Fact-checked by Grok 2 weeks ago

Workplace aggression

Workplace aggression encompasses any intentional behavior aimed at harming colleagues, subordinates, superiors, or the itself within a professional setting, ranging from overt physical assaults to covert psychological tactics such as , exclusion, , or verbal . This phenomenon, distinct from mere by its deliberate intent to inflict harm, manifests across industries but is particularly documented in high-stress environments like healthcare and policing. Empirical studies indicate rates approaching 30% among U.S. workers experiencing some form of annually, with psychological variants far outnumbering physical ones, the latter affecting roughly 1.3% weekly. Key forms include worker-on-worker conflicts driven by interpersonal rivalry, customer-initiated stemming from with service, and top-down from supervisors enforcing demands under resource constraints. Causes often trace to situational triggers like perceived , competitive pressures, or organizational dysfunctions such as ambiguous roles and inadequate , rather than solely individual predispositions, though traits like low exacerbate risks. Consequences extend beyond immediate victims to broader organizational decay, including elevated turnover, diminished , heightened stress-related illnesses, and productivity losses estimated in billions annually across sectors. Despite interventions like and showing modest , persistent underreporting—often due to of retaliation—complicates mitigation, underscoring 's role as a symptom of underlying hierarchical and incentive misalignments in modern workplaces.

Conceptual Foundations

Definition

Workplace aggression refers to intentional efforts by individuals to harm others through physical or psychological means within a work context, encompassing behaviors such as , , or threats that target coworkers, supervisors, or the itself. This definition emphasizes the deliberate nature of the acts, distinguishing from accidental harm, and includes actions perpetrated by insiders (e.g., employees) or outsiders (e.g., clients), as long as they occur in or affect the . Unlike , which typically involves explicit physical or , aggression often manifests in subtler, non-physical forms like , , or , though it can escalate to if unchecked. Scholarly consensus in organizational highlights that these behaviors undermine individual and organizational functioning, with intent to harm serving as a core criterion to differentiate them from mere conflict or rudeness. For instance, Neuman and Baron () framed it as targeted harm efforts, a view echoed in meta-analyses linking to reduced job performance and satisfaction. Prevalence data underscore its scope: surveys indicate that up to 40-50% of employees experience some form of workplace aggression annually, varying by industry, with higher rates in high-stress sectors like healthcare and policing. This construct is operationalized in through self-report scales measuring frequency and impact of hostile acts, ensuring empirical rigor over anecdotal reports.

Classification and Types

Workplace aggression is primarily classified into physical and psychological forms, with the latter encompassing behaviors intended to inflict emotional, , or reputational harm without direct bodily contact. Physical aggression involves overt acts or credible threats of bodily , such as , slapping, kicking, or wielding weapons, which represent the most extreme and visible manifestations but occur less frequently than non-physical variants. In a survey of over 7,000 U.S. workers, 6.0% reported to physical in the preceding 12 months, with 1.3% experiencing it weekly. Psychological aggression, by contrast, predominates in workplaces, affecting 41.4% of U.S. workers annually and 13% weekly in the same study, and includes verbal assaults (e.g., shouting, insults, or derogatory remarks), relational tactics (e.g., , , or undermining relationships), and symbolic actions (e.g., threats or without physical follow-through). Researchers such as Neuman and Baron (1998) delineated specific subtypes through empirical analysis of employee reports, identifying hostile verbal behaviors (e.g., yelling obscenities or name-calling), nonverbal (e.g., dirty looks or hostile gestures), and (e.g., spreading rumors or intentional isolation). These forms often form an "iceberg" beneath rarer physical violence, with psychological variants enabling subtler, repeated harm that evades formal detection. Additional typologies integrate dimensions from broader aggression models, such as Buss's (1961) framework of physical versus verbal and active versus passive behaviors, adapted to organizational contexts to yield eight categories: direct physical active (e.g., ), indirect physical active (e.g., ), direct verbal active (e.g., explicit threats), indirect verbal active (e.g., anonymous ), and passive counterparts like withholding aid or . This dimensional approach highlights how varies in detectability and immediacy, with indirect and verbal types facilitating in professional settings. Classifications may also consider perpetrator-target dynamics, distinguishing intra-organizational aggression (e.g., coworker-to-coworker or supervisor-to-subordinate) from external sources (e.g., client-initiated), though behavioral forms remain the core focus for typological analysis. Emerging digital contexts introduce cyber- subtypes, such as online or electronic monitoring , which blend verbal and relational elements but require distinct measurement due to their asynchronicity and permanence.

Biological and Psychological Underpinnings

Evolutionary and Biological Bases

in workplace contexts reflects evolved mechanisms that promoted through intrasexual , resource acquisition, and attainment in ancestral groups, where dominant individuals gained reproductive advantages. These patterns parallel modern organizational hierarchies, where aggressive tactics—such as or —may emerge in contests for promotions or influence, akin to dominance displays in troops. Evolutionary models posit two primary forms: reactive , triggered by threats to or resources, and proactive , used instrumentally for gain, both of which can manifest as or rivalry when environmental cues evoke ancestral pressures. Biologically, testosterone modulates these tendencies by enhancing subcortical reactivity to social provocations, such as perceived slights from colleagues, thereby increasing the likelihood of confrontational responses in competitive settings. Meta-analytic evidence confirms a positive association between baseline testosterone levels and aggressive behavior, particularly under status threats relevant to occupational environments. Serotonin dysregulation, often via low activity, further disinhibits impulsive aggression, while interacts antagonistically to suppress it during non-threatening periods. Genetic polymorphisms, including those in genes (e.g., 5-HTT) and pathways, account for 40-50% of variance in aggressive traits, predisposing individuals to perpetrate or escalate at work when combined with stressors like high-stakes evaluations. reveals that hyperactivity coupled with prefrontal hypoactivity impairs regulation, heightening risks in unsupervised or high-pressure workplaces. These substrates interact with organizational factors, underscoring biologically rooted vulnerabilities rather than purely situational origins.

Individual Personality Traits and Psychological Factors

Research on individual personality traits reveals consistent associations with workplace aggression, particularly within the model. Low , characterized by tendencies toward antagonism and lack of , predicts higher levels of aggressive behavior toward coworkers and supervisors. High , involving emotional instability and proneness to negative affect, correlates with increased aggression, often mediated by heightened stress reactivity and poor emotional . Low further exacerbates risk by linking to and disregard for social norms, as evidenced in studies of trait aggression across contexts. The Dark Triad traits—narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy—exhibit strong ties to proactive and instrumental aggression in organizational settings. Narcissism drives entitlement and exploitative behaviors, including bullying to maintain superiority. Machiavellianism facilitates manipulative aggression for personal gain, such as undermining colleagues. Psychopathy, marked by callousness and impulsivity, is most robustly linked to overt aggression and workplace bullying, with perpetrators scoring higher on these traits than victims. Trait and represent key psychological factors amplifying propensity. Individuals with elevated trait anger perceive neutral situations as provocative, leading to reactive outbursts like verbal confrontations or . , often intertwined with cynical mistrust, mediates the pathway from trait anger to via biased attributions of intent. These factors interact with situational triggers, but longitudinal data confirm their dispositional role in sustaining aggressive patterns.

Causes and Risk Factors

Individual-Level Predictors

Individual-level predictors of workplace aggression encompass stable personal characteristics that increase the likelihood of an employee perpetrating aggressive acts toward coworkers, supervisors, or subordinates. A of 57 studies identified trait anger (ρ = .29), (ρ = .20), and behavioral inhibition (ρ = .15) as consistent predictors of across all targets, reflecting underlying dispositions toward and emotional reactivity. Thrill seeking positively predicted toward supervisors (ρ = .18), while low was associated with toward coworkers (ρ = -.14) and supervisors (ρ = -.16), indicating that and lack of self-discipline facilitate such behaviors. Personality traits within the , , and —also robustly predict perpetration, particularly and . Individuals high in these traits exhibit deceit, lack of , and manipulativeness, with empirical data showing Dark Triad scores correlating positively with self-reported (r = .30–.45 across traits) and observed aggressive acts in workplace simulations. For instance, links to instrumental aggression for personal gain, while drives reactive outbursts when ego is threatened, effects observed in longitudinal studies of employee interactions. Demographic factors further delineate risk profiles. Males perpetrate more workplace aggression overall, with meta-analytic evidence indicating higher rates of verbal (d = .25), physical (d = .40), and relational subtypes compared to females, attributed to greater average testosterone levels and toward direct . Younger employees, particularly those under 30, show elevated perpetration rates, as age negatively correlates with and (β = -.22), likely due to underdeveloped and higher sensation-seeking. These patterns hold across sectors, though effect sizes vary by type, with physical acts more - and youth-skewed. Other psychological factors, such as low and external , amplify risk by fostering attributions of blame to others, leading to ; studies report these traits predicting enacted with moderate effect sizes (r ≈ .20). emerges as a top predictor in models of , outperforming many situational variables (importance score > 0.15). While individual predictors interact with contexts, their stability underscores the role of dispositional vulnerabilities in causal chains toward .

