Fact-checked by Grok 2 weeks ago

Lower middle class

The lower middle class comprises households and individuals situated at the base of the middle-income tier in socioeconomic hierarchies, typically earning between two-thirds and the full median household income adjusted for family size—roughly $56,000 to $90,000 annually for a three-person U.S. household in recent years—while holding occupations such as lower-level supervisors, clerical workers, technicians, small business proprietors, and entry-level educators or healthcare aides that demand some postsecondary training but lack the prestige or autonomy of professional roles.^[1]^[2] These workers often achieve modest material comforts like vehicle ownership and suburban residence but maintain limited savings and face heightened vulnerability to job displacement from automation or trade shifts.^[3] Empirical analyses indicate this stratum's share of aggregate income has eroded since the 1970s, with the broader middle class contracting from 61% to 51% of U.S. adults amid polarization toward lower- and upper-income poles, driven by factors including wage stagnation for routine non-college jobs and escalating essentials like housing.^[4]^[5] Defining traits include dual-earner reliance for stability, cultural emphasis on self-reliance and deferred gratification, and exposure to precarity from policy-induced inflation or regulatory burdens that amplify fixed costs without commensurate income gains.^[6]^[7]

Definitions and Classifications

Core Socioeconomic Criteria

The lower middle class constitutes a socioeconomic stratum positioned between the working class and the core middle class, marked by partial economic security, reliance on salaried or semi-skilled employment, and vulnerability to downturns such as job loss or inflation. Core criteria emphasize a combination of moderate income, occupational roles requiring some specialized training but not advanced degrees, and educational attainment beyond basic secondary levels yet short of professional qualifications. These households often maintain aspirations for upward mobility, including homeownership or savings, but operate with limited buffers against financial shocks, distinguishing them from both manual laborers in the working class—who typically earn hourly wages with minimal control over work conditions—and higher middle-class professionals with greater wealth accumulation.^[8] Income thresholds for the lower middle class vary by household size, location, and economic context, but generally fall in the range of 50% to 100% of the national median household income. In the United States, as of 2024 data, this corresponds to annual household incomes roughly between $30,000 and $58,000 for a three-person household in many analyses, placing families above poverty lines (e.g., $25,820 for a family of four in 2023 federal guidelines) but strained by rising costs in housing and healthcare.^[9] Pew Research Center's broader middle-income band, defined as two-thirds to double the median (approximately $56,600 to $169,800 in 2023 adjusted figures), encompasses the lower middle class at its base, where households hover near the lower boundary and exhibit slower wealth growth compared to upper tiers.^[1] This positioning reflects causal factors like stagnant wage growth for non-college-educated workers since the 1970s, eroding purchasing power amid productivity gains disproportionately captured by higher earners.^[10] Occupationally, the lower middle class engages in roles demanding routine expertise or oversight, such as administrative clerks, sales supervisors, technicians, or entry-level public service positions (e.g., police officers or school aides), which provide steady but non-executive pay without the autonomy or prestige of managerial professions.^[11] These jobs often involve white-collar or hybrid skilled labor, contrasting with working-class manual or service roles lacking promotional ladders, and align with empirical patterns where occupational prestige scores (e.g., via NORC scales) rate them moderately, around 40-60 on a 0-100 index.^[12] Data from labor statistics indicate that such positions comprise about 20-25% of the workforce, with median wages around $40,000-50,000 annually, underscoring economic realism over aspirational narratives of universal mobility.^[8] Educationally, members typically hold high school diplomas supplemented by vocational certificates, associate degrees, or community college credits, enabling access to semi-professional fields but limiting advancement without further investment.^[13] This level—prevalent in 30-40% of lower middle-class adults per socioeconomic surveys—correlates with intergenerational transmission, where parental attainment influences outcomes but falls short of the bachelor's degrees common in upper middle-class households (requiring 16+ years of schooling).^[12] Empirical studies link this to causal barriers like opportunity costs of education debt, yielding returns insufficient to offset risks for those starting from modest family resources.^[13] Wealth metrics reinforce these criteria, with net worth often under $100,000 (excluding home equity), prioritizing immediate stability over long-term accumulation.^[10]

Income and Wealth Thresholds

The lower middle class typically encompasses households with incomes in the lower segment of the middle-income range, often defined as 67% to 150% of the national median household income, adjusted for household size and local cost of living. For a three-person household in the United States, Pew Research Center's 2023 data (adjusted to 2024 dollars) places the middle-income threshold at $56,600 to $169,800 annually, with the lower middle class roughly occupying $56,600 to $113,200—the bottom half of this bracket—enabling modest homeownership or renting in affordable areas but with limited buffers against economic shocks.^[1] These figures derive from U.S. Census Bureau income distributions and reflect pre-tax earnings, excluding non-wage benefits like employer-provided health insurance, which lower-middle-class families often rely on for stability.^[1] Alternative classifications, such as those from economic analyses dividing income quintiles, position lower-middle-class households between approximately $30,000 and $60,000 for single earners or smaller families, rising to $50,000–$80,000 for larger ones, based on 2022–2023 Bureau of Labor Statistics consumer expenditure surveys showing spending patterns focused on necessities with marginal discretionary funds.^[9] Such thresholds have stagnated in real terms since the 2008 financial crisis, with inflation-adjusted median incomes for this group growing only 1–2% annually through 2024, per Federal Reserve analyses, due to wage pressures in semi-skilled sectors. Wealth accumulation for the lower middle class lags behind income metrics, typically ranging from the 25th to 50th percentile of net worth distribution: $28,000 to $209,000 as of the Federal Reserve's 2022 Survey of Consumer Finances (latest comprehensive data, with 2025 updates pending).^[14] This includes primary assets like modest home equity (average $100,000–$150,000 for owners in this bracket) and retirement savings under $50,000, offset by consumer debt averaging $20,000–$30,000, reflecting causal vulnerabilities to downturns as seen in 2020–2022 wealth erosion from job losses. Unlike upper-middle cohorts, lower-middle wealth rarely exceeds liquid assets beyond emergency funds, with homeownership rates at 60–70% versus 80%+ nationally, per 2024 Census data.

Metric	Lower Middle Class Threshold (U.S., 2023–2024 data)	Source Notes
Income (3-person household)	$56,600–$113,200 annually	Bottom half of Pew middle-income band; varies by state (e.g., $45,000 lower bound in Mississippi).^[1] ^[15]
Net Worth	$28,000–$209,000	25th–50th percentile; heavily tilted toward illiquid assets like housing. ^[14]
Debt-to-Asset Ratio	20–40% of net worth in consumer/education debt	Reflects reliance on credit for education or vehicles, per Fed data.

These thresholds underscore empirical precarity: lower-middle households hold 10–15% of total U.S. wealth despite comprising 20–25% of the population, with intergenerational mobility constrained by asset illiquidity, as evidenced by 2023 mobility studies from the Opportunity Insights project at Harvard. Definitions remain contested, with government data prioritizing empirical distributions over subjective self-identification, where surveys show 40–50% of this income band perceive themselves as "working class" due to lifestyle constraints.^[16]

Global and Regional Variations

In global terms, the lower middle class lacks a uniform definition, with scholars and institutions employing either absolute purchasing power parity (PPP)-adjusted income thresholds or relative measures tied to national medians, reflecting disparities in living costs and economic structures. The Pew Research Center delineates the global lower middle class as households with per capita daily incomes of $10.01 to $20 (2011 PPP), positioning it above low-income levels ($2.01-10) but below upper-middle ($20.01-50); this framework, applied to 2020 data, identifies only 17% of the world's population as middle-income overall, with the lower tier predominant in developing regions vulnerable to inflation and job instability.^[17] ^[18] The World Bank's country-level classifications provide context, grouping nations as lower-middle income when gross national income (GNI) per capita falls between $1,146 and $4,515 (2024 Atlas method), though individual household thresholds within these economies often hover near $4-10 daily PPP for lower middle status, emphasizing escape from poverty over affluence.^[19] Regional variations underscore these definitional tensions. In North America, particularly the United States, the lower middle class aligns with 67% to 100% of the national median household income, equating to roughly $56,600-113,200 annually for a three-person household in 2022 (adjusted for size), where high housing and education costs erode purchasing power despite absolute gains.^[1] Western Europe exhibits similar relative benchmarks but mitigates squeezes through social transfers; OECD data from 1985-2015 reveal middle incomes (including lower tiers) growing 30-40% slower than the top decile across member states, with lower middle households in countries like Germany or France facing stagnant real wages amid rising inequality, though safety nets preserve consumption stability.^[5] In emerging Asia, rapid urbanization has swelled the lower middle class, yet it retains traits akin to lower-income groups, such as limited savings and reliance on informal employment; OECD assessments of countries like Indonesia and India show lower middle per capita incomes often below $15 PPP daily, with expansion driven by manufacturing but threatened by debt and automation, contrasting China's state-supported growth that elevated 300 million into middle tiers by 2015.^[20] Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa host smaller, fragile lower middle segments, where incomes cluster around $10-$15 PPP daily but fluctuate with commodity prices and policy volatility; in Brazil or Nigeria, this group—comprising 10-20% of populations—experiences frequent downward mobility due to weak institutions, per World Bank analyses tying it to national lower-middle GNI bands without robust asset accumulation.^[21] These patterns highlight causal factors like globalization and governance, where empirical data from multilateral sources reveal lower middle resilience in export-led economies versus precarity in resource-dependent ones.

