solutions without addressing local political dynamics.[182] Macron's January 2025 remarks implying Africans owed "thank you" for French aid further inflamed tensions, prompting accusations of paternalism and historical denialism.[184] France's domestic political instability, intensified by the 2024 parliamentary dissolution and subsequent no-confidence votes leading to governmental paralysis by October 2025, has further diminished Macron's international leverage, as budget deficits exceeding 5.6% of GDP constrain foreign aid and defense spending commitments.[185][172] This has strained Franco-German coordination and reduced France's ability to shape EU agendas, with observers noting a paradox where Macron's international activism persists despite eroded domestic credibility.[175][149] While some analyses credit Macron with foresight on autonomy amid US policy shifts, others highlight inconsistencies, such as oscillating between Atlanticist cooperation and Gaullist independence, which have undermined long-term alliances.[186][187]Controversies and public criticisms
Yellow Vests movement
The Yellow Vests movement began on November 17, 2018, when thousands of protesters across France blocked roads and roundabouts in opposition to a planned fuel tax hike scheduled for January 1, 2019, which would increase diesel prices by 6.5 euro cents per liter and petrol by 2.9 euro cents per liter to finance environmental measures amid elevated global crude oil costs exceeding $70 per barrel.[188] [189] Sparked by an online petition from commuter Priscillia Ludosky that garnered over 1 million signatures, the protests symbolized discontent among rural and suburban working-class drivers reliant on cars for daily commutes, who faced stagnant wages, rising energy expenses, and policies perceived as imposing ecological burdens without adequate public transport alternatives or compensatory relief.[190] Participants adopted the yellow high-visibility vests required in French vehicles, highlighting a leaderless, decentralized mobilization from "peripheral France" rather than traditional urban leftist or far-right groups. By late November, weekly Saturday demonstrations peaked at an estimated 282,000 participants nationwide, with demands broadening beyond the tax to encompass reinstating the solidarity wealth tax Macron had eliminated in 2018, raising the net minimum wage from approximately €1,150 to €1,300 monthly, lowering value-added tax on essentials, and establishing mechanisms for citizen-initiated referendums on major policies.[92] Macron's administration, criticized for top-down reforms like labor market liberalization and the wealth tax abolition favoring high earners, faced accusations of elitism, with protesters dubbing him the "president of the rich" amid data showing the bottom 50% of households bearing a disproportionate share of consumption taxes relative to income gains.[191] Economic analyses attributed the unrest to structural issues, including a 0.1% real wage decline for low earners since 2017 and regional disparities where fuel comprised up to 10% of budgets in rural areas lacking rail access.[192] Protests escalated into violence starting December 1, 2018, particularly in Paris, where rioters vandalized the Arc de Triomphe and luxury storefronts, prompting deployment of 89,000 police officers and resulting in 11 deaths—primarily from traffic accidents at blockades—over 2,000 protester injuries (including severe cases from rubber bullets), more than 1,000 police injuries, and approximately 11,000 arrests by mid-2019.[193] [194] The unrest inflicted an estimated €850 million in lost business revenue and €200 million in property damage, with government concessions totaling €10 billion to avert further disruption. [195] Macron initially characterized protesters as favoring idleness over effort but reversed course on December 4 by suspending the fuel tax increase, followed by a televised address on December 10 announcing immediate measures: a €100 monthly tax credit for low-income workers effectively boosting take-home pay, exemption of overtime and end-of-year bonuses from income tax, and a €2,000 tax-free pension allowance for those under €6,000 annually.[196] These steps, financed partly by accelerated corporate tax cuts, correlated with Macron's approval rating plummeting to a low of 20-23% by December 2018, reflecting eroded public trust in his reform agenda.[197] In response to persistent demands for dialogue, Macron launched the Grand Débat National in January 2019, a series of town halls, online forums, and public meetings that engaged over 2 million citizens through April, focusing on taxation, democracy, and ecological transition.[198] While yielding policy tweaks such as localized tax referendums and further VAT reductions on green products, the initiative drew criticism for reinforcing centralized control rather than decentralizing power, with turnout waning and the movement fragmenting by summer 2019 amid internal divisions and fatigue.[199] The episode underscored causal tensions between Macron's pro-market, pro-EU orientation and socioeconomic alienation in deindustrialized regions, where empirical data indicated Gini coefficient stagnation and fuel poverty affecting 3.4 million households pre-protests.[200]Pension reform backlash