Organizational and Structural Predictors

Organizational styles significantly influence the incidence of workplace aggression, with destructive forms such as exhibiting the strongest positive association (ρ = 0.51), followed by passive leadership (ρ = 0.37). In contrast, shows the most robust negative correlation (ρ = -0.36), outperforming relational-oriented (ρ = -0.26 to -0.30) and change-oriented styles (ρ = -0.24). These patterns, derived from a of 165 studies encompassing over 120,000 participants, indicate that accounts for substantial variance in , with ethical approaches reducing mistreatment by fostering and moral norms. Organizational emerges as a key structural predictor, where perceptions of a supportive or preventive inversely relate to levels. Empirical evidence links negative —characterized by poor communication and tolerance of mistreatment—to heightened and , as hostile environments amplify and normative acceptance of aggressive behaviors. A on mistreatment confirms its role in elevating individual and unit-level , with permissive of predicting broader interpersonal harm. Structural factors, including role ambiguity and departmental stressors, further precipitate by creating uncertainty and resource strain. Department-level role overload and conflict, as multilevel studies demonstrate, correlate with increased , as ambiguous hierarchies enable unchecked power imbalances and escalate conflicts into persistent mistreatment. Situational constraints, such as inadequate resources or procedural injustices, also predict across targets, with meta-analytic evidence showing their effects vary by whether aggression is directed at supervisors or peers, underscoring the need for clear structural supports to mitigate these risks.

Situational and Environmental Predictors

Situational predictors of workplace aggression encompass immediate contextual triggers that elevate the likelihood of aggressive responses, distinct from enduring individual traits or broader organizational structures. Empirical meta-analyses indicate that factors such as perceived , where employees experience unfair treatment in or evaluations, significantly correlate with enacted toward supervisors and coworkers, with effect sizes reflecting moderate predictive power across diverse samples. Interpersonal , arising from task-related disagreements or personal clashes, similarly predicts , particularly when unresolved, as it heightens emotional and retaliatory impulses in real-time interactions. Job dissatisfaction, often triggered by acute mismatches between expectations and immediate work demands, further contributes, with studies showing it as a proximal antecedent that amplifies aggressive tendencies toward organizational targets. The -aggression hypothesis provides a causal for these situational dynamics, positing that interference with goal-directed behavior—such as through situational constraints like resource shortages or ambiguous directives—generates that manifests as when displacement onto available targets occurs. applications of this model, supported by deviance-based empirical tests, demonstrate that such frustrations predict interpersonal more reliably in high-pressure scenarios, though the link is moderated by perceived legitimacy of the blockage, with illegitimate frustrations yielding stronger effects. For instance, time-sensitive deadlines or sudden policy changes can operationalize these constraints, leading to displaced toward peers rather than the source, as evidenced in field studies of occupational settings. Environmental predictors involve physical and ambient conditions that provoke physiological discomfort, thereby facilitating via heightened or reduced self-regulation. Elevated temperatures have been linked to increased in empirical field data, with hotter environments correlating with higher rates of violent incidents, including workplace altercations, as exacerbates aversive and lowers inhibition thresholds. A meta-analytic review of effects confirms this pattern, noting that discomfort from predicts aggressive across settings, though workplace-specific replications remain limited due to controlled indoor climates. Crowding, characterized by high density in shared spaces, similarly induces by intensifying perceived intrusions and resource competition, with and archival evidence showing density-aggression links that extend to open-plan offices where spatial constraints amplify tensions. Noise levels as chronic environmental stressors also contribute, disrupting concentration and elevating that prime aggressive responses, particularly in noisy industrial or call-center environments where intermittent disruptions correlate with reported . External community factors, such as proximity to high-crime areas, spillover into workplaces, with plant-level studies finding local rates predicting internal rates, suggesting ambient threat perceptions carry over to erode internal norms. These predictors operate through psychological , including negative induction, where discomfort translates to emotional spillover rather than direct causation, underscoring the need for empirical controls in attributing solely to environment over individual agency.

Manifestations and Forms

Overt and Physical Aggression

Overt in the workplace refers to explicit, behaviors intended to others, often through verbal outbursts or direct , distinguishing it from subtler forms by its and immediacy. Physical , a subset, involves tangible acts such as shoving, hitting, or throwing objects, escalating risks of . These behaviors typically arise from unchecked or dominance displays, rooted in evolutionary drives for resource control, though moderated by modern organizational norms. Studies indicate overt manifests more in high-stress, male-dominated environments like or , where hierarchical structures amplify confrontational responses. Empirical data from a 2019 meta-analysis of 136 studies across industries shows overt , including shouting or threats, occurs in approximately 10-15% of workplaces annually, with physical incidents rarer at 2-5% but carrying higher severity. For instance, a longitudinal survey of U.S. workers (N=4,956) reported physical assaults by coworkers or supervisors in 3.1% of cases over a 12-month period, often linked to shift and resource scarcity. These acts correlate with immediate de-escalation failures, such as ignored warnings or poor training, rather than inherent personality flaws alone. Consequences of overt and physical aggression include acute injuries—e.g., a 2022 OSHA report documented 5,486 workplace assaults resulting in lost workdays—and long-term for victims, with perpetrators facing disciplinary actions in 70% of documented cases per HR analytics. Unlike covert forms, these overt displays trigger rapid organizational responses, yet underreporting persists due to of retaliation, skewing estimates downward by up to 50% in self-report studies. Causal factors emphasize environmental triggers, like ambiguous roles, over purely dispositional ones, as evidenced by experimental simulations where role ambiguity doubled aggressive acts.

Covert and Psychological Aggression

Covert in the workplace consists of indirect, non-confrontational acts intended to targets through subtle or relational damage, distinguishing it from overt by its evasion of direct . These behaviors often exploit organizational norms to mask intent, such as feigned oversight or ambiguous communication, allowing perpetrators to deny malice. Psychological , a subset, targets cognitive and emotional states via , , or erosion of , frequently manifesting as chronic low-level hostility rather than isolated incidents. Key forms include relational tactics like or dissemination, which undermine professional reputations by circulating unverified negative information among peers. follows, where targets are systematically omitted from essential interactions, such as email chains, meetings, or informal networks, isolating them and limiting access to opportunities. Withholding critical resources—information, tools, or support—represents another manifestation, where colleagues deliberately delay or omit sharing data needed for task completion, impeding performance without explicit confrontation. Passive-aggressive behaviors further exemplify covert psychological , encompassing on interdependent tasks, feigned of requests, or indirect like "accidental" errors in shared workflows. These acts leverage ambiguity to inflict harm, as perpetrators can attribute outcomes to incompetence or oversight rather than intent. Empirical studies, such as those examining adult , link these patterns to adolescent extensions, where indirect methods persist into professional settings due to lower risks of retaliation. In organizational contexts, misuse of communication tools, like selective emailing or anonymous feedback channels for disparagement, amplifies reach while preserving deniability. Such thrives in ambiguous environments, where lack of clear policies enables without documentation. distinguishes it from by intent to harm, though boundaries blur in practice, with covert forms often preceding overt if unchecked. A 2010 study on psychological exposure highlighted its prevalence in task-oriented interactions, where subtle withholding correlates with reduced target efficacy over time.

Cyber-Aggression

Cyber-aggression in the involves the intentional dissemination of harmful information or material through electronic platforms, such as , , or internal messaging systems, aimed at inflicting psychological or on colleagues. This form of typically features repetition, a perceived power imbalance, and negative acts that violate workplace norms, distinguishing it from isolated incidents by its patterned intent to harm. Unlike traditional , cyber-aggression leverages digital and persistence, allowing acts to extend beyond work hours and reach unintended audiences via viral sharing or permanent online records. Manifestations include several distinct behaviors, often overlapping in practice. Flaming entails sending offensive or hostile messages designed to provoke , such as inflammatory emails criticizing a coworker's . Trolling involves deceptive posts on workplace forums to irritate or disrupt, while or comprises repeated threats via digital channels, including ex-colleagues after disputes. occurs through false statements posted online to undermine reputation, and reveals private or embarrassing information , such as sharing personal details in group chats. Social exclusion manifests as blocking access to shared digital resources or excluding from team communications, and masquerading uses fake identities to send misleading or damaging messages. Workplace-specific examples highlight its integration with professional dynamics, such as emailing embarrassing details about a rival for promotion or posting derogatory comments on internal social networks that blur and . These acts can intrude into private life, with empirical studies validating their measurement through scales like the Cyber-Aggression Typology Questionnaire, which demonstrate reliability ( 0.77-0.85) and correlations with offline . Prevalence estimates from surveys indicate 9-20% of workers experience such behaviors, often via channels that reduce compared to face-to-face interactions.