Historical Development

Origins in Industrialization

The lower middle class, encompassing small-scale proprietors such as shopkeepers and artisans alongside emerging clerical workers, originated as a distinct socioeconomic stratum during the Industrial Revolution, particularly in Britain from the late 18th century onward. Prior to widespread mechanization, this group—often referred to as the petty bourgeoisie—consisted mainly of independent craftsmen and traders who owned modest means of production and operated outside the feudal agrarian order. Industrialization, beginning around 1760 in Britain with innovations in textiles and steam power, disrupted traditional artisanal guilds through factory competition but simultaneously fostered urban expansion and commercial networks that sustained and grew this class.^[22]^[23] As factories proliferated and cities like Manchester and Birmingham swelled—Britain's urban population rising from about 20% in 1801 to over 50% by 1851—the demand for ancillary services burgeoned, enabling the lower middle class to proliferate via roles in retail, bookkeeping, and minor administration. Clerical positions, for instance, expanded with the rise of joint-stock companies and railways in the 1830s and 1840s, offering salaried employment to those with basic literacy, often drawn from skilled working-class families seeking upward mobility. These workers, earning typically under £50 annually in mid-19th-century London, distinguished themselves from manual laborers by emphasizing respectability, self-reliance, and non-physical labor, though they remained vulnerable to economic cycles and large-scale competition.^[22]^[24]^[25] This stratum's emergence reflected causal dynamics of industrialization: capital accumulation by the industrial bourgeoisie generated surplus demand for distribution and oversight, which small operators and clerks fulfilled without the risks of large enterprise. In continental Europe, similar patterns unfolded slightly later, from the 1820s in Belgium and France, where petite bourgeoisie adapted to nascent factories by supplying goods and services, though often facing proletarianization as mechanization advanced. Historians note this class's dynamism, as it reinvention through niche markets amid broader proletarianization of labor.^[23]^[26]^[27]

Post-War Expansion and Prosperity

Following World War II, the United States experienced rapid economic expansion that significantly broadened the lower middle class, defined by households in skilled trades, clerical roles, and entry-level white-collar positions with incomes typically 75-125% of the median. Real per capita income grew by approximately 2.5% annually from 1947 to 1973, enabling many working-class families to ascend into this stratum through wage gains in manufacturing and construction sectors.^[28] This period saw the bottom 90% of income earners capture a disproportionate share of growth, with average real wages for non-supervisory workers rising 2-3% per year amid low unemployment rates below 5% by the late 1950s.^[28] Government policies, including the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944 (GI Bill), provided over 2.2 million veterans with low-interest home loans and education benefits by 1951, facilitating upward mobility for lower-income families into stable, asset-building positions. Key drivers included pent-up consumer demand after wartime rationing, which spurred industrial reconversion and a surge in durable goods production; for instance, automobile output jumped from 70,000 vehicles in 1945 to 8 million by 1950, with household car ownership reaching 59% by 1950 and supporting suburban employment commutes. Union membership peaked at 35% of the non-agricultural workforce in 1954, securing higher wages and benefits for semi-skilled laborers, many of whom formed the lower middle class backbone in auto, steel, and appliance industries.^[28] Homeownership rates among this group rose sharply, from 44% nationally in 1940 to 55% in 1950 and 62% by 1960, driven by Federal Housing Administration guarantees and mass-produced suburban housing like Levittown developments, which offered affordable single-family homes priced under $10,000 to families earning $3,000-$5,000 annually.^[29]^[30] Prosperity manifested in widespread access to consumer durables: by 1960, 87% of households owned refrigerators and 73% washing machines, compared to under 50% in 1940, reflecting real income gains that averaged a 25% increase for ordinary workers between 1946 and 1959.^[31] This expansion was not uniform—rural and minority households lagged due to discriminatory lending practices—but overall, the era's causal factors, including intact capital stock from limited wartime destruction and global export dominance, fostered a stable lower middle class that underpinned economic demand and social cohesion through the 1960s.^[28] Similar patterns emerged in Western Europe under Marshall Plan reconstruction, where lower middle-class formation accelerated via industrial rebuilding and welfare expansions, though U.S. gains were more pronounced due to its creditor status.^[28]

Late 20th to Early 21st Century Trends

In the United States, the proportion of adults residing in middle-income households, which encompasses the lower middle class defined as two-thirds to double the national median income, fell from 61% in 1971 to 50% in 2021, driven by a combination of wage stagnation and economic polarization that disproportionately affected lower-tier middle-income groups.^[16] The share of aggregate income held by these middle-income households dropped from 62% in 1970 to 43% by 2018, as upper-income households captured a larger portion amid rising productivity gains not fully translating to lower middle wages.^[4] Similar patterns emerged in Europe, where the middle class shrank in 18 of 26 countries between 2004 and 2014, accompanied by increased income polarization that squeezed lower middle segments through stagnant real incomes and job insecurity.^[32] Deindustrialization significantly eroded the lower middle class base, as manufacturing employment in the US peaked at approximately 19.5 million jobs in 1979 before declining to 11.7 million by 2010, displacing workers from stable, mid-skill positions into lower-paying service roles.^[33] This shift was exacerbated by automation and offshoring, with regions exposed to import competition from China between 1999 and 2011 experiencing persistent manufacturing job losses and wage suppression for non-college-educated workers typical of the lower middle class.^[34] In Europe, parallel declines in industrial employment contributed to middle-class contraction, particularly in Western countries where low-skilled routine jobs vanished, hollowing out occupational ladders that had sustained lower middle prosperity post-World War II.^[35] Globalization intensified these pressures, with economic integration reducing the income share of the middle class in affected economies by exposing workers to low-wage competition abroad, though debates persist on its net causality versus domestic factors like policy failures in retraining and trade adjustment.^[36] Rising costs for essentials—housing prices up over 150% adjusted for inflation from 1980 to 2020, healthcare expenditures tripling in real terms, and college tuition increasing sixfold—further strained lower middle households, whose real median incomes grew only 6% from 1970 to 2018 compared to 60% for upper-income groups.^[28] By the early 2010s, these dynamics had fostered greater economic insecurity, with lower middle class families increasingly reliant on dual incomes and debt to maintain pre-1980s living standards.^[37]

Demographic and Occupational Characteristics

Typical Occupations and Employment Patterns

The lower middle class in the United States primarily encompasses workers in semi-skilled occupations that require a high school diploma, vocational training, or an associate's degree, often yielding individual annual earnings between approximately $40,000 and $60,000, supporting household incomes at the lower end of middle-class thresholds after adjustments for family size.^[10] Common roles include administrative support positions such as office clerks and receptionists, with median annual wages around $41,000 as of 2023; retail sales supervisors and first-line managers, earning medians near $45,000; and transportation occupations like heavy truck drivers, with medians at $54,000. Healthcare support jobs, including medical assistants and home health aides, also predominate, offering medians of $38,000 to $46,000, while skilled trades such as electricians or plumbers—requiring apprenticeships—provide somewhat higher stability at $60,000 medians but remain accessible entry points for this stratum. Employment patterns reflect concentration in service-oriented and goods-producing sectors vulnerable to economic cycles and technological displacement. Bureau of Labor Statistics data indicate that over 30% of lower middle-class workers are in trade, transportation, and utilities, with significant representation in retail (supervisory roles) and administrative support, where job growth has stagnated amid automation of routine tasks like data entry.^[38] Manufacturing and construction employ another substantial portion, particularly in assembly supervision or laborer oversight, but these have seen net declines since the 1980s due to offshoring and productivity gains, contributing to wage compression for non-college-educated workers.^[39] Full-time employment prevails, with 80-90% of such workers logging 35+ hours weekly, yet precariousness arises from limited bargaining power, lower unionization rates (under 10% in services versus 20% in trades), and exposure to recessions, where layoff rates exceed those in professional sectors.^[40] Recent trends underscore job polarization, with middle-skill occupations shrinking by up to 10 percentage points in employment share since 2000, pushing lower middle-class workers toward either low-wage service expansion (e.g., personal care) or requiring upskilling for retention.^[41] Pew Research analysis shows that only 58% of U.S. workers aged 16+ fell into middle-income tiers in 2022, with lower middle segments disproportionately affected by this shift, as clerical and production roles—once pathways to stability—declined in favor of polarized extremes.^[10] Despite this, sectors like healthcare support and trucking exhibit modest growth projections through 2033, driven by demographic aging and logistics demands, though real wage growth lags inflation at under 1% annually for these groups since 1979.^[42]^[39]

Education Levels and Skill Sets

Individuals in the lower middle class predominantly hold a high school diploma as their baseline educational qualification, supplemented by vocational certificates, apprenticeships, or associate degrees rather than bachelor's or advanced degrees. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics data from 2023 indicate that workers with an associate degree earn a median weekly wage of $1,005, compared to $853 for high school graduates and $1,493 for those with a bachelor's degree, aligning associate-level attainment with lower middle-income ranges in many regions.^[43] This level of education facilitates access to stable employment but limits upward mobility relative to higher attainment groups, as households headed by individuals without a college degree are less likely to achieve or sustain middle-class income thresholds.^[44] Vocational training and community college programs are common pathways, emphasizing short-term, job-specific credentials over extended academic study. For instance, the National Center for Education Statistics reports that associate degree holders in fields like health professions or trades experience earnings premiums over high school-only graduates, supporting roles in sectors such as manufacturing and services.^[45] These programs typically last 1-2 years and focus on practical competencies, with enrollment data showing that community colleges serve a disproportionate share of students from moderate-income backgrounds seeking immediate workforce entry.^[46] Skill sets among lower middle-class workers center on middle-skill proficiencies, including technical operations, routine problem-solving, and interpersonal coordination required for occupations like technicians, supervisors, and paraprofessionals. These jobs, comprising over 50% of U.S. employment, demand education beyond high school—such as certifications or associate-level training—but not a four-year degree, enabling hands-on application in dynamic work environments without advanced analytical abstraction.^[47] Such skills foster reliability in labor markets but face challenges from automation targeting routine tasks, underscoring the value of adaptive, on-the-job learning.^[48]