The French government's pension reform bill, introduced in early 2023, proposed gradually increasing the legal retirement age from 62 to 64 by 2030, alongside extending the required contribution period for a full pension from 42 to 43 years, to address projected deficits in the pay-as-you-go system amid rising life expectancy and a shrinking worker-to-retiree ratio.[201] [202] The measure, defended by Prime Minister Élisabeth Borne on January 10 as essential for fiscal sustainability, faced immediate opposition from labor unions and left-wing parties, who argued it disproportionately burdened manual laborers and violated Macron's 2022 campaign pledge against altering retirement parameters without consensus.[203] Protests erupted nationwide starting January 19, with the first major strike day disrupting rail services, refineries, and schools, as intersyndical groups like the CGT and FO mobilized against what they termed an "unjust" extension of working life.[204] Subsequent mobilizations escalated in scale and intensity. On February 7, the third strike day, official estimates reported 757,000 participants across over 200 demonstrations, though unions claimed figures exceeding 1 million, with blockades at depots halting fuel distribution and garbage collection piling up in major cities.[205] By March 23, following the government's use of Article 49.3 of the Constitution on March 16 to bypass a full National Assembly vote—triggering failed no-confidence motions—protests drew over 1 million people per police counts, marked by clashes in Paris and other cities involving tear gas, arrests, and sporadic violence, including attacks on elected officials' homes.[206] [207] April 13 saw continued high emotions, with demonstrators decrying the reform's passage into law on April 14 without parliamentary approval, amplifying perceptions of executive overreach.[208] [209] Public discontent reflected deep divisions over intergenerational equity and economic pressures. Opinion polls in early 2023 indicated 52% opposition to the reform, with only 29% support, citing inadequate accommodations for physically demanding jobs despite provisions for early retirement after 43 contribution years.[203] Macron's approval rating plummeted to around 30% by late March, with nearly 70% disapproval linked directly to the pension strife, fueling narratives of detachment from working-class realities and boosting support for figures like Marine Le Pen among disillusioned voters.[210] Economically, while the reform promised moderate savings—estimated at 0.4% of GDP annually by 2030—critics highlighted its limited impact on France's 5.5% budget deficit and persistent high pension spending relative to EU peers, questioning whether demographic imperatives justified the social costs without broader entitlement cuts.[202] The unrest subsided by summer 2023 but entrenched union influence and populist resentments, contributing to legislative gridlock in subsequent years.[211]Immigration and security failures
During Emmanuel Macron's presidency, France experienced a surge in immigration inflows, with approximately 323,000 first residence permits issued in 2023 alone, marking a 1.4% increase from the previous year.[212] Asylum applications reached a record 142,500 in 2023, of which around one-third were granted protection status, contributing to a total immigrant population of about 7 million by that year, or 10.7% of the national total.[213] Net migration stood at 183,000 for 2023, amid broader European trends, but critics argued that Macron's policies—initially emphasizing economic migration and integration without stringent controls—exacerbated pressures on housing, welfare, and social cohesion in urban areas.[214] These dynamics correlated with elevated crime rates disproportionately involving non-citizens, as Macron himself acknowledged in 2022 that nearly half of delinquent acts in Paris were committed by foreigners in irregular situations or awaiting permits.[215] Official data supported this, showing foreigners, who comprised 7.4% of the population in 2019, accounting for 14% of perpetrators in judicial cases that year.[216] Broader violent crime trends, including rises in murders, attempted murders, and rapes, intensified under Macron, with analysts linking unchecked immigration from high-risk regions to gang violence and urban insecurity, particularly in banlieues with large North African and sub-Saharan populations.[217] Security failures manifested in recurrent Islamist-inspired attacks, often perpetrated by individuals of migrant background or recent arrivals radicalized within France. Notable incidents included the October 2020 beheading of teacher Samuel Paty in Conflans-Sainte-Honorine by an 18-year-old Chechen refugee, following his showing of Charlie Hebdo cartoons in class; the same month, a Tunisian migrant stabbed three to death in Nice's Notre-Dame basilica.[218] In October 2023, a Russian-Chechen on a radicalization watchlist fatally stabbed teacher Dominique Bernard in Arras, prompting criticism of intelligence lapses despite prior monitoring.