Prevalence and Empirical Patterns

Sector-Specific Incidence Rates

Workplace aggression, encompassing both physical violence and psychological forms such as , exhibits marked variation across sectors, with empirical data primarily derived from reportable incidents of intentional injury for physical manifestations and self-reported surveys for subtler behaviors. Sectors involving public interaction, such as healthcare and , consistently report elevated rates, attributable to factors like or client volatility and hierarchical structures fostering interpersonal . Government statistics from the U.S. (BLS) track nonfatal cases requiring days away from work, job restriction, or transfer (DART) due to intentional injury by another person, providing objective metrics for severe aggression.
Industry SectorAnnualized DART Incidence Rate per 10,000 Full-Time Workers (2021-2022)
and social assistance14.2
Educational services8.4
All industries2.9
Real estate and rental and leasing2.2
Administrative and support services1.9
Accommodation and food services1.4
trade1.4
, , and 1.3
Transportation and warehousing1.0
These BLS figures underscore healthcare's disproportionate burden, where patient-perpetrated assaults drive rates over four times the national average, corroborated by earlier analyses showing facilities at 20.9 per 10,000 workers versus 0.8 excluding healthcare. and services, while lower for physical incidents, face heightened psychological ; for instance, workers reported rates of 36% among females in one survey of over 2,000 employees. Psychological aggression, including , lacks standardized tracking akin to DART cases, relying on self-reports prone to definitional variability and potential overestimation. Meta-analyses of studies covering over 70,000 workers estimate career-long at approximately 11%, with elevated risks in , community/, food, , administrative, and sectors compared to or . Blue-collar and unskilled occupations, often in or transportation, show consistent vulnerability, as do professional roles in and healthcare, where reaches 18-22% in older sector-specific surveys. These patterns align with causal factors like resource strain and authority gradients, though recent national surveys report overall direct experience at 30% without granular sector breakdowns. Disparities persist, with service-oriented sectors evidencing higher exposure due to interpersonal demands, while low-contact industries like professional services report comparatively subdued rates.

Demographic and Cross-Cultural Variations

Women experience higher rates of nonfatal workplace violence victimization compared to men, accounting for 72.5% of such incidents in U.S. data from 2021-2022, with an annualized incidence rate of 7.2 cases per 10,000 full-time workers for women versus lower proportions for men. Men, however, perpetrate more direct and verbal forms of workplace aggression, consistent with broader patterns where males engage in overt aggression at higher frequencies than females. In healthcare settings, male nurses report elevated exposure to physical violence and aggressive behaviors like spitting from patients, with statistical significance (p<0.010 for physical violence). Younger workers, particularly those aged 15-24, face elevated risks of workplace violence victimization, often due to employment in high-risk sectors like retail and services where exposure to aggressive interactions is common. Conversely, younger employees are more likely to engage in workplace intimidation as perpetrators compared to older counterparts, as evidenced by surveys linking age inversely with aggressive behaviors in U.S. workplaces. Older workers (50+) report frequent age-related aggression, including bullying tied to stereotypes, with 26% experiencing such remarks in the prior six months per 2023 data. Cross-cultural variations in workplace aggression are influenced by societal values, with individualistic cultures showing different appraisals and responses to aggressive acts compared to collectivistic ones, where relational harmony norms may suppress overt reporting but amplify indirect forms. In high power-distance societies, aggression from superiors toward subordinates is more tolerated and prevalent, whereas egalitarian cultures exhibit lower hierarchical aggression but potentially higher peer-to-peer conflicts. Studies comparing Australia and Pakistan reveal higher self-reported bullying exposure in the latter, attributed to cultural acceptance of authoritarian dynamics, though methodological differences in surveys limit direct comparability. Societal masculinity dimensions correlate with increased aggression incidence, as aggressive behaviors align more with cultural emphases on dominance in such contexts.

Consequences and Impacts

Effects on Individual Health and Well-Being

Exposure to workplace aggression, including and psychological violence, prospectively predicts elevated symptoms of anxiety and depression, with a five-year Norwegian cohort study of over 4,000 employees demonstrating that initial bullying exposure significantly increases subsequent mental health complaints (odds ratios adjusted for baseline health and demographics). A meta-analysis of 45 cross-sectional studies further establishes workplace bullying as a consistent correlate of psychological distress, with pooled effect sizes indicating moderate to strong associations (r ≈ 0.30–0.50 for anxiety and depression outcomes). In healthcare settings, a 2019–2020 study of 219 practitioners found direct positive relationships between bullying types (work-related, person-related, physically intimidating) and mental health problems, including depression (β = 0.30, p < .001), anxiety (β = 0.40, p < .001), and stress (β = 0.35, p < .001), partially mediated by burnout (indirect effects significant via Sobel tests, z > 2.48). A of 30 studies, including three longitudinal designs encompassing 20,683 employees, links psychological aggression to enduring psychological strains such as , , and depersonalization, alongside musculoskeletal injuries manifesting over time. Meta-analytic evidence synthesizes a moderate (r = 0.34, 95% CI: 0.29–0.39) between and job-related , which exacerbates these outcomes through chronic activation of responses. Prospective data from human service industries consistently associate psychological with heightened sickness absence (adjusted ORs ≈ 1.5–2.0 in medium-quality studies), reflecting impaired daily functioning. Physically, longitudinal analyses indicate that workplace aggression elevates risks for somatic conditions, including cardiovascular diseases and , via sustained physiological strain such as and . Victims report persistent physical symptoms like headaches, gastrointestinal issues, and sleep disturbances, with systematic reviews attributing these to the cumulative toll of threat appraisal and autonomic arousal. Overall diminishes, evidenced by reduced and in exposed individuals, as erodes personal agency and networks over periods exceeding one year.

Organizational Performance and Economic Costs

Workplace aggression undermines organizational by impairing key employee outputs, including task , contextual , and adaptive , while elevating counterproductive work behaviors such as and . A 2024 meta-analysis of over 100 studies demonstrated that exposure to aggression from supervisors, peers, or subordinates consistently erodes these dimensions through mechanisms like diminished and heightened . Similarly, psychological correlates with reduced job ratings, as victims redirect cognitive resources toward rather than productive tasks, leading to measurable declines in efficiency and output quality. Aggression also drives higher employee turnover intentions, exacerbating performance disruptions through recruitment, training, and knowledge loss. across private-sector samples shows a direct positive link between perceived and voluntary exit plans, with victims 2-3 times more likely to seek new , resulting in turnover rates that can double in affected units. This instability compounds , where targeted employees miss an average of 3-5 additional days annually due to stress-related issues, further straining operational continuity. The economic toll manifests in both direct expenditures—such as elevated healthcare claims and legal settlements—and indirect losses from shortfalls. Victims of or incur up to twice the care costs compared to non-victims, burdening employer-sponsored plans with millions in aggregate claims per large organization. , including replacement expenses averaging $50,000-100,000 per mid-level employee and foregone revenue from disrupted workflows, contribute to economy-wide estimates of $300-360 billion annually , driven primarily by turnover and output reductions. These figures, derived from longitudinal , underscore aggression's role as a hidden drag on profitability, with affected firms reporting 10-20% lower overall performance metrics in high-incidence environments.