Family Structure and Demographics

Lower middle class households in the United States typically feature a mix of family and nonfamily structures, with married-couple families heading a majority but facing greater instability from economic stressors compared to upper-income groups. Analysis of U.S. Census Bureau data indicates that married-couple households comprise roughly 50-60% of those in the second and third income quintiles (approximating lower middle class ranges of $30,000-75,000 annually), versus 77% in the highest quintile and only 17% in the lowest. ^[49] Single-parent households, particularly mother-led, are more prevalent in this stratum than in upper-middle households but less so than in poverty-level ones, where they exceed 50%; median income for single-mother families stood at approximately $45,000 in 2022, often placing them at the lower edge of middle-class thresholds. ^[50] Dual-earner married couples predominate among stable lower middle class families, contributing to household sizes averaging 2.5-3 persons, including one or two children under 18. ^[51] Fertility patterns reflect causal links between economic security and family formation, with lower middle class total fertility rates hovering near the national average of 1.6 children per woman in 2023, slightly higher than upper-middle rates due to less emphasis on extended education and career delays but lower than in the working poor where unintended births are more common. ^[52] ^[53] Stable two-parent upbringings correlate strongly with avoiding the bottom quintile in adulthood, underscoring how family structure reinforces or undermines mobility; children from non-two-parent homes are 2.5 times more likely to enter lower middle or below as adults. ^[54] Demographically, lower middle class families skew younger, with householders aged 25-44 comprising over 40% versus 30% in upper tiers, reflecting entry-level career stages and higher child-rearing incidence. ^[10] Racial and ethnic composition shows overrepresentation of Black and Hispanic households—about 25-30% combined, compared to 15% in upper-middle—due to persistent gaps in intergenerational wealth and education access, though Asian Americans maintain upward representation even in lower brackets. ^[55] ^[56] These families concentrate in suburban and exurban areas, with urban shares higher among minorities facing affordability barriers. ^[10]

Economic Role and Contributions

Contributions to Labor Markets and Productivity

The lower middle class, typically comprising households with incomes between 75% and 150% of the national median, occupies a range of mid-skill occupations such as skilled trades (e.g., electricians, plumbers, and machinists), service supervisors, and technical support roles that underpin labor market efficiency and sectoral productivity.^[57] These positions demand vocational training or associate-level education, enabling workers to implement and maintain complex processes in manufacturing, construction, and essential services, where they bridge unskilled labor and higher management to facilitate scalable output.^[58] For example, skilled tradesworkers contribute to infrastructure maintenance and industrial operations, sectors accounting for significant shares of GDP growth, with shortages in these roles linked to broader productivity constraints in the U.S. economy as of 2024.^[58] Empirical analyses across U.S. states demonstrate that larger middle-class shares, including lower strata, correlate with higher long-term economic growth rates, as these workers enhance human capital accumulation and process efficiency without the high costs of upper-tier expertise.^[59] A 2005 cross-state study found that states with stronger middle-class representation experienced GDP per capita growth premiums of up to 1-2 percentage points annually, attributable to stable mid-skill labor inputs that support innovation diffusion and firm-level output.^[59] In service-oriented economies, lower middle-class roles in health aides, technicians, and administrative supervision sustain workforce health and operational continuity, indirectly boosting aggregate productivity by reducing downtime and enabling specialization in higher-value tasks.^[60] Labor force participation among lower middle-class adults remains relatively high, often exceeding 70% for prime-age workers, providing employers with a reliable pool that minimizes training costs and turnover, thereby supporting sustained productivity gains amid demographic shifts.^[61] This stability contrasts with higher absenteeism in lower-wage segments and complements the flexibility of upper-middle professionals, forming a balanced labor market structure that empirical models link to reduced inequality drags on growth.^[62] However, recent trends show vulnerabilities, such as automation pressures on routine mid-skill jobs, which could erode these contributions unless offset by reskilling, as evidenced by projected declines in occupations like office clerks by 2033.^[63]

Entrepreneurship and Small Business Ownership

Individuals from the lower middle class frequently pursue entrepreneurship through small, unincorporated businesses, often motivated by necessity rather than opportunity, as labor market barriers limit access to stable wage employment.^[64] These ventures typically yield total incomes around $37,468 annually for unincorporated self-employed workers, aligning with lower middle-class earnings thresholds.^[65] Middle-class households, encompassing lower segments, have accounted for approximately 60% of new business-owner households over the past four decades, underscoring their role in venture creation despite financial constraints.^[66] Self-employment rates in low-income areas, which overlap with lower middle-class demographics, stand at 9.2%, compared to 10.9% in other areas, reflecting structural hurdles such as human capital shortages and restricted access to debt or equity financing.^[65] Lower-income self-employed individuals disproportionately lack college degrees (24.4% attainment rate versus 42.7% elsewhere) and rely heavily on business income as their primary source, heightening vulnerability to economic downturns.^[65] Recent trends show a post-2019 uptick in business ownership among the lowest income quantile, though average business values remain lower than for higher-income groups.^[67] These enterprises contribute to local economies by filling demand-side gaps in underserved communities, such as through service-oriented or trade-based operations that employ family members or generate modest job creation.^[65] Small firms overall, including those owned by lower middle-class individuals, drive about 66% of net new jobs, though necessity-driven startups from lower social origins face higher failure risks due to limited resources and smaller customer bases.^[66]^[67]

Consumption and Economic Stability

The lower middle class, comprising U.S. households with annual incomes roughly between $30,000 and $58,000, directs the majority of its expenditures toward necessities such as housing, utilities, food, and transportation, often accounting for over two-thirds of disposable income.^[9] This pattern reflects constrained budgets where discretionary purchases, including dining out, entertainment, and non-essential travel, are minimized or deferred, particularly amid rising costs.^[68] Between 2023 and 2025, inflation exacerbated these pressures, with lower-income groups experiencing effective price increases up to 1.5 percentage points higher than the national average due to heavier weighting toward essentials like groceries and energy.^[69] ^[70] Economic stability for this group remains fragile, marked by low savings accumulation and reliance on credit to bridge income shortfalls. Federal Reserve surveys from 2024 show that while 51% of adults overall spent less than their income in the prior month, middle-income households—overlapping with the lower middle class—faced declining capacity to cover three months of living expenses, with moderate-income segments reporting heightened financial strain.^[71] ^[72] A 2025 FINRA Foundation study found increased financial struggles across households despite stable incomes, attributing this to persistent expenses outpacing wage growth for non-upper-income groups.^[73] Debt burdens further undermine stability, with lower middle-class households carrying disproportionate loads of revolving credit card debt and auto loans relative to their earnings. Total U.S. household debt climbed to $18.39 trillion by the second quarter of 2025, driven partly by non-mortgage obligations that hit lower earners hardest amid interest rate persistence.^[74] ^[75] This exposure renders the group vulnerable to economic shocks, such as recessions or sustained inflation above 3%, where middle-income spending patterns diverge negatively from higher earners, contracting first in response to affordability constraints.^[76] ^[77] Despite some resilience in overall consumer spending through 2024, projections for 2025 indicate weakening growth to 3.7%, with cutbacks concentrated among lower and middle segments amid tariff and price pressures.^[78] ^[79]

Daily Life and Consumption Habits

Households in the lower middle class, often defined as those with incomes between approximately $50,000 and $100,000 annually adjusted for household size, structure daily routines around full-time employment, commuting, and family caregiving, with limited discretionary time for leisure. Adults frequently work 40 to 45 hours per week in roles such as administrative assistants, retail supervisors, or technicians, supplemented by occasional overtime or side gigs to cover irregular expenses like vehicle repairs.^[80]^[1] Evening hours typically involve meal preparation, child supervision if applicable, and household chores, with average sleep durations of 7-8 hours but frequent interruptions from financial planning or second-shift work. Consumption patterns prioritize essential outlays, with the Bureau of Labor Statistics' 2023 Consumer Expenditure Survey indicating that second-quintile households (proxy for lower middle class, with pre-tax incomes around $30,000-50,000) devoted 32.5% of expenditures to housing, 16.8% to transportation, and 13.2% to food—higher proportions than upper quintiles, leaving scant margin for savings at about 2-3% of income after debts.^[81] These families allocate minimally to entertainment (4.5%) and apparel (2.8%), often opting for budget retailers like Walmart or Aldi, where lower-income shoppers comprise over 60% of volume for staples.^[82] Vehicle purchases lean toward used models under $20,000, financed over 60-72 months to manage payments averaging $400 monthly, reflecting a strategy to maintain mobility for work without luxury outlays.^[81] Health and education spending underscores practicality, with out-of-pocket costs for uninsured medical needs or community college tuition consuming 5-7% of budgets, prompting habits like generic prescriptions and deferred elective care to avoid debt accumulation exceeding 10% of income in credit card balances. Grocery habits favor bulk buying and home cooking, reducing food-away-from-home expenditures to under 4% compared to 6% in higher brackets, as a causal response to stagnant wage growth outpaced by 20-30% inflation in essentials since 2020.^[81] Leisure is frugal, centered on free community events or streaming services shared among family, with annual vacation budgets capped at $1,000-2,000 for domestic drives rather than air travel.^[3] This pattern sustains stability but exposes vulnerability to shocks, as emergency funds average under $2,000, per Federal Reserve data.