[218] Earlier, the December 2018 Strasbourg Christmas market shooting by a rejected asylum seeker from Tunisia killed five.[219] These events highlighted systemic issues in deporting threats and integrating radicals, with over 30 thwarted plots since 2017 underscoring persistent vulnerabilities tied to lax border enforcement and parallel communities.[220] The June-July 2023 riots, triggered by the police shooting of 17-year-old Nahel Merzouk of Algerian descent during a traffic stop in Nanterre, exposed integration breakdowns, with widespread arson, looting, and attacks on symbols of authority in immigrant-heavy suburbs.[221] Over 1,000 buildings damaged or destroyed, 6,000 arrests made, and billions in estimated costs followed, amplifying debates on failed multicultural policies under Macron, where high youth unemployment and cultural separatism fueled unrest.[222] Government responses, including a 2023 immigration law tightening family reunifications and deportations, faced parliamentary defeats and constitutional dilutions, seen by opponents as insufficient to address root causes like unchecked inflows from Africa and the Middle East.[223][224] Overall, Macron's approach—balancing humanitarian commitments with delayed restrictions—drew accusations of enabling security risks, as evidenced by sustained terror threats and crime disparities, despite state of emergency measures post-2015 that were gradually lifted without resolving underlying causal factors like rapid demographic shifts and inadequate vetting.[225][226]2024–2025 political crises and elite detachment
Following the European Parliament elections on June 9, 2024, where President Macron's Renaissance party secured only 14.6% of the vote compared to 31.4% for the National Rally-led alliance, Macron dissolved the National Assembly on June 9 and called snap legislative elections for June 30 and July 7.[123] The resulting hung parliament featured the left-wing New Popular Front alliance with approximately 182 seats, Macron's centrist Ensemble coalition with 168 seats, and the right-wing National Rally with 143 seats, falling short of the 289 needed for a majority in the 577-seat chamber.[123] [227] This fragmentation precluded stable governance, forcing reliance on minority cabinets and repeated no-confidence threats. In September 2024, Macron appointed Michel Barnier, a former European commissioner with conservative ties, as prime minister to lead a fragile minority government dependent on tacit National Rally support.[228] Barnier's administration invoked Article 49.3 of the constitution on December 4, 2024, to pass a 2025 budget amid disputes over €60 billion in spending cuts and tax hikes, prompting a joint no-confidence motion from left- and right-wing opponents that passed 327-258—the first such ouster since 1962.[229] [230] Macron then named centrist François Bayrou prime minister in December 2024, but Bayrou's government collapsed on September 8, 2025, after losing a confidence vote 364-194 over stalled deficit-reduction efforts amid a 5.8% GDP deficit in 2024.[231] [232] Sébastien Lecornu succeeded Bayrou in September 2025, only to resign hours after forming his cabinet on October 6 before being reappointed; his government narrowly survived a no-confidence vote on October 16, 2025, by 297-288, as some left-wing lawmakers abstained.[233] [234] These five prime ministerial changes in under 18 months underscored chronic instability, with no government securing a working majority and fiscal deadlines repeatedly imperiled. The crises exacerbated France's fiscal woes, with public debt exceeding 110% of GDP and the 2025 deficit projected at 5.4-5.8%, breaching EU limits and prompting credit rating warnings.[142] [235] Macron's strategy of appointing technocratic or cross-partisan figures failed to bridge divides, as opposition parties exploited procedural tools to block reforms, delaying the 2026 budget submission and risking automatic spending freezes.[236] Critics, including analysts from the Atlantic Council, attributed the deadlock to Macron's dissolution gamble, which amplified polarization without yielding governability.[237] Perceptions of elite detachment intensified, with Ipsos-Le Monde surveys from 2024-2025 revealing deepening "French fractures" in social trust and economic security, linking the crises to elite disregard for working-class grievances on immigration, inflation, and inequality.[238] Macron's approval ratings hovered below 30%, reflecting accusations—voiced by commentators in outlets like Politico and Reuters—that his Paris-centric, pro-EU technocracy alienated peripheral regions and fueled support for extremes, as evidenced by National Rally's persistent polling strength despite electoral setbacks.[132] [239] This detachment manifested in repeated elite-driven maneuvers, such as 49.3 invocations, bypassing parliamentary consensus and reinforcing views of an insulated presidency unresponsive to causal drivers like stagnant wages (real income growth under 1% annually since 2017) and unchecked migration inflows exceeding 300,000 net annually.[240] While mainstream sources often frame instability as opposition "nihilism," empirical patterns of serial government failure suggest structural elite miscalibration, prioritizing fiscal orthodoxy over broad coalitions amid rising populism.[241]Personal life and public image