Broader Societal Ramifications

Workplace aggression contributes to substantial macroeconomic losses through reduced national productivity and elevated absenteeism rates, with estimates indicating annual costs to the U.S. economy reaching up to $360 billion from factors including turnover, retraining, and diminished output. These burdens extend beyond individual firms, as prolonged exposure correlates with higher societal healthcare expenditures for treating resultant mental health conditions such as depression and anxiety disorders. In sectors like health and social services, aggression-related incidents alone imposed nearly $500 million in direct costs in 2022, encompassing medical treatment, disability claims, and administrative overhead. On a scale, workplace aggression exacerbates community-wide challenges by fostering conditions like and chronic fatigue among victims, which strain national healthcare systems and increase reliance on . Empirical data link repeated psychological aggression to elevated incidence of , with longitudinal studies showing predictive effects that amplify population-level morbidity over time. This spillover effect is particularly evident in high-exposure fields like , where aggression from service recipients erodes employees' trust in citizens, potentially diminishing overall and social cohesion. In public-facing roles, such as those in or , unchecked workplace aggression can propagate broader societal distrust, as affected workers report diminished associations with the public, hindering effective and relations. Additionally, in medical environments, aggression's repercussions reach patients and families through compromised care quality and , indirectly elevating societal healthcare risks and ethical concerns over service delivery. Cross-nationally, cultural variations in aggression prevalence influence these outcomes, with higher societal tolerance correlating to greater aggregate deficits, underscoring the need for systemic interventions to mitigate diffuse economic and social harms.

Prevention and Intervention Strategies

Individual Accountability and Training

Individual accountability emphasizes personal responsibility for one's actions in the workplace, requiring employees to recognize and mitigate their own aggressive tendencies through and adherence to behavioral standards. This approach includes integrating aggression-related metrics into reviews, where documented instances of verbal , , or can lead to corrective actions such as warnings or demotions, thereby linking individual conduct directly to professional outcomes. Managers are similarly held accountable for fostering non-aggressive environments within their teams, with evaluations assessing their effectiveness in addressing reported incidents promptly and fairly. Such measures promote a where employees understand that aggressive behaviors, even if subtle or psychological, carry tangible repercussions, reducing recurrence by deterring potential perpetrators through enforced consistency. Employee training programs form a core component of individual-level interventions, typically focusing on skill-building in areas like emotional regulation, conflict de-escalation, and assertive communication to prevent escalation into aggression. These programs often involve workshops teaching recognition of early aggression cues—such as passive-aggressive remarks or exclusionary tactics—and strategies for self-intervention, including techniques or reframing interactions to avoid retaliatory spirals. For instance, incivility training has been shown to reduce interpersonal mistreatment by enhancing employees' awareness of how low-level aggressions propagate, with participants reporting improved attitudes and behaviors post-intervention. Empirical evidence on training effectiveness remains mixed, with standalone sessions demonstrating short-term gains in confidence and knowledge but limited long-term reductions in incidents. A of interventions against found that only 36.4% of studies reported positive preventive effects, attributing weaker outcomes to insufficient with accountability mechanisms or follow-up . In healthcare settings, combined education and improved perceived preparedness for but did not consistently lower exposure rates, suggesting individual alone may insufficiently address entrenched organizational dynamics. More robust results emerge when incorporates and personalized , as seen in programs reducing behaviors among nurses by empowering individuals to intervene assertively without fear of reprisal. To maximize impact, should be mandatory, recurrent—ideally annually—and tailored to high-risk sectors, with pre- and post-assessments tracking behavioral changes via self-reports and peer observations. Critically, individual accountability and training succeed best when paired with transparent reporting systems that protect whistleblowers, as unaddressed aggressors undermine program efficacy by modeling . Studies indicate that employees trained in bystander intervention—encouraging peers to call out in —can disrupt cycles of , though adoption rates vary by structures. Overall, while these strategies empower individuals, their preventive hinges on consistent , as lax application risks entrenching under the guise of "personality conflicts."

Organizational Policies and Sanctions

Organizations typically establish formal policies prohibiting workplace aggression, encompassing , , , and physical threats, with explicit definitions to distinguish from acceptable interpersonal conflicts. These policies often mandate zero-tolerance approaches, requiring immediate reporting through designated channels such as hotlines or anonymous mechanisms to encourage disclosure without fear of reprisal. Investigations follow standardized protocols, involving impartial fact-finding, witness interviews, and documentation to ensure procedural fairness, as recommended by labor guidelines. Sanctions for violations are structured progressively based on severity and recurrence, starting with verbal or written warnings, escalating to without pay, mandatory counseling, or termination for egregious or repeated offenses. For instance, courts have upheld dismissal as a substantively sanction for persistent , particularly when it involves discriminatory elements like gender-based targeting. Enforcement relies on managerial to recognize and apply sanctions consistently, though power imbalances between perpetrators and victims can hinder impartiality. Empirical evidence on the effectiveness of these policies and sanctions remains limited and of very low quality, with systematic reviews indicating that organizational interventions, including policy enforcement, may reduce incidence but lack robust randomized controlled trials to confirm causality. One found promising correlations between comprehensive protection systems—encompassing policies, sanctions, and monitoring—and lower rates in service sectors, yet broader implementation challenges persist, such as organizational inaction or cultural tolerance of . Critics note that without strong leadership commitment, policies often fail to deter perpetration, leading to underreporting and perpetuation of aggressive behaviors due to inadequate sanction follow-through. In the United States, federal regulations primarily address workplace aggression through the lens of occupational safety and anti-discrimination laws rather than comprehensive prohibitions on non-discriminatory bullying. The Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), under the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970, enforces the General Duty Clause (Section 5(a)(1)), which mandates employers to furnish a workplace free from recognized hazards likely to cause death or serious harm, including violence and aggression. OSHA has no specific standard dedicated to workplace violence but issues guidelines, such as those for healthcare and social service workers published in 2015, recommending risk assessments, prevention programs, and training to mitigate threats like physical assaults or verbal intimidation. Enforcement occurs via citations for violations of the General Duty Clause, with procedures outlined in OSHA's 2011 directive on occupational exposure to workplace violence, particularly in high-risk industries where aggression contributes to approximately 18,100 injuries annually as of 2022 data. The (EEOC) regulates under Title VII of the , the Age Discrimination in Act, and other statutes, targeting aggression tied to protected characteristics such as , , or that creates a —defined as conduct severe or pervasive enough to alter conditions or unreasonably interfere with work performance. Non-discriminatory , however, falls outside direct federal prohibition, leaving gaps addressed only indirectly through state laws or employer policies; for instance, no federal statute explicitly bans general , unlike discrimination-based claims which saw 27,291 charges filed in fiscal year 2023. At the state level, measures vary, with some jurisdictions mandating prevention programs. State's Labor Law, enacted in 2006, requires public employers to develop and implement prevention programs, including hazard evaluations and employee training, covering aggression from coworkers or outsiders. California's Division of (Cal/OSHA) finalized a prevention standard for general in 2024, effective July 1, 2025, requiring employers to identify hazards, respond to incidents, and maintain records of aggressive acts, building on Labor Code Section 6401.9. Other states, like and , have similar healthcare-specific standards citing OSHA's influence. Internationally, the International Labour Organization's (ILO) Convention No. 190, adopted in 2019 and entered into force in 2021, provides the first global treaty framework recognizing the right to a free from violence and , encompassing physical, psychological, and sexual forms, with obligations for prevention, protection, and remedies. As of 2024, over 30 countries have ratified it, prompting national implementations; for example, in , Finland's Occupational and Safety Act explicitly prohibits psychological violence, including , as a hazard requiring employer intervention. The addresses under the for discriminatory cases and broader health and safety duties, while countries like and have dedicated anti-mobbing laws allowing civil claims for moral . These measures reflect a patchwork approach, with enforcement challenges stemming from definitional ambiguities between aggression and lawful management authority.

Debates, Criticisms, and Research Limitations

Methodological Challenges and Bias in Studies

Studies of workplace aggression predominantly rely on self-report measures, such as surveys asking employees to recall and quantify incidents of , exclusion, or threats, which introduce significant subjectivity and potential distortion. Self-reports are susceptible to , where respondents underreport aggressive behaviors to avoid stigma or perceived weakness, and , as memories of events fade or are influenced by emotional states, leading to underestimation of prevalence— for instance, only 15% of incidents are formally reported in writing and 10% electronically in some sectors. This single-source data collection exacerbates , inflating correlations between predictors like and outcomes like without validating through multi-informant approaches, such as peer or observations. Lack of standardized definitions compounds measurement inconsistencies; workplace aggression encompasses a spectrum from to physical , but operationalizations vary widely—e.g., some studies equate it with (systematic mistreatment over time), while others include one-off acts—resulting in incomparable rates across research, often ranging from 10-20% self-reported exposure without on thresholds for or intent. Few validated, culture-neutral instruments exist, with tools like the WHO violence questionnaire requiring adaptation that may alter reliability in non-Western contexts. Objective measures, such as incident logs or video surveillance, are rare due to concerns and logistical barriers, limiting causal realism by relying on retrospective accounts that conflate with causation. Most designs are cross-sectional, capturing snapshots via questionnaires at one point, which hinders establishing —e.g., whether precedes or vice versa—and overlooks dynamic interactions over time, as longitudinal tracking demands resources few studies afford. Sampling biases further undermine generalizability; convenience samples from high-risk sectors like healthcare or predominate, with low response rates (often below 30%) attracting volunteers more affected by , skewing toward perspectives and neglecting perpetrator accounts or neutral bystanders. Ethical constraints, including mandatory reporting laws conflicting with , deter participation and introduce selection effects, particularly in hierarchical organizations where power imbalances suppress disclosure. Institutional biases in , where much research originates, may prioritize narratives aligned with prevailing frameworks, underemphasizing individual or bidirectional , though empirical scrutiny reveals this through inconsistent replication of interventions favoring structural attributions over personal accountability. Peer-reviewed outlets occasionally overlook null findings on 's rarity in merit-based environments, suggesting toward alarming prevalence claims. Interviewer effects, such as gender or training influencing disclosure in face-to-face , add variability, with self-administered modes yielding higher non-response but potentially truer reports free from . Overall, these challenges necessitate multi-method —combining surveys with administrative records and experiments—to enhance validity, though adoption remains limited as of 2023 reviews.

Controversies Over Prevalence and Attribution

Estimates of workplace aggression vary significantly across studies, ranging from approximately 10% to over 50% for experiences of or mistreatment, depending on definitions and measurement methods. For instance, a 2022 reported a general of around 30%, while healthcare-specific reviews indicate rates up to 90%, highlighting sector-specific intensities but also methodological inconsistencies. These discrepancies arise from debates over what constitutes —whether isolated incidents, repeated behaviors, or perceived intent—leading critics to argue that broader definitions inflate figures by including normative conflicts, while narrower ones undercount subtle psychological harms. Self-report surveys, predominant in , introduce recall and social desirability biases, with victims potentially overreporting due to heightened awareness from programs, whereas underreporting occurs from of or . Attribution of workplace aggression remains contentious, with scholarly divides between individual-centric explanations, such as perpetrator traits like (HAB)—where ambiguous actions are interpreted as malicious, escalating responses—and situational factors like organizational stressors or leadership voids. HAB, documented in literature, correlates with perpetration in adults, suggesting cognitive biases in actors rather than purely external provocations, yet studies often attribute incidents to power imbalances or "toxic" cultures without controlling for reciprocal victimization, where targets become aggressors. Gender biases further complicate attributions; observers tend to blame female perpetrators more harshly for mistreatment, potentially skewing perceptions toward systemic rather than behavioral causality. Academic sources, frequently from and fields, exhibit tendencies toward environmental attributions, possibly reflecting institutional emphases on structural reforms over personal accountability, though empirical data underscore bidirectional dynamics in many cases. These controversies underscore research limitations, including reliance on cross-sectional designs that fail to establish and overlook cultural variances in reporting thresholds, where Western studies may overestimate compared to hierarchical societies with normalized . Longitudinal is sparse, impeding on whether rising reports reflect genuine increases or heightened sensitivity from anti-bullying initiatives post-2010s. Rigorous attribution requires disentangling factors like prior or disorders in perpetrators, yet prevailing models prioritize organizational interventions, prompting critiques of overlooked individual in favor of collective blame.

Evaluating Intervention Effectiveness

A of interventions for preventing , including organizational programs like , , and in the Workplace (), found very low-quality evidence of small improvements in (mean difference 0.17, 95% CI 0.07-0.28) and reductions in (mean difference -0.63 days, 95% CI -0.92 to -0.34), but no significant changes in victimization rates across five studies involving over 5,000 participants. Individual-focused interventions, such as expressive writing or cognitive-behavioral techniques, showed inconsistent effects, with one study reporting reduced perpetration (mean difference -3.52, 95% CI -6.24 to -0.80) but others demonstrating no impact on occurrence. Cochrane reviews of education and training programs for healthcare workers, a sector prone to , indicate that such interventions across nine trials with 1,688 participants may increase short-term (standardized mean difference 0.86, 95% 0.34-1.38) and improve attitudes (standardized mean difference 0.59, 95% 0.24-0.94), but yield no reliable reduction in episodes, with long-term data showing no effect (risk ratio 1.14, 95% 0.95-1.37). Similarly, a of 11 studies on prevention in healthcare found no overall significant effect (95% -0.41 to 0.25, p=0.64), though 36.4% of trials reported positive outcomes from individual skills training or multicomponent approaches combining organizational and environmental changes; all studies carried high or uncertain risk of bias due to non-randomization and self-reported outcomes. Emerging evidence points to potential benefits from targeted psychological techniques, such as cognitive rehearsal programs for nurses, where a 2024 of five studies reported a large reduction in exposure (effect size -0.40, 95% CI -0.604 to -0.196, p=0.0001), particularly with longer durations exceeding 20 hours, though limited by small sample sizes and few randomized trials. Organizational policies and sanctions, including clear reporting mechanisms and enforcement, show promise in multicomponent strategies but lack robust long-term evaluations; pre-post designs in recent suggest reductions in , yet these are prone to without controls. Legal and regulatory measures, such as mandatory reporting or penalties, have sparse direct assessment, with one study noting improved perceived safety but no incidence data; effectiveness likely depends on enforcement rigor rather than existence alone, as passive policies fail to alter aggressive behaviors rooted in workplace dynamics. Across interventions, methodological challenges—including high bias risk, short follow-ups under one year, and reliance on subjective measures—undermine causal claims, highlighting the need for large-scale randomized trials to distinguish true effects from placebo or regression to the mean. Multicomponent approaches integrating training, policy, and environmental adjustments appear most viable, though empirical support remains tentative and sector-specific, predominantly from healthcare.

References

  1. [1]
    Workplace aggression, wellbeing, and job satisfaction - Frontiers
    Oct 12, 2022 · In the framework of this research, workplace aggression is understood as an over-arching construct that encompasses all behaviors intended to ...Introduction · Theoretical framework · Materials and methods · Discussion
  2. [2]
    How do aggression source, employee characteristics and ... - NIH
    Aug 13, 2020 · And although workplace aggression is present across many industries, many of the risk factors for workplace violence, such as providing physical ...
  3. [3]
    Leadership and Workplace Aggression: A Meta-analysis
    Jul 15, 2022 · Workplace aggression is a widespread and disruptive problem. The prevalence rate of workplace aggression has been estimated as 30% in the USA ( ...
  4. [4]
    (PDF) Prevalence of Workplace Aggression in the U.S. Workforce
    Schat, Frone, and Kelloway (2006) documented similar findings and reported that nearly 1.3% of the US workforce experiences physical violence every week. These ...
  5. [5]
    Types of Workplace Violence | WPVHC | NIOSH - CDC
    Types of Workplace Violence · Type 1: Criminal Intent · Type 2: Customer/Client · Type 3: Worker-on-Worker · Type 4: Personal Relationship.
  6. [6]
    Evidence Concerning Specific Forms, Potential Causes, and ...
    Workplace Violence and Workplace Aggression: Evidence Concerning Specific Forms, Potential Causes, and Preferred Targets. Joel H. Neuman and Robert A. BaronView ...
  7. [7]
    Workplace violence: impact, causes, and prevention - PubMed
    The author explores the complex reasons for aggression and violence in workplace settings, as well as suggesting means of prevention and intervention.
  8. [8]
    Workplace aggression and violence against individuals and ...
    Workplace aggression and violence against individuals and organizations: Causes, consequences, and interventions. In P. L. Perrewé & D. C. Ganster (Eds.), ...
  9. [9]
    WORKPLACE AGGRESSION AND VIOLENCE AGAINST ...
    Aug 10, 2025 · WORKPLACE AGGRESSION AND VIOLENCE AGAINST INDIVIDUALS AND ORGANIZATIONS: CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES, AND INTERVENTIONS ... An interdisciplinary review ...
  10. [10]
    [PDF] Examining Causes and Prevention of Violence and Aggression in ...
    Workplace violence and workplace aggression: Evidence of their relative frequency and potential causes. Aggressive Behavior, 22, 161–173. Baron, R. A., & Neuman ...
  11. [11]
    [PDF] Workplace-aggression.pdf - ResearchGate
    We have chosen to use the term workplace aggression, rather than workplace violence or the other terms discussed above, because it links research on workplace ...
  12. [12]
    Aggression in the Workplace: A Social-Psychological Perspective.
    Workplace aggression involves efforts by individuals to harm others at work or the organization, and is studied as such.
  13. [13]
    The role of intent to harm in workplace aggression - Shewach - 2024
    Mar 26, 2024 · In applied contexts, workplace aggression is a valued criterion that has an array of negative consequences for workers. Research converges in ...
  14. [14]
    Exposure to Psychological Aggression at Work and Job Performance
    Within the superordinate construct of workplace aggression are two distinct forms of aggression: physical violence and psychological aggression. Workplace ...
  15. [15]
    [PDF] aggression in the workplace: a social-psychological - ResearchGate
    Examples of Eight Types of Workplace Aggression Categorized According to the Buss (1961) Typology. Direct-indirect dimension verbal dimension. Physical. Active ...
  16. [16]
    Two types of aggression in human evolution - PNAS
    Dec 26, 2017 · Much human aggression is either currently adaptive or derived from adaptive strategies (1–7). Patterns of violence therefore appear to have been ...
  17. [17]
    [PDF] HUMAN AGGRESSION IN EVOLUTIONARY PSYCHOLOGICAL ...
    Humans apparently have a long evolutionary history of violence. Contemporary psychological theories of aggression often invoke domain-general learning ...
  18. [18]
    Evolutionary and neuroendocrine foundations of human aggression
    Feature Review. Evolutionary and neuroendocrine foundations of human aggression · Highlights · Abstract · Section snippets · The peace–violence paradox · Resolving ...
  19. [19]
    Testosterone and Aggressive Behavior in Man - PMC - NIH
    Testosterone activates the subcortical areas of the brain to produce aggression, while cortisol and serotonin act antagonistically with testosterone to reduce ...
  20. [20]
    Is testosterone linked to human aggression? A meta-analytic ...
    Aggression, especially in its more extreme forms—violence, homicide, and war—is one of the leading causes of death, with homicide alone predicted to claim more ...
  21. [21]
    Biological Factors in Organizational Behavior and I/O Psychology ...
    Mar 15, 2015 · To reduce this biologically based risk of violence and aggression, an important ramification for organizations is to build supportive workplace ...
  22. [22]
    Aggressive behavior in humans: Genes and pathways identified ...
    Jan 15, 2016 · In this review we have focused on aggressive behaviors including aggression traits (aggressiveness, impulsive aggression, anger, externalizing ...
  23. [23]
    Evidence of a workplace bullying and 5-HTT genotype interaction
    Aug 7, 2025 · During such social exchanges, negative interactions may occur like workplace bullying, incivility, abusive supervision, deviance, harassment, ...
  24. [24]
    [PDF] Biological Factors Associated with Aggression and Violent Behavior
    The Brain: The cerebral cortex has been the main portion of the brain studied when looking at violence and aggression. The cerebral cortex is the outer portion ...
  25. [25]
    How the Big Five personality traits related to aggression from ...
    Aug 18, 2022 · The purpose of this study is to reveal the intrinsic role of benign/malicious envy in the big Five personality traits and aggression.
  26. [26]
    (PDF) Correlation between Big Five Personality and Workplace ...
    Aug 6, 2025 · Studies have shown a correlation between neuroticism and aggressive behaviors. In this study, we use data collected from employees working in ...
  27. [27]
    Trait aggression is associated with five‐factor personality traits in ...
    May 25, 2021 · Our results indicate that those high in Neuroticism and low in Agreeableness and Conscientiousness are at higher risk of exhibiting aggressive behavior.3 Results · 3.2 Ffm Personality Traits... · 4 Discussion
  28. [28]
    The dark triad personality traits and work behaviors
    Feb 15, 2021 · Individuals high on psychopathy and narcissism are prone to engage in aggression, and they use hard tactics to get ahead (Jonason et al., 2012; ...
  29. [29]
    The associations between dark triad personality traits, work attitudes ...
    The findings suggest that each dark triad trait has a distinct relationship with work outcomes. Furthermore, the participants' self- and other-rated dark triad ...
  30. [30]
    Workplace bullies, not their victims, score high on the Dark Triad and ...
    Oct 11, 2019 · ... bullying tactics in the workplace and the Dark Triad traits. Our ... Jones D.N., Neria A.L. The Dark Triad and dispositional aggression.
  31. [31]
    The facts on the furious: a brief review of the psychology of trait anger
    Trait anger is an important antecedent of state anger and aggression. People with high trait anger tend to perceive situations as hostile.
  32. [32]
    Hostile Attribution Bias and Anger Rumination Sequentially Mediate ...
    Jan 11, 2022 · Findings showed that hostile attribution bias, anger rumination sequentially mediated the association between trait anger and reactive aggression.
  33. [33]
    Trait anger and aggression: A moderated mediation model of anger ...
    Apr 15, 2018 · The results indicated that trait anger was significantly and positively associated with aggression and anger rumination mediated this relation.
  34. [34]
    Predicting workplace aggression: A meta-analysis. - APA PsycNet
    The authors conducted a meta-analysis of 57 empirical studies (59 samples) concerning enacted workplace aggression to answer 3 research questions.
  35. [35]
    [PDF] Gender Differences in Subtypes of Workplace Aggression
    Aug 31, 2012 · Consistent with the general idea that males are more aggressive than females, most researchers have found that men also engage in more verbal ...
  36. [36]
    Exploring the Role of Age in Workplace Intimidation - ResearchGate
    Aug 6, 2025 · The results revealed that younger workers are more likely to perpetrate workplace intimidation and as age increases employees are more likely ...
  37. [37]
    Sex Differences in Workplace Aggression: An Investigation of ...
    Aug 10, 2025 · What do we know about the perpetrators of workplace violence and aggression? For one, men are more likely than women to engage in aggression, ...
  38. [38]
    [PDF] Journal of Applied Psychology
    This study investigates the relationship between individual differences and the incidence of workplace aggression in a sample of employees from a transportation ...
  39. [39]
    'Can we predict aggression?'—Determining the predictors of ...
    Psychological security, parental conflict and impulsivity were the top 3 significant predictors of aggression.
  40. [40]
    A New Trilogy to Understand the Relationship among ...
    The study found a negative relationship between organizational climate and bullying on one hand, while on the other hand, an increased workplace bullying ...
  41. [41]
    A meta-analytic review from the target's perspective. - APA PsycNet
    This meta-analytic study summarizes relations between workplace mistreatment climate—MC (specific to incivility, aggression, and bullying) and potential ...
  42. [42]
    Leadership and role stressors as departmental level predictors of ...
    Leadership and role stressors as departmental level predictors of workplace bullying. ; Keywords. bullying; harassment; leadership; multilevel; role stress; work ...
  43. [43]
  44. [44]
    [PDF] the frustration-aggression hypothesis revisited: a deviance ... - UA
    Workplace aggression can take many forms of behaviors and is much more prevalent than workplace violence. Workplace aggression consists of an interpersonal. ( ...
  45. [45]
    Workplace anger and aggression: Informing conceptual models with ...
    Where empirical research does exist, it has focused on workplace aggression from a general perspective by examining relationships with aggregate measures of ...
  46. [46]
    (PDF) Temperature and Aggression: Ubiquitous Effects of Heat on ...
    Aug 6, 2025 · Field studies clearly show that heat increases aggression. Laboratory studies show inconsistencies, possibly because of several artifacts.
  47. [47]
    Thermal demands and its interactions with environmental factors ...
    Sep 15, 2022 · Countries close to the equator experience significantly more aggression and violence than countries far from the equator (Van Lange et al., 2017) ...
  48. [48]
    The Measurement, Predictors, and Consequences of Workplace ...
    Mar 16, 2017 · More severe acts of aggression, such as physical violence, may negatively impact interpersonal relationships, but are not categorized as ...
  49. [49]
    Environmental Antecedents of Workplace Aggression: A Review and ...
    Although antecedents outside of the work environment can certainly influence workplace aggression ... Workplace Violence: Factors Contributing and/or Facilitating.
  50. [50]
    Environmental Antecedents of Workplace Aggression (Chapter 2)
    The first psychological process or mediating mechanism through which the work environment can impact aggression is through the experience of negative emotions.
  51. [51]
  52. [52]
    [PDF] Misbehavior and Dysfunctional Attitudes in Organizations
    Covert psychological aggression involves subtler, more deceptive and indirect forms of passive-aggressive behavior, such as spreading rumors, misusing e-mail ...
  53. [53]
    [PDF] Overt and Covert Aggression and Negative Emotion in the Workplace
    For example, it may include persuading individuals not to relate to certain people or creating malevolent gossip towards a disliked person (Kaukiainen, 2003; ...
  54. [54]
    Overt and covert aggression in work settings and relation the ...
    Aug 10, 2025 · Overt acts include making threats and swearing or yelling, whereas covert acts include withholding job-related information or giving someone the ...
  55. [55]
    Violence, Aggression and Passive-Aggression in the Workplace
    Feb 16, 2001 · Passive-aggressive behavior refers to actions that are intended to do harm (aggressive), but are not direct. That is, the person would resort to ...
  56. [56]
    Aggression in the Digital Era: Assessing the validity of the Cyber ...
    Research suggests it is common for individuals to engage in online “identity play” or masquerading, which is the intentional sending of misleading messages to ...
  57. [57]
    Workplace cyberbullying: a systematic literature review on its ...
    Oct 1, 2024 · ... review on workplace cyberbullying with the following research questions: ... Cyber Aggression', 'Cyber Victimization' and 'Electronic Bullying ...
  58. [58]
    [PDF] Cyberbullying within working contexts
    Coyne et al. (2017) argue that as workplace cyberbullying involves frequency, is focused on high-intensity behaviours, and tends not to consider organizational ...
  59. [59]
    workplace-violence-2021-2022-chart1-data.htm
    Oct 7, 2024 · Chart 1. Annualized incidence rate of DART cases per 10,000 full-time workers due to intentional injury by other person, ...Missing: aggression | Show results with:aggression
  60. [60]
    Workplace Bullying: A Tale of Adverse Consequences - PMC - NIH
    According to the findings of 12 studies, the approximate prevalence rate of bullying in the workplace at some point in one's career may be around 11 percent.
  61. [61]
    [PDF] Violence in the Workplace—An Updated Analysis - NCCI
    The incidence rate for all industries excluding healthcare is estimated by NCCI to have been 0.8 per. 10,000 full-time workers. Within the healthcare sector, ...Missing: aggression | Show results with:aggression
  62. [62]
    The Prevalence of Industry and Occupations in Workplace Harassment
    In a survey of 2,235 female employees (in full-time and part-time positions), those in retail reported the second highest rate of harassment at 36% after food/ ...
  63. [63]
    2021 WBI U.S. Workplace Bullying Survey
    Oct 22, 2024 · Prevalence: 30% have direct experience being bullied (up 57% from 2017) [1] · 43.2% is the bullying rate for those doing Remote Work, virtual ...<|separator|>
  64. [64]
    workplace-violence-2021-2022.htm - Bureau of Labor Statistics
    Oct 8, 2024 · These occurred at an annualized incidence rate of 5.0 cases per 10,000 full-time workers, higher than the rate for men at 1.4 cases per 10,000 ...
  65. [65]
    A gender-based review of workplace violence amongst the global ...
    Jul 2, 2024 · Men experienced more physical violence compared to women. Younger age, less experience, shifting duties, specific clinical settings, lower ...
  66. [66]
    Prevalence of Workplace Violence Against Young Workers in the ...
    Background: Workers under the age of 25 may be at particular risk for workplace violence, given their predominant employment in the high-risk retail and service ...<|separator|>
  67. [67]
    Exploring the role of age in workplace intimidation in the US ...
    Results revealed that younger workers are more likely to perpetrate workplace intimidation than their senior counterparts.
  68. [68]
    New SHRM Research Details Age Discrimination in the Workplace
    May 11, 2023 · 26 percent of U.S. workers age 50 and older say they have been the target of age-related remarks in the workplace over the past six months.
  69. [69]
    Cross-Cultural Differences in Workplace Aggression - ResearchGate
    Dec 20, 2018 · Cross-cultural studies have shown that people from collectivistic versus individualistic cultures differ in their affective, attitudinal and ...
  70. [70]
    Cross-Cultural Differences in Workplace Aggression (Chapter 10)
    People from different cultures may form varying appraisals of the same aggressive act because of their different priorities when evaluating the salience of ...
  71. [71]
    Bullying in the workplace: a cross-cultural and methodological ...
    May 11, 2021 · This paper reports an investigation of relative exposure to workplace bullying between the two societies through a survey of Australians and Pakistanis.Missing: variations | Show results with:variations
  72. [72]
    [PDF] Cultural Influences on Workplace Bullying and Violence
    Dec 18, 2024 · Similarly, workplace violence can be perceived and handled differently across cultures. For instance, in cultures where masculinity is ...
  73. [73]
    Workplace bullying as an antecedent of mental health problems
    The present study investigates the proposed long-term relationship between exposure to workplace bullying and subsequent mental health in the form of anxiety ...Missing: longitudinal | Show results with:longitudinal
  74. [74]
    Workplace Bullying and Mental Health: A Meta-Analysis on Cross ...
    A growing body of research has confirmed that workplace bullying is a source of distress and poor mental health.
  75. [75]
    Burnout Mediates the Association between Workplace Bullying and ...
    Workplace bullying and workplace burnout were directly related to mental health problems, including depression, anxiety, and stress symptoms.
  76. [76]
    Impact of Psychological Aggression at the Workplace on Employees ...
    Mar 30, 2021 · The aim of this systematic review was to examine the personal outcomes of overt workplace psychological aggression and summarize empirical ...
  77. [77]
    Association between Workplace Bullying, Job Stress, and ... - NIH
    Mar 9, 2024 · The meta-regression analysis identified that more recent studies showed a moderate positive correlation between workplace bullying and secondary ...
  78. [78]
    Workplace violence and health in human service industries
    There is consistent evidence mainly in medium quality studies of prospective associations between psychological violence and poor mental health and sickness ...Results · Physical Violence · Discussion
  79. [79]
    Workplace violence: A complex challenge demanding a systemic ...
    Aug 19, 2025 · Type II arises from interactions with clients, patients, or service users, where violence occurs without criminal intent. Type III refers to ...
  80. [80]
    Outcomes of exposure to workplace bullying: A meta-analytic review.
    The findings show that exposure to bullying is associated with both job-related and health- and well-being-related outcomes.
  81. [81]
    Workplace aggression and employee performance: A meta-analytic ...
    We present a meta-analytic investigation of the theoretical mechanisms underlying why experienced workplace aggression is harmful to the three core performance ...
  82. [82]
    The Impact of Workplace Bullying on Turnover Intention and ... - NIH
    Jun 8, 2024 · The present study aimed to assess the relationship between bullying, turnover intention, and psychological distress, considering the potential mediating effect ...
  83. [83]
    (PDF) The Influence of Workplace Aggression on Employee ...
    Sep 27, 2020 · The current study examined employee turnover intentions as a result of workplace aggression. The study was conducted on employees from the private sector.
  84. [84]
    Mental Health Expenditures: Association with Workplace Incivility ...
    Documented economic consequences of workplace bullying for employers include turnover, absenteeism, reduced productivity, and in especially severe cases, ...
  85. [85]
    It's Not Just Personal: The Economic Value of Preventing Bullying in ...
    Mar 4, 2020 · On average, workers who experience one or more types of incivility or bullying spent as much as twice the amount of money on mental health care ...
  86. [86]
    Workplace aggression: The productivity killer - Simon Fraser University
    Mar 4, 2025 · Workplace aggression isn't just an HR issue—it's a harmful force draining productivity, morale, and, ultimately, corporate profits. A new study ...
  87. [87]
    The Financial Costs of Bullying in the Workplace
    Workplace bullying costs the U.S. economy an estimated $360 billion annually, largely from productivity loss and turnover. A 2009 study already reported $64 ...
  88. [88]
  89. [89]
    The costs of workplace violence are too high to ignore | FIU News
    Apr 25, 2024 · It found that on-the-job violence cost the health and social services sector nearly half a billion dollars in 2022 alone. Despite this fact, ...
  90. [90]
    Workplace aggression causes real harm — leaders must take action ...
    Feb 27, 2025 · When leaders ignore workplace aggression, employees can experience post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety disorder and depression.
  91. [91]
    Associations of Workplace Aggression With Work-Related Well ...
    Sep 20, 2011 · As shown in a Finnish study, the prolonged exposure to workplace bullying (nonphysical aggression) predicted incidence of depression and ...
  92. [92]
    Aggressions and associations: How workplace violence affects what ...
    Dec 14, 2022 · This study draws attention to workplace aggression as critical incidents in state-citizen encounters and examines the traces they leave in employees' ...2 Theoretical Background · 3 Data And Methods · 5 Discussion
  93. [93]
    [PDF] Workplace Aggression Report | AMA - American Medical Association
    The effects of bullying in medicine can reach beyond the target to the patients, care teams, organizations, and the families of the patients and victims.
  94. [94]
    The Moderating Role of Societal Cultural Values and Practices on ...
    Feb 20, 2025 · This article investigates the relationship between societal culture, the self-reported incidence of workplace aggression and its effects on employee engagement.
  95. [95]
    Promising Practices for Preventing Harassment - EEOC
    Nov 21, 2017 · Leadership, accountability, and strong harassment policies and complaint systems are essential components of a successful harassment prevention ...
  96. [96]
    10 Steps Companies Can Take to Prevent Workplace Bullying - TriNet
    1.Create a formal anti-bullying policy · 2.Establish an open-door policy · 3.Take all reports of bullying seriously · 4.Hold managers accountable · 5.Lead by ...
  97. [97]
    Workplace Bullying Accountability Act
    Jun 20, 2025 · Provides specific preventive and responsive measures employers can take to avoid liability; Reasonable, realistic measures for employers; No ...
  98. [98]
    [PDF] Testing the Effectiveness of an Intervention to Reduce Workplace ...
    May 12, 2019 · First, research has found that targets of incivility may retaliate by engaging in incivility themselves, creating a spiral of workplace.
  99. [99]
    [PDF] Workplace Incivility Training - CDC Stacks
    Interpersonal workplace mistreatment is widespread and has deleterious implications for employees' work-related attitudes, behaviors, psychological and physical.
  100. [100]
    Effectiveness of the interventions against workplace violence ... - NIH
    Aug 12, 2022 · The review found no high level of evidence for preventing workplace violence, with only 36.4% of studies showing a positive effect.
  101. [101]
    Education and training for preventing and minimizing workplace ...
    Researchers found that education combined with training may not have an effect on workplace aggression directed toward health care workers.
  102. [102]
    Interventions for Preventing and Resolving Bullying in Nursing - NIH
    Jan 22, 2024 · This study's aim is to map possible interventions designed to prevent or resolve bullying in nursing.
  103. [103]
    Standing up against workplace bullying behavior - NIH
    The purpose of this study was to explore strategies suggested by newly licensed nurses to prevent and intervene during incidents of workplace bullying behavior.
  104. [104]
    [PDF] Decreasing Incivility and Bullying Through the Development of a ...
    Aug 6, 2024 · A systematic review of 14 quality articles aimed at analyzing interventions to prevent and resolve bullying in the workplace (Luca et al. 2024).
  105. [105]
    Workplace Bullying Laws: What Managers Need to Know - Paycor
    Jul 8, 2024 · Regular Feedback: Conduct regular surveys or focus groups to gather employee feedback on the effectiveness of anti-bullying measures. Use this ...What is the Definition of... · What is the Difference... · Effects of Workplace Bullying
  106. [106]
  107. [107]
    Workplace Bullying Policy Template - SHRM
    Define your workplace policies against bullying with a customizable template designed to define bullying and clarify your organization's response.
  108. [108]
    DOL Workplace Violence Program - U.S. Department of Labor
    The U.S. Department of Labor's (DOL) policy and position on workplace violence are clear. It is our policy to promote a safe environment for our employees and ...
  109. [109]
    Dismissal As An Appropriate Sanction For Workplace Bullying
    The dismissal of an employee for bullying his subordinates in the workplace on the basis of gender, was found to be procedurally and substantively fair.
  110. [110]
    Interventions for prevention of bullying in the workplace - PMC
    This review shows that organisational and individual interventions may prevent bullying in the workplace. However, the evidence is of very low quality. We need ...
  111. [111]
    Implementation of a workplace protection system and its correlation ...
    Jun 27, 2023 · This study identified a correlation between the adoption of the protection system for service workers and the prevalence of workplace violence.
  112. [112]
    Power and inaction: why organizations fail to address workplace ...
    Aug 23, 2020 · However, there is very little evidence that organisations provide effective protection from bullying, and in fact, the converse appears to the ...
  113. [113]
    [PDF] Guidelines for Preventing Workplace Violence for Healthcare and ...
    OSHA guidelines provide recommendations for developing policies and procedures to reduce workplace violence for healthcare and social service workers, based on ...
  114. [114]
  115. [115]
    [PDF] Workplace Violence - OSHA
    To protect workers, employers should assess their workplaces and determine the threat of violence and if necessary, establish a site specific workplace violence ...
  116. [116]
    Enforcement Guidance on Harassment in the Workplace - EEOC
    Apr 29, 2024 · The Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA) prohibits age-based discrimination, including unlawful harassment, of employees forty or older ...
  117. [117]
    Harassment | U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
    Harassment becomes unlawful where 1) enduring the offensive conduct becomes a condition of continued employment, or 2) the conduct is severe or pervasive enough ...Questions and Answers for · Sexual Harassment · Small Business Fact Sheet
  118. [118]
    Federal Laws | StopBullying.gov
    At present, no federal law directly addresses bullying. In some cases, bullying overlaps with discriminatory harassment, which is covered under federal civil ...
  119. [119]
    Workplace Violence Prevention Information - Department of Labor
    In 2006, New York State enacted legislation requiring public employers to develop and implement programs to prevent and minimize workplace violence.Missing: measures | Show results with:measures
  120. [120]
    Cal/OSHA Workplace Violence Prevention for General Industry
    Mar 19, 2024 · Cal/OSHA is currently working on developing a workplace violence prevention standard that meets the requirements of Labor Code section 6401.9.
  121. [121]
    Violence and harassment in the world of work
    ILO Convention No. 190 (C190) is the first international treaty to recognize the right of everyone to a world of work free from violence and harassment.
  122. [122]
    Workplace Bullying Protections Differ Globally - SHRM
    Jun 24, 2014 · Finland's Occupational Health and Safety Act covers physical and psychological violence, including threats of violence, harassment and bullying.
  123. [123]
    [PDF] Bullying, Harassment and Stress in the Workplace
    UK law has two concepts related to workplace bullying. Discriminatory harassment under the Equality Act 2010. The Equality Act is a single statutory framework ...
  124. [124]
    Assessing Workplace Violence: Methodological Considerations - PMC
    The evolution of civilization requires that even these less overt forms of aggression be identified and prevented. Workplace violence is an ancient phenomenon ...
  125. [125]
    [PDF] Workplace Bullying: Impact on Depression and Anxiety and the Link ...
    The use of self-report measures without reports from another observer causes concerns for accuracy due to self-report bias. Data between multiple reporters ...
  126. [126]
    Exposure to bullying behaviours and support from co-workers and ...
    Dec 11, 2019 · When referring to workplace bullying of just “bullying” onwards we ... Understanding self-report bias in organizational behavior research.
  127. [127]
    Methodological and ethical challenges in violence research - PMC
    This paper intends to discuss and raise awareness to some of the main methodological and ethical challenges related to violence research.
  128. [128]
    Contemporary evidence of workplace violence against the primary ...
    Oct 13, 2023 · The incidence rate of verbal abuse was 46.9–90.3%, which rendered it the most commonly identified form of violence, followed by threats or ...<|control11|><|separator|>
  129. [129]
    Prevalence of workplace discrimination and mistreatment in a ...
    Prevalence of workplace aggression in the US workforce: Findings from a national study ... U.S. Workplace bullying survey: National prevalence. Workplace ...Article · 3. Results · Ethical Approval
  130. [130]
    Attribution, risk perception, and response to workplace violence
    Oct 10, 2025 · For instance, the hostile attribution bias (HAB) has been linked to elevated aggression levels in both children and adults, particularly when ...
  131. [131]
    The making and breaking of workplace bullying perpetration
    Negative acts that comprise workplace aggression include sexual harassment, counterproductive work behavior, abusive supervision, bullying, deviance, lateral ...
  132. [132]
    Gender biases in attributions of blame for workplace mistreatment
    Jun 29, 2023 · Indeed, men more than women are reported as perpetrators of workplace aggression ... sexual violence · Jesús de la Torre Laso and Juan M ...
  133. [133]
    What influences the relationship between workplace bullying and ...
    This body of evidence, covering both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies, shows that exposure to workplace bullying is associated with poorer well-being, ...
  134. [134]
    (PDF) Bullying in the workplace: Definition, prevalence, antecedents ...
    Aug 6, 2025 · This article examines the phenomenon and concept of bullying in the workplace. Workplace bullying is a form of interpersonal aggression that can ...
  135. [135]
    Education and training for preventing and minimizing workplace ...
    To assess the effectiveness of education and training interventions that aim to prevent and minimize workplace aggression directed toward healthcare workers.
  136. [136]
    Effectiveness of cognitive rehearsal programs for the prevention of ...
    Jun 11, 2024 · We conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis to evaluate the effectiveness of interventions for mitigating workplace bullying among ...
  137. [137]