Cultural Values and Work Ethic

Members of the lower middle class often endorse a strong work ethic, characterized by diligence, reliability, and a belief in effort as the primary driver of success, aligning with broader cultural norms derived from the Protestant work ethic tradition. Empirical research shows that individuals from lower socioeconomic backgrounds, including the lower middle class, are perceived by others as exemplifying hard work when cues of effort are present, with attitudes praising the "hardworking poor" while derogating perceived laziness among higher classes. This perception is supported by studies linking class attitudes to evaluations of ethic, where lower-class origins evoke positive judgments tied to labor and perseverance.^[83]^[84] Cultural values in this stratum emphasize self-reliance, thrift, and personal responsibility, fostering habits of resourcefulness and frugality to navigate economic constraints without reliance on external aid. Historical analyses of middle-class culture, extending to its lower tiers, highlight these virtues—such as budgeting meticulously and prioritizing stable employment—as mechanisms for maintaining household autonomy amid fluctuating incomes. In contemporary contexts, lower middle-class households demonstrate these through practices like repairing goods before replacement and building emergency savings buffers, reflecting a pragmatic realism shaped by limited safety nets.^[22]^[85] Family-oriented values underpin this ethic, with an emphasis on intergenerational transmission of discipline and initiative to secure future stability, though economic pressures can strain traditional structures. Working-class and lower middle-class parents, per cohort studies, instill independence and self-sufficiency in children, viewing steady work as a moral imperative for familial provision. These orientations contribute to resilience but may limit risk-taking for advancement, as caution prevails over speculative pursuits.^[86]^[87] The lower middle class, typically comprising households with incomes between approximately 50% and 100% of the national median (around $40,000 to $80,000 annually for a family of four in the U.S. as of 2023), relies on social networks that emphasize kinship ties, neighborhood associations, and workplace connections rather than expansive professional or elite circles. These networks facilitate informal mutual aid, such as job referrals and childcare sharing, which empirical studies link to resilience against economic shocks; for instance, Brookings Institution research in cities like Racine, Wisconsin, shows that lower-middle-income individuals derive economic mobility benefits primarily from dense, local ties rather than bridging to higher classes.^[88] However, these networks are often homophilous, limiting exposure to diverse opportunities compared to upper-middle-class counterparts who benefit from cross-class friendships that enhance upward mobility by up to 20% in community-level analyses.^[89] Religious institutions remain a cornerstone of lower-middle-class social life, with surveys indicating that 67% of this group views religion as important, fostering participation in church-based volunteering and community events despite declining attendance rates.^[90] Data from the General Social Survey reveal that middle-income households ($60,000–$100,000) exhibit the highest weekly service attendance at around 30–35%, higher than both lower-income and upper-income groups, though working-class subsets within the lower middle show reduced pew presence due to time constraints from dual employment.^[91] ^[92] This engagement supports civic activities like food drives, but overall volunteering rates lag behind higher earners; Pew Research finds only 40–50% of lower-education, moderate-income adults join community organizations, versus 60–70% for college-educated professionals.^[93] Broader civic participation reveals class-based disparities, with the American Enterprise Institute reporting that just 44% of working- and lower-middle-class Americans attend local social events like school sports, compared to 60% in upper-middle groups, reflecting economic pressures that prioritize survival over discretionary involvement.^[94] In-depth interviews with low-wealth families, including lower-middle subsets, highlight civic behaviors channeled through religious or familial channels rather than formal groups, such as informal neighborhood watches or kin-supported advocacy.^[95] These patterns underscore a reliance on relational capital for stability, though shrinking networks—exacerbated by geographic mobility and digital isolation—contribute to vulnerabilities in social support during downturns, as evidenced by post-recession data showing minimal upticks in low-SES engagement.^[96]

Challenges and Vulnerabilities

Economic Pressures and Cost-of-Living Issues

The lower middle class, typically comprising households earning 50% to 100% of the national median income—around $37,500 to $75,000 annually in the United States as of 2025—faces intensified economic pressures from escalating essential costs that outstrip modest wage gains. Real wage growth for this group has averaged approximately 1.4% from 2024 to 2025, insufficient to offset inflation rates experienced more acutely by lower earners, where prices rose about 10% higher cumulatively than for high-income households over recent years due to heavier weighting toward volatile goods like food and energy.^[97] ^[98] Housing affordability exemplifies this strain: the median home price reached $416,900 in 2025, equivalent to five times the median household income of $83,150, rendering homeownership unattainable without extreme leveraging in over two-thirds of major metropolitan areas, where middle-income buyers require salary increases of 50% or more since 2019 to afford even modest rentals or purchases.^[99] ^[100] Nearly 30% of middle-class households purchasing homes in 2022—many at the lower end of that spectrum—committed to monthly payments exceeding 30% of their income, a threshold defining cost-burdened status per federal guidelines, with rents in 85 metro areas demanding similar disproportionate hikes.^[101] Healthcare costs compound this vulnerability, as medical debt afflicted 17% of middle-income households ($43,700 to $160,800 range) in 2021, surpassing rates for both low- and high-income groups, driven by out-of-pocket expenses and premiums that consume a larger income share absent comprehensive employer coverage.^[102] Education expenses further erode financial buffers, with tuition and related costs rising faster than middle-class incomes since 1980, often forcing reliance on debt that delays wealth accumulation.^[6] These pressures manifest in diminished resilience: the proportion of middle-income Americans with emergency savings covering three months of expenses dropped to 46% by 2024 from 53% in 2021, amid reports of 11% struggling with variable income to cover bills in 2024.^[103] ^[71] In urban centers, baseline living costs exceed median incomes, compelling dual earners or side hustles, while rural areas offer marginal relief offset by limited job opportunities and healthcare access. Overall, since the late 1970s, middle-wage hourly earnings have grown only 6% in real terms, lagging sectors like housing and health where prices have ballooned, perpetuating a squeeze that heightens vulnerability to economic downturns without corresponding productivity gains.^[104] ^[39]

Barriers to Upward Mobility

Rising costs of higher education and associated student loan debt represent a significant impediment to upward mobility for the lower middle class, as borrowing to obtain credentials often yields insufficient returns relative to debt burdens. As of September 2023, 43 million U.S. borrowers collectively owed more than double the amount from two decades prior, with low- and moderate-income households facing repayment challenges that delay homeownership, family formation, and career advancement. Empirical analysis indicates that student debt correlates with reduced economic mobility, particularly for those from lower-income backgrounds pursuing degrees in fields with modest wage premiums, exacerbating wealth gaps as high-wealth families complete college at rates 1.5 times higher than low-wealth peers.^[105]^[106]^[107] Housing affordability constraints further entrench the lower middle class in areas with limited economic opportunities, limiting geographic mobility essential for accessing higher-wage jobs. In 2022, 33% of middle-income renters were cost-burdened, spending over 30% of income on housing, a figure rising 6.3 percentage points since 2019, which discourages relocation to high-mobility metros where innovation clusters offer better prospects. Zoning restrictions and supply shortages have driven this crisis, pricing middle-class households out of 32% of major metro areas requiring incomes double the 2019 median, thereby perpetuating regional income disparities and reducing absolute mobility rates that have fallen from 90% of children out-earning parents in 1940 to 50% by the 1980s.^[108]^[109]^[97] Labor market polarization, characterized by the hollowing out of mid-skill manufacturing and clerical roles, disadvantages lower middle-class workers reliant on routine occupations vulnerable to automation and offshoring. Projections to 2014 highlighted slower labor force growth and an aging workforce, but persistent trends show sluggish wage growth—averaging below productivity gains—constraining advancement, with absolute income mobility declining due to inequality rather than pure growth slowdowns. Unpredictable schedules and skill mismatches in service-sector dominance further hinder stable trajectories, as lower-education parents struggle with childcare and training access, perpetuating intergenerational stasis.^[110]^[111]^[112] Family instability compounds these economic barriers, as neighborhoods fostering mobility feature stable two-parent structures absent in many lower middle-class contexts, correlating with higher poverty persistence and reduced educational attainment. Data from Chetty et al. reveal that children in fragmented family environments exhibit lower upward mobility, with systemic factors like incarceration and welfare dependencies amplifying risks of downward slides for this class segment. Wealth disparities, rooted in limited intergenerational transfers, reinforce these patterns, as lower middle-class households lack buffers against shocks like recessions, where entry-level cohorts face enduring wage penalties.^[113]^[114]^[115]

Health and Well-Being Factors

Individuals in the lower middle class, typically defined as households in the 15th to 45th income percentiles with modest earnings insufficient for substantial savings but above eligibility for most public assistance programs, face elevated risks of chronic stress and mental health disorders due to persistent financial pressures such as debt servicing and unexpected expenses.^[116] Empirical studies indicate that financial strain mediates the link between lower socioeconomic status and psychological distress, with income changes below this range correlating to higher rates of anxiety and depression compared to higher earners.^[117]^[118] For instance, adults in this stratum report greater dissatisfaction with healthcare access and quality, often delaying preventive care due to cost concerns, which exacerbates conditions like hypertension and diabetes.^[119] Physical health outcomes reflect a socioeconomic gradient, with lower middle class members exhibiting higher prevalence of obesity and related comorbidities than upper middle class cohorts, though less severe than in the working class. Among U.S. men in middle-income households (roughly aligning with lower middle class thresholds), obesity rates reach approximately 36%, surpassing those in the lowest (31.5%) and highest (32.6%) income groups, attributed to factors like time constraints limiting exercise and reliance on affordable but calorie-dense foods.^[120] Women in this group show inverse patterns, with obesity more pronounced at lower incomes but still elevated due to barriers in accessing nutritious options and medical interventions.^[121] Chronic diseases contribute to increased disability rates in later life, with "forgotten middle" individuals—encompassing lower middle class—experiencing poorer health trajectories and higher old-age dependency compared to upper middle peers.^[122] Life expectancy disparities underscore these vulnerabilities, with lower middle class men and women averaging several years less than those in higher quintiles; for example, gaps between the bottom half of middle-income earners and the top quintile exceed 7-10 years, widening over recent decades due to stagnant wages and rising medical costs.^[123]^[124] Overall quality of life metrics, including self-reported well-being, decline with socioeconomic position, mediated partly by reduced social capital and health behaviors like smoking or sedentary lifestyles adopted under economic duress.^[125] These patterns persist despite some access to employer-sponsored insurance, as out-of-pocket expenses strain budgets and deter utilization.^[126]

Policy Debates and Interventions

Government Policies and Their Impacts

Government tax and transfer policies often impose high effective marginal tax rates on lower middle-class households due to the phase-out of benefits like the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) and subsidies, with rates reaching 50% or more for families earning between $20,000 and $40,000 annually, thereby reducing incentives to increase work hours or earnings.^[3]^[127] These "benefits cliffs" occur as households lose eligibility for programs such as Medicaid or housing assistance upon crossing income thresholds, effectively penalizing upward mobility; for instance, a family gaining $1,000 in additional income might forfeit $1,500 or more in benefits, netting a loss.^[127] While the EITC itself provides refundable credits that lifted 5.6 million people out of poverty in 2021, primarily benefiting working-poor households near the lower middle-class threshold, the combined structure of federal and state programs amplifies disincentives for those transitioning into stable middle-income jobs.^[128] Minimum wage increases, intended to support low-wage workers, have demonstrated disemployment effects that indirectly hinder lower middle-class entry by reducing job opportunities for less-skilled individuals, with empirical analyses showing 1-3% employment drops among affected teens and young adults following hikes like the 2013-2016 U.S. state-level increases.^[129] Spillover effects compress wage growth for slightly higher earners, as employers adjust pay scales downward; a 2021 study of German reforms found real wage reductions for workers earning up to 20% above the minimum, correlating with diminished skill returns and labor supply in entry-level roles critical for lower middle-class ascent.^[130] Proponents argue such policies reduce inequality by boosting bottom-end incomes, as seen in modest poverty declines in some developing contexts, but U.S. data indicate limited net gains for households in the $30,000](/page/30,000)-[50,000 range, where job losses offset wage gains and contribute to stagnant mobility.^[131]^[132] Housing policies, including zoning restrictions and affordability mandates, exacerbate cost burdens for lower middle-class families by constraining supply and inflating prices; in U.S. markets with stringent regulations, home prices rose 20-30% faster than in less-regulated areas between 2010 and 2020, pricing out households earning 80-120% of median income from ownership.^[133] Rent control and inclusionary zoning, while aimed at low-income access, reduce overall units by 10-15% in affected cities, per developer surveys, forcing lower middle-class renters into competition with subsidized groups and driving up unsubsidized rents by 5-10%.^[134] Federal initiatives like the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit have added units but primarily serve those below 60% of area median income, leaving a gap for lower middle-class households ineligible yet unable to afford market rates, with affordability ratios exceeding 30% of income in 40% of U.S. metro areas as of 2023.^[135] Broader regulatory and spending policies contribute to inflationary pressures that disproportionately affect lower middle-class consumption; occupational licensing and environmental rules elevate costs in sectors like energy and food by 10-20%, hitting households spending 40% of income on essentials harder than higher earners.^[136] Expansionary fiscal measures, such as those post-2008 recession, temporarily narrowed income gaps via transfers but failed to sustain middle-class gains, with 72% of Americans in 2015 surveys reporting negligible policy benefits for their cohort amid persistent wage stagnation.^[137] Empirical reviews indicate that while safety nets mitigate immediate poverty—reducing it by 8-10 points via non-cash benefits—they correlate with slower economic mobility when work requirements are lax, as evidenced by post-1996 welfare reform's employment boosts without corresponding long-term income stability for former recipients' children.^[138]^[139]

Critiques of Redistribution and Welfare Approaches

Critiques of redistribution and welfare policies often center on their unintended consequences for the lower middle class, particularly through mechanisms like benefits cliffs, where incremental income gains trigger abrupt losses in eligibility for programs such as Medicaid, SNAP, and housing subsidies, resulting in effective marginal tax rates exceeding 100% in some cases.^[140]^[127] For instance, a family earning just above eligibility thresholds may face net financial losses from added work hours or promotions, as benefits valued at thousands of dollars annually are forfeited, discouraging advancement into stable lower middle-class positions.^[141]^[142] Economists argue that these cliffs perpetuate welfare traps, reducing labor force participation and upward mobility by altering incentives at the income levels bridging poverty and lower middle-class stability, with empirical analyses showing families opting to limit earnings to preserve benefits.^[143]^[144] In states like Illinois, simulations indicate that full welfare packages can exceed minimum-wage earnings until household income surpasses $30,000, creating disincentives particularly acute for single-parent or dual-earner households aspiring to lower middle-class self-sufficiency.^[144] Such dynamics are compounded by redistribution's high effective taxation on modest wage increases, where lower middle-class taxpayers fund expansive programs but rarely qualify, fostering resentment and moral hazard without addressing root causes like skill gaps.^[145] Further critiques highlight the fostering of dependency, where prolonged welfare receipt correlates with intergenerational transmission of non-work norms, as evidenced by studies tracking parental benefit use predicting child outcomes in labor markets.^[146] While some research disputes a universal "dependency culture," targeted analyses reveal behavioral responses to phase-outs that prioritize short-term stability over long-term mobility, undermining the lower middle class's ethos of self-reliance.^[147]^[148] Redistribution's fiscal burdens also strain lower middle-class households through elevated taxes and inflation from deficit spending, with U.S. welfare expenditures reaching $1.1 trillion in 2022, diverting resources from market-based growth that could elevate wages organically.^[149] Proponents of these critiques, including libertarian economists, advocate alternatives like universal basic income or earned income tax credits to smooth cliffs, arguing that current systems inefficiently trap individuals below lower middle-class thresholds rather than enabling escape.^[150] Empirical reviews confirm that abrupt benefit reductions heighten financial volatility for working families, often leading to reliance on high-interest debt or informal economies instead of sustainable employment.^[151]^[152]

Market-Based Solutions and Self-Reliance Strategies

Market-based solutions for the lower middle class emphasize expanding opportunities through private enterprise, skill acquisition, and personal financial discipline rather than reliance on redistributive policies, as empirical evidence indicates that individual agency in competitive markets drives upward mobility more effectively than government transfers. Studies show that entrepreneurship, particularly among households with modest incomes, correlates with higher wealth accumulation and reduced income inequality, with self-employed individuals in lower income brackets demonstrating elevated saving rates even after controlling for demographics. For instance, entrepreneurial households exhibit wealth-income ratios approximately 50% higher than non-entrepreneurial ones, attributed to reinvestment of business profits and diversified income streams.^[153] Self-employment rates among lower middle-class workers, often defined as households earning 50-150% of median income, have risen with access to gig platforms and micro-businesses, enabling supplemental earnings that buffer economic shocks; data from the U.S. Small Business Administration reveal that such ventures account for a significant portion of new business formations by middle-income families, comprising about 60% of startups. Vocational training programs, delivered through private apprenticeships or community colleges, yield measurable gains in employability and wages for these workers, with randomized evaluations finding short-term earnings increases of 10-20% and sustained employment rates up to 15% higher compared to non-participants, particularly in trades like manufacturing and healthcare support.^[154]^[155]^[66] Financial literacy initiatives, often market-oriented through employer-sponsored workshops or online resources, enhance self-reliance by promoting saving and investment behaviors; research demonstrates that individuals with higher financial knowledge are 20-30% more likely to hold stocks and accumulate retirement wealth, mitigating vulnerability to downturns for lower middle-class households prone to high-interest debt. Strategies such as debt avoidance and credit building further support asset formation, with evidence from longitudinal surveys indicating that disciplined budgeting correlates with net worth growth of up to 25% over a decade in this demographic. These approaches foster causal pathways to stability via human capital and capital market participation, contrasting with welfare dependencies that empirical analyses link to stagnant mobility.^[156]^[157]

Comparisons with Adjacent Classes

Distinctions from Working Class

The lower middle class is distinguished from the working class primarily by occupational type, with the former encompassing routine white-collar roles such as clerical workers, sales representatives, supervisors in service industries, and semi-professional positions like elementary school teachers or licensed practical nurses, which involve administrative or oversight duties rather than physical labor.^[11]^[158] In contrast, the working class predominantly consists of manual laborers, including factory operatives, construction workers, retail clerks without supervisory authority, and service personnel in roles requiring physical exertion or minimal discretion, often paid hourly wages without salaried stability.^[159]^[160] Educationally, individuals in the lower middle class typically hold at least a high school diploma supplemented by vocational training, associate degrees, or partial college coursework, enabling entry into non-manual jobs that demand basic technical or organizational skills.^[8] Working-class members, however, more frequently possess only a high school education or less, with employment relying on on-the-job training for trades or repetitive tasks rather than formal credentials.^[11] This educational divergence contributes to greater job autonomy and potential for incremental advancement in the lower middle class, though both groups face limited access to elite professions requiring bachelor's degrees or higher.^[12] In terms of income, lower middle-class households in the United States earn between approximately two-thirds and the full median household income—roughly $50,000 to $75,000 annually as of 2023—allowing for modest home ownership or savings accumulation under favorable conditions, whereas working-class incomes fall below this threshold, often under $50,000, correlating with higher rates of renting and financial precarity.^[1]^[10] These earnings differences stem from salaried compensation and benefits like health insurance in lower middle-class roles, versus the wage dependency and variability of working-class employment, exacerbating vulnerabilities to economic downturns in the latter.^[159]^[161] Culturally and psychologically, the lower middle class exhibits aspirational orientations toward stability and self-improvement, with greater emphasis on professional norms and deferred consumption, distinguishing it from the working class's focus on immediate survival and collective labor solidarity, though both share constraints on leisure and social mobility.^[12] Empirical studies indicate that these distinctions influence cognitive patterns, such as lower middle-class individuals prioritizing long-term planning over the working class's adaptation to scarcity-driven decision-making.^[162]

Contrasts with Upper Middle Class

The lower middle class, typically comprising households with annual incomes between approximately $50,000 and $90,000 in 2023 dollars (adjusted for household size and location), faces greater economic precarity than the upper middle class, whose incomes often exceed $150,000 annually.^[1]^[163] This disparity stems from the upper middle class's higher earning potential, which enables substantial discretionary spending and buffers against inflation or job loss, whereas lower middle-class households allocate a larger share of income to necessities like housing and utilities, leaving minimal surplus for investments.^[10]^[164] Education levels further delineate the groups: only about 25-30% of lower middle-class adults hold a bachelor's degree or higher, compared to over 60% in the upper middle class, correlating with access to high-skill professions.^[44]^[165] Occupations reflect this; lower middle-class workers predominate in administrative support, sales, and semi-skilled trades, with median wages around $45,000-60,000, while upper middle-class roles in management, engineering, and finance yield medians exceeding $100,000.^[10]^[44] Asset accumulation amplifies the divide, as upper middle-class households boast higher homeownership rates—around 80-85% versus 60-70% for the lower middle class—and greater net worth, often including diversified investments.^[166]^[167] Lower middle-class families carry proportionally higher consumer debt and lower retirement savings, with median liquid assets under $10,000 compared to $100,000+ for upper middle peers, heightening vulnerability to economic downturns.^[164]^[168] These contrasts manifest in lifestyle differences, where upper middle-class households can afford private education, travel, and professional networks that perpetuate advantage, while lower middle-class ones prioritize immediate stability over long-term wealth-building, limiting intergenerational mobility.^[10]^[44]

References

[1]
Are you in the U.S. middle class? Try our income calculator
Sep 16, 2024 · Lower-income households had incomes less than $56,600, and upper-income households had incomes greater than $169,800. (Incomes are calculated in ...Middle Class · Income & Wages · Is College Worth It?Missing: characteristics | Show results with:characteristics
[2]
9.3D: The Lower Middle Class - Social Sci LibreTexts
Feb 19, 2021 · The lower-middle class are those with some education and comfortable salaries, but with socioeconomic statuses below the upper-middle class.
[3]
[PDF] A Dozen Facts about America's Struggling Lower-Middle Class
The struggling lower-middle class has incomes between $15,000 and $60,000, limited economic security, and faces food insecurity and low returns to work.Missing: empirical | Show results with:empirical
[4]
Trends in U.S. income and wealth inequality - Pew Research Center
Jan 9, 2020 · The share of American adults who live in middle-income households has decreased from 61% in 1971 to 51% in 2019. This downsizing has proceeded ...
[5]
Under Pressure: The Squeezed Middle Class - OECD
Overall, over the past 30 years, median incomes increased a third less than the average income of the richest 10%. In parallel, the cost of essential parts of ...
[6]
Is the Middle Class Worse Off Than It Used to Be?
Our results show that real incomes for today's middle class are somewhat higher than in 1980, particularly for households with two adults.
[7]
[PDF] Selected policy challenges for the American middle class - OECD
Mar 6, 2023 · The American middle class has shrunk in size since 1970 according to most definitions. This “hollowing” out of the United States income ...
[8]
Types of Social Classes of People - CliffsNotes
The lower middle class is often made up of less educated people with lower incomes, such as managers, small business owners, teachers, and secretaries. The ...
[9]
The income you need to fall in America's lower, middle and upper ...
Feb 3, 2024 · Where you rank by income · Lower class: less than or equal to $30,000 · Lower-middle class: $30,001 – $58,020 · Middle class: $58,021 – $94,000.
[10]
The State of the American Middle Class - Pew Research Center
May 31, 2024 · Middle-income households are defined as those with an income that is two-thirds to double that of the U.S. median household income, after ...
[11]
Social Class in the United States – Introduction to Sociology
Social class is based on factors like wealth, income, education, and occupation. The US has four main classes: upper, middle, working, and lower.Measuring Social Class · The Middle Class · The Lower Class
[12]
The psychology of social class: How socioeconomic status impacts ...
The evidence shows very clearly that those with lower subjective social class are also lower in their sense of personal control, and it also suggests that this ...
[13]
Education and Socioeconomic Status Factsheet
Socioeconomic status (SES) encompasses not just income but also educational attainment, financial security, and subjective perceptions of social status and ...
[14]
America has 5 wealth classes. See where you fit in - Morningstar
Aug 19, 2025 · Lower middle class (25th to 50th percentile). $29,300 to $209,000 net worth. People in this class are often workers who are gradually growing ...
[15]
What It Takes to Be Middle Class in America – 2024 Study
Apr 24, 2024 · The median household income across all 345 cities is $77,345, making middle-class income limits fall between $51,558 and $154,590. On a state ...
[16]
How the American middle class has changed in the past five decades
Apr 20, 2022 · The median income of middle-class households in 2020 was 50% greater than in 1970 ($90,131 vs. $59,934), as measured in 2020 dollars. These ...Missing: characteristics | Show results with:characteristics
[17]
Methodology | Pew Research Center
Mar 18, 2021 · The income tiers are defined by the daily per capita income or consumption of people in a region as follows: poor ($2 or less daily), low income ...
[18]
Are you in the global middle class? Find out with our income calculator
Jul 21, 2021 · 17% of the global population could be considered middle income in 2020. Most people were either low income (51%) or poor (10%).Missing: variations | Show results with:variations
[19]
World Bank Country and Lending Groups
For the current 2026 fiscal year, low-income economies are defined as those with a GNI per capita, calculated using the World Bank Atlas method, of $1,135 or ...The World by Income · Classify countries · Atlas method · Country Classification
[20]
The middle class in Emerging Asia - OECD
This paper investigates the characteristics of different income classes in Asia in order to explore the extent to which the emergence of wealthier Asian middle- ...
[21]
World Bank country classifications by income level for 2024-2025
Jul 1, 2024 · Algeria, Iran, Mongolia, and Ukraine all moved up from the lower-middle-income to the upper-middle-income category this year: While the Algerian ...Missing: variations | Show results with:variations
[22]
British History in depth: The Rise of the Victorian Middle Class - BBC
Feb 17, 2011 · Donna Loftus explores how social change transformed the aspirations of an emerging Victorian middle class and the value this class represented.The middling sort · Rise to power · Self reliance
[23]
The Petty Bourgeoisie | Encyclopedia.com
The lower middle class or petty bourgeoisie was clearly a dynamic and positive force in European history. It was capable of frequent reinventions and expansions ...
[24]
7.1 The Industrial Revolution – People, Places, and Cultures
Gradually, very gradually, middle class, or “middling sort,” did emerge in industrial cities, mostly toward the end of the 19th century. Until then, there had ...
[25]
The Rise of the Middle Classes | The Victorian Era - VL McBeath
The lower middle classes included small shopkeepers and clerks with annual earnings of under £50. As London started to become a world centre of business and ...
[26]
Petite bourgeoisie - Brill Reference Works
After the 18th century, the petite bourgeoisie was in part benefited by and in part endangered by industrialization . ... This loss was partially compensated by ...
[27]
2 The Making of a Social Class: The Western Bourgeoisie
The industrial bourgeoisie emerged with industrialization, rooted in existing class structures, mainly from those in economic production in towns.
[28]
A Guide to Statistics on Historical Trends in Income Inequality
Dec 11, 2024 · Incomes grew rapidly and at roughly the same rate up and down the income ladder, roughly doubling in inflation-adjusted terms between the late ...
[29]
Historical Census of Housing Tables: Homeownership
Oct 8, 2021 · The post-World War II surge in homeownership was remarkable. A booming economy, favorable tax laws, a rejuvenated home building industry, and ...
[30]
A History of the Rise of Homeownership in the United States
Jul 10, 2025 · Innovations in housing financing, broad-based prosperity in the American middle class, and surging construction of new homes following WWII ...
[31]
[PDF] Triumph of the Middle Class 1945–1963
This sustained economic growth meant a 25 percent rise in real income for ordinary Americans between 1946 and 1959.
[32]
Full article: The Decline of the Middle Class: New Evidence for Europe
Dec 27, 2021 · We find that the middle class has decreased in eighteen out of twenty-six countries, which is accompanied by an increase of income polarization.
[33]
Botched policy responses to globalization have decimated ...
Jan 31, 2022 · This chartbook shows that the loss of manufacturing jobs has been particularly devastating for Black and Hispanic workers and other workers of color.Missing: hollowing | Show results with:hollowing
[34]
[PDF] The 'Forgotten' middle class: An analysis of the effects of globalisation
Aug 6, 2021 · The loss of some low- skilled non- routine jobs has hollowed- out middle- skilled jobs, often held by middle- class people (Autor, 2015). ...Missing: deindustrialization | Show results with:deindustrialization<|separator|>
[35]
[PDF] EUROPE'S DISAPPEARING MIDDLE CLASS?
This approach allows us not only to capture the trends of the middle- income groups as such, but also to identify the shifts from one group to another ...
[36]
The 'Forgotten' middle class: An analysis of the effects of globalisation
Aug 21, 2021 · Our findings suggest that globalisation, proxied by the KOF Economic Globalization Index, reduces the income share of the middle class.Missing: deindustrialization | Show results with:deindustrialization
[37]
The Social Costs Of Deindustrialization - Youngstown State University
To put this differently, one of the social costs of deindustrialization is the declining economic security of the entire American middle and working class.
[38]
Employment by major industry sector - Bureau of Labor Statistics
Aug 28, 2025 · Table 2.1 Employment by major industry sector (Employment in thousands). Industry sector, 2022 NAICS, Employment, 2014, Employment, 2024 ...
[39]
Wage Stagnation in Nine Charts | Economic Policy Institute
The U.S. middle class had $17,867 less income in 2007 because of the growth of inequality since 1979: Household income of the broad middle class, actual and ...Missing: expansion | Show results with:expansion
[40]
Understanding the Working Class and the Challenges It Faces
Mar 24, 2025 · The most common occupations for working-class people include truck drivers, laborers, janitors, clerks and cashiers, and home health aides; ...
[41]
The Shrinking Share of Middle-Income Jobs | Econofact
Mar 14, 2022 · By 2016, the share of non-college educated workers in mid-pay occupations had fallen to 29 percent, with about 12 of the overall 14 percentage ...
[42]
Home : Occupational Outlook Handbook - Bureau of Labor Statistics
Aug 28, 2025 · The Occupational Outlook Handbook is the government's premier source of career guidance featuring hundreds of occupations—such as carpenters ...A-Z Index · Fastest Growing Occupations · Healthcare Occupations · Data Scientists
[43]
Education pays : U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics
Aug 28, 2025 · Data shows unemployment rates and earnings by highest educational attainment, excluding training programs. BLS has data on employment status by ...
[44]
Education and the dynamics of middle-class status | Brookings
Jun 30, 2020 · Households with college-educated heads are more likely to have income at or above the middle-class, while heads with less than a college degree ...
[45]
COE - Annual Earnings by Educational Attainment
For example, in 2022, the median earnings of those with a master's or higher degree ($80,200) were 20 percent higher than the earnings of those with a bachelor ...
[46]
Census Bureau Releases New Educational Attainment Data
Feb 24, 2022 · 10.5% had an associate degree as their highest level of school completed. 23.5% had a bachelor's degree as their highest degree. 14.4% had ...Missing: middle vocational
[47]
[PDF] Adult Education: A Crucial Foundation for Middle-Skill Jobs
More than half of all jobs (54%) in the US today are middle-skill jobs that require more than a high school diploma, but not a four- year degree. Many of these ...
[48]
The Importance of Middle-Skill Jobs
"Middle skill" jobs require training but not a four year degree. They are essential to the nation's workforce development.
[49]
Explaining US Income Inequality by Household Demographics ...
Sep 19, 2021 · Married-couple households represent a much greater share of the top income quintile (77.3%) than for the bottom income quintile (16.7%), and ...
[50]
Median family income by family type | KIDS COUNT Data Center
Likewise, families headed by married parents had a median income of $132,807, single-father families had a median of $62,054, and single-mother families had a ...
[51]
Income in the United States: 2023 - Census Bureau
Sep 10, 2024 · Highlights · Real median household income was $80,610 in 2023, a 4.0 percent increase from the 2022 estimate of $77,540 (Figure 1 and Table A-1).Missing: marital | Show results with:marital
[52]
More Money, More Babies: What's the Relationship Between Income ...
Aug 28, 2024 · For native-born non-Hispanic whites, fertility falls from the bottom percentile to the 10th, but then rises throughout middle-income ranges and ...
[53]
US fertility rate drops to a new low, CDC data finds - Al Jazeera
Jul 24, 2025 · The fertility rate in the United States has dropped to a new low of 1.6 children per woman, according to new data from the US Centers for ...
[54]
Childhood Family Structure and Intergenerational Income Mobility in ...
The declining prevalence of two-parent families helped increase income inequality over recent decades. Does family structure also condition how economic ...<|separator|>
[55]
Movement from middle class each year varies greatly across racial ...
May 10, 2022 · Among lower-income adults, an average of 53% of those with at least a bachelor's degree progressed to the middle- or upper-income tier annually ...
[56]
The State of the American Middle Class | The Pew Charitable Trusts
Nov 22, 2024 · In 1971, 61% of Americans lived in middle-class households. By 2023, the share had fallen to 51%, according to a new Pew Research Center analysis of government ...Missing: characteristics | Show results with:characteristics
[57]
[PDF] Labor Unions and the Middle Class - Treasury
45 Perhaps more importantly, the U.S. economy has steadily changed with relatively fewer jobs in sectors with more union representation, like manufacturing, and ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[58]
Tradespeople wanted: The need for critical trade skills in the US
Apr 9, 2024 · The US skilled labor market is facing record-high pressure, particularly for companies with manufacturing and construction operations.
[59]
Growth and the Middle Class - Democracy Journal
Empirical researchers are increasingly finding that a strong middle class produces higher levels of growth. A 2005 study of economic growth in the 50 states by ...
[60]
The American Middle Class, Income Inequality, and the Strength of ...
May 17, 2012 · Heather Boushey and Adam S. Hersh discuss ways that the strength of the middle class and the level of societal inequality both affect economic growth and ...
[61]
Got Work? The Highly Responsive Labor Supply of Low-Income ...
Dec 13, 2019 · We also focused on the benefits of persistently low unemployment to lower-income workers, through both higher real pay and more hours of work.Missing: class productivity<|separator|>
[62]
[PDF] The Productivity‐Inclusiveness Nexus | OECD
affect the ability of poorer and lower middle-class households to invest in human capital; this implies that the outcomes of one generation frame the.
[63]
These middle-class jobs are shrinking, and could one day disappear
Sep 4, 2024 · Dozens of occupations that collectively employ hundreds of thousands of Americans in decent-paying jobs are likely to shrink over the next ...
[64]
Social class origin and entrepreneurship: An integrative review and ...
Individuals from lower social class origins are more likely to enter entrepreneurship out of necessity due to barriers in the labor market (e.g., Jayawarna ...
[65]
[PDF] Entrepreneurship in Low Income Areas - SBA Office of Advocacy
The study finds that self-employment rates are significantly lower in low-income areas (9.2 percent) relative to other areas (10.9 percent). The study also ...
[66]
How Does Middle-Class Financial Health Affect Entrepreneurship in ...
May 21, 2015 · Analysis in this report shows that middle-class families account for 60 percent of new business ventures.
[67]
The changing demographics of business ownership | Brookings
Apr 23, 2024 · Business ownership is more common among white individuals, those with higher levels of educational attainment, and those with higher incomes.
[68]
Tariffs squeeze US low-income spending habits - The Poultry Site
Aug 7, 2025 · Lower-income US households are cutting back on eating out, travel and pantry staples like diapers, soda and beer, as US tariffs on imports ...
[69]
Lower-income households were hit hardest by inflation
Oct 6, 2025 · Households in the middle 40 percent faced lower inflation but also saw lower wage gains. They also gained about 4.5 percentage points of ...Missing: 2023-2025 | Show results with:2023-2025
[70]
High inflation disproportionately hurts low-income households
Jan 10, 2023 · We show that high inflation is disproportionately hurting low-income households, including Black and Hispanic households and renters.Missing: consumption | Show results with:consumption
[71]
Report on the Economic Well-Being of U.S. Households in 2024
Jun 12, 2025 · In 2024, 32 percent of adults said their family's monthly income increased from a year earlier, while a higher 37 percent increased their ...Missing: class | Show results with:class
[72]
Financial Health Pulse 2024: 70% of Americans Remain Financially ...
Sep 17, 2024 · Moderate income households also saw a drop in their ability to have 3 months of living expenses saved, while middle income households reported ...Missing: class | Show results with:class
[73]
National Study by FINRA Foundation Finds More U.S. Households ...
Jul 22, 2025 · National Study by FINRA Foundation Finds More U.S. Households Struggling Financially Despite Stable Incomes. July 22, 2025.
[74]
Household Debt and Credit Report
Total household debt increased by $185 billion to hit $18.39 trillion in the second quarter, according to the latest Quarterly Report on Household Debt and ...Missing: lower middle
[75]
American Household Debt: Statistics and Demographics - Debt.org
Jul 11, 2025 · American household debt is on a relentless upward trajectory. It was at a record $18.20 trillion by 2025, up $4.6 trillion since 2019.<|separator|>
[76]
The Fed - A Better Way of Understanding the US Consumer
Oct 11, 2024 · The spending behavior of low, middle, and high-income households begins to diverge in mid-2021. Between mid-2021 and mid-2023, middle and high- ...<|separator|>
[77]
Why Has Consumer Spending Remained So Resilient? Evidence ...
Aug 13, 2025 · Taken together, these findings indicate that lower levels of credit card debt for higher-income consumers have supported strong spending growth.Missing: class habits
[78]
U.S. Consumer Spending Trends to Watch in 2025 - Morgan Stanley
Jun 27, 2025 · Growth in U.S. consumer spending is likely to weaken to 3.7% in 2025 from 5.7% in 2024. · Consumption is still showing resilience as unemployment ...Missing: patterns | Show results with:patterns
[79]
There's a spending split between Americans, and it's popping up ...
Aug 7, 2025 · Recent earnings calls have revealed a pattern that points to a continued split in Americans' spending, and some CEOs are approaching the gap ...
[80]
CE home : U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics
Average expenditures for all consumer units in 2023 were $77,280, a 5.9-percent increase from 2022, and average income before taxes increased 8.3 percent. HTML ...Consumer Expenditures--2023 · Tables · Public Use Microdata (PUMD) · Glossary
[81]
Consumer expenditures in 2023 - Bureau of Labor Statistics
Dec 3, 2024 · Those in the higher income quintiles, on average, spend more on most goods and services than those in lower income quintiles. As prices ...
[82]
[XLS] Table 1101 - Bureau of Labor Statistics
Quintiles of income before taxes: Shares of annual aggregate expenditures and sources of income, Consumer Expenditure Surveys, 2023 ... Lowest 20 percent ...
[83]
Class attitudes and the American work ethic: Praise for the ...
Aug 6, 2025 · This research suggests that interpersonal judgments based on SES are highly sensitive to work ethic cues. Additionally, we highlight the need ...
[84]
Class attitudes and the American work ethic - ScienceDirect.com
This research contributes to an empirical understanding of the relationship between class-related attitudes and perceived work ethic.
[85]
Psychology says people who grew up in lower-middle-class ...
Aug 21, 2025 · People from lower-middle-class backgrounds often stretch purchases, favor bargains, repair before replacing, and build buffers first.Missing: reliance | Show results with:reliance
[86]
The Cohort Effect | Childhood Psychology – van Bladel
The Working Class: Thirty percent of Americans are considered members of the working class. ... class parents valued independence, initiative, and self-reliance.
[87]
[PDF] The Working Class Promise: A Communicative Account of Mobility ...
There's that work ethic, you know. And I feel like I have that. And I guess ... Came from lower-middle class. But their values haven't changed all that ...
[88]
How We Rise: How social networks impact economic mobility in ...
We undertook this research project to understand and compare the social networks of groups of diverse individuals in three US cities (Racine, WI; San Francisco ...Executive Summary · City-Specific Results · Washington, DC · San Francisco, CA
[89]
Seven key takeaways from Chetty's new research on friendship and ...
Aug 2, 2022 · The headline finding is that at the community level, cross-class connections boost social mobility more than anything else.
[90]
Working class: Religious but not attending church - Yahoo
Jun 12, 2023 · Lower-middle-class Americans reported that religion was very or somewhat important to them at a rate of 67%; 71% of both the middle- and ...
[91]
Religious Participation Is Highest Among Middle-Income Households
Nov 7, 2023 · The people who are the most likely to attend services this weekend are those with college degrees making $60K-$100K. In other words, middle class professionals.Missing: lower associations
[92]
Working class: Religious but not attending church - Deseret News
Jun 12, 2023 · Working class Americans identify as religious at similar rates to their middle-and upper-class counterparts, they are less likely to be found in the pews.
[93]
Americans with higher education and income are more likely to be ...
Feb 22, 2019 · Nearly six-in-ten Americans (57%) participate in some type of community group or organization, including about one-in-ten (11%) who say they ...
[94]
Disconnected: The Growing Class Divide in American Civic Life
Aug 22, 2024 · Fewer than half (44 percent) of Americans say they attend a social event in their community, such as a high school football or basketball game, ...
[95]
[PDF] Civic Engagement Among Low-Income and Low-Wealth Families
Through in-depth interviews with 84 low-income, low-wealth families, we find civic engagement across a range of behaviors, e.g., volunteering through religious ...
[96]
The Decline of Volunteering in the United States: Is it the Economy?
Aug 8, 2024 · Although low-SES neighborhoods had lower rates of civic engagement than more affluent neighborhoods prior to the recession, they found small ...
[97]
The American middle class is locked out: nearly a third of major ...
Aug 21, 2025 · Real wage growth is modest (1.4% increase from 2024 to 2025), insufficient by itself to keep pace with rapid home price appreciation in many ...
[98]
Lower income, higher inflation? New data bring answers at last
Oct 7, 2024 · the poorest households have seen prices rise about 2 percentage points more than the richest ones—or about 8.3 percent faster than the average ...
[99]
Charted: American Income vs. Home Prices (1985–2025)
Jul 30, 2025 · As of 2025, the median American home costs $416,900, five times the median annual household income of $83,150. Meanwhile, the 30-year fixed ...
[100]
Middle-class Americans priced out - National Housing Conference
Sep 2, 2025 · Since 2019, 85 MSAs require a 50% increase in salary or higher to afford a one-bedroom apartment, and 59 MSAs require an increase of 50% or more ...
[101]
Middle-class new homeowners are increasingly cost-burdened
Oct 14, 2024 · Almost 30% of middle-class homeowners bought homes with monthly payments costing more than 30% of their income in 2022, an NBC News analysis of Census Bureau ...
[102]
Medical Debt Continues to Hammer the Middle Class - Third Way
Mar 19, 2024 · Nearly 17% of middle-class households ($43,700 to $160,800) had medical debt in 2021, compared to 15.3% of low-income households and 9.8% of ...
[103]
Middle-income households under pressure as finances are squeezed
The share of Americans with sufficient emergency savings (sufficient to cover three months of living expenses) fell from 53% in 2021 to just 46% in 2024.Missing: economic statistics
[104]
Running on Empty: America's Fragile Middle Class - The Fulcrum
Sep 10, 2025 · In 2025, the math simply doesn't add up. The Census Bureau reports that the median household income is about $74,500, but the baseline cost of ...Missing: statistics | Show results with:statistics
[105]
What Should the U.S. Do About Rising Student Loan Debt?
Apr 16, 2024 · Student debt has more than doubled over the last two decades. As of September 2023, forty-three million U.S. borrowers collectively owed more ...
[106]
The Impact of Student Debt on the Low-Wage Workforce
Sep 26, 2023 · Student loan debt negatively impacts workers' economic mobility, the labor market, and racial wealth inequality.
[107]
[PDF] Wealth Inequality Is a Barrier to Education and Social Mobility
High-wealth families have higher college completion rates and upward mobility. High-wealth youth are 1.5x more likely to complete 2+ years of college than low- ...Missing: empirical | Show results with:empirical
[108]
Affordability Challenges and the Composition of Middle-Income ...
Sep 10, 2024 · 33 percent of middle-income renters were cost burdened in 2022, up 6.3 percentage points from 2019. Within the middle-income group, cost burdens decline ...
[109]
“Can you hear me now?” Middle-class Americans are priced out of ...
Sep 1, 2025 · Middle-class Americans face a housing crisis; 32% of areas need double the 2019 salary, and 45% require six-figure incomes, impacting many ...
[110]
Labor Market Trends: A Loss of Middle-Class Jobs? - NCBI - NIH
BLS classifies industries into three large groups—goods-producing (manufacturing, mining, construction), agricultural (including forestry, fishing, and hunting ...
[111]
The Decline of Upward Mobility in One Chart - Visual Capitalist
Aug 26, 2020 · One factor behind America's deteriorating upward mobility is the sluggish pace at which wages have grown. For example, the average hourly wage ...
[112]
U.S. economic mobility trends and outcomes - Equitable Growth
Mar 29, 2024 · The authors note several studies demonstrating that when people see evidence that society is unequal, their belief in upward mobility declines.
[113]
Tracking the decline of social mobility in the U.S. - Yale News
Feb 20, 2025 · Neighborhoods with high mobility tend to have lower poverty rates, more stable family structures, better school quality, and greater social ...
[114]
The Fading American Dream: Trends in Absolute Income Mobility ...
Absolute income mobility, the fraction of children earning more than parents, fell from 90% in 1940 to 50% in the 1980s, mainly due to increased inequality.
[115]
Economic Security and Mobility: Reviving the American Dream
Jul 31, 2023 · Decline in economic mobility is influenced by multiple factors, including household income, education and training, employment opportunities, ...
[116]
[PDF] Exploring Life Expectancy Outcomes among the Lower-Middle Class
Feb 1, 2024 · • Lower-middle (LM): 15-45 percentile. • Tend to be above eligibility for public benefits programs, but modest income. • Upper-middle (UM): 46 ...
[117]
How do income changes impact on mental health and wellbeing for ...
Jan 22, 2025 · Lower incomes are associated with poorer mental health and wellbeing, but the extent to which income has a causal effect is debated.
[118]
When money and mental health problems pile up - ScienceDirect.com
The stress-process theory and empirical research indicate that financial strain is a key mediator between income and psychological distress (Aneshensel, 2009).Missing: class | Show results with:class
[119]
Socioeconomic Status and Dissatisfaction With Health Care Among ...
Oct 10, 2011 · The primary finding to emerge from this research was that low-income respondents reported higher levels of dissatisfaction with health care than ...<|separator|>
[120]
Prevalence of Obesity Among Adults, by Household Income ... - CDC
Dec 22, 2017 · Among men, the prevalence of obesity was lower in both the lowest (31.5%) and highest (32.6%) income groups compared with the middle-income ...
[121]
Obesity and Socioeconomic Status in Adults - CDC
Overall, almost 33% of men who live in households with income at or above 350% of the poverty level are obese, while 29.2% of men who live below 130% of the ...Data from the National Health... · Among men, obesity... · Among men, there is no...
[122]
Lower-Middle-Class Americans Near Retirement Are Worse Off ...
Aug 23, 2023 · 'Forgotten middle' Americans face poorer health, worse economic outcomes and lower homeownership rates, along with increased disability in old age.Missing: empirical | Show results with:empirical
[123]
https://www.equality-of-opportunity.org/health/
[124]
Health, Economic Disparities Emerge in the Middle Class