Marriage and family
Emmanuel Macron first encountered Brigitte Trogneux in 1993 at the Jesuit Lycée la Providence in Amiens, where she served as his drama teacher while he was a 15-year-old student; she was 39 at the time, married, and mother to three children.[13] [242] Their relationship developed amid controversy, prompting Macron's parents to relocate him to Paris for further studies in an effort to separate them, though they maintained contact.[13] Brigitte Macron, previously married to banker André-Louis Auzière from 1974 until their divorce in January 2006, shares three children with him: son Sébastien (born 1975), daughter Laurence (born 1977), and daughter Tiphaine (born 1984); she also has seven grandchildren from these children.[243] [242] Macron and Brigitte wed on October 20, 2007, in Le Touquet, her hometown, with the ceremony attended by her children and his parents.[242] [244] The couple has no biological children together, a circumstance Macron has publicly affirmed as intentional, stating in 2017 that he would not have children and viewing his stepfamily as fulfilling that role.[245] As stepfather, Macron maintains a close relationship with Brigitte's adult children—two of whom are older than him—and has integrated them into his family life at the Élysée Palace since his 2017 election.[245] [242] Tiphaine Auzière, the youngest stepdaughter and a lawyer, has described the initial public scrutiny of her mother's relationship with Macron as a lingering family wound, though the family has since adapted to their blended dynamic.[246]Media portrayal and approval ratings
Macron's media portrayal in France has often emphasized his background as a former investment banker and elite civil servant, fostering an image of intellectual sophistication that critics label as elitist and out of touch with working-class concerns. Early coverage highlighted his "Jupiterian" self-conception—a reference to the authoritative Roman deity he invoked to describe his vertical presidential style—but this evolved into widespread depictions of arrogance and monarchical detachment, particularly after policy decisions perceived as favoring urban professionals over rural and suburban populations.[247] [248] Mainstream outlets, influenced by ownership concentrated among billionaires sympathetic to centrist reforms, have tempered criticisms of his economic liberalization and EU integration efforts, while conservative and populist media amplify portrayals of governance failures in immigration control and public security.[249] Internationally, English-language media have cast Macron as a bulwark against populism and a promoter of multilateralism, praising initiatives like his 2017 election victory over far-left and nationalist candidates, yet increasingly scrutinizing his administration for exacerbating social divisions through reforms such as labor market deregulation and pension adjustments. Coverage of domestic crises, including the 2018–2019 Yellow Vests protests, often focused on violence and institutional stability rather than root causes like fuel taxes and cost-of-living pressures, reflecting a bias toward elite institutional perspectives over grassroots causal factors.[250] Macron himself has accused foreign media of misunderstanding French secularism and "legitimizing" Islamist violence through sympathetic narratives, underscoring tensions between his administration and outlets like The New York Times.[251] Approval ratings reflect this shifting portrayal, starting high after his May 7, 2017, inauguration but declining amid perceived elitism and policy backlash. Initial polls showed around 62% approval in June 2017, buoyed by his centrist disruption of traditional parties.[252] By December 2018, amid Yellow Vests unrest, ratings fell to 26%, a drop attributed to public resentment over economic inequality and fiscal measures.[253] Subsequent recoveries were temporary; ratings hovered in the low-to-mid 30s during COVID-19 handling but eroded further with pension reform protests in 2023 and the dissolution of the National Assembly in June 2024, which backfired electorally. By January 2025, an Ifop poll recorded the lowest approval since 2017 at under 30%, linked to ongoing budget impasses and security lapses.[254] In September 2025, support dipped to 17%, and by October, polls indicated less than 20% approval with 78% disapproval, driven by perceptions of elite detachment amid political paralysis.[255] [256] These figures, consistent across Ifop and Ipsos surveys, underscore a causal link between unaddressed populist grievances—such as rising energy costs and migration strains—and sustained public disaffection, rather than mere media amplification.[257][258]| Key Period | Approval Rating | Polling Firm | Date |
|---|---|---|---|
| Post-inauguration | ~62% | Ipsos/Ifop aggregate | June 2017[252] |
| Yellow Vests peak | 26% | Various | November 2018[253] |
| Record low | <20% | Ifop | October 2025[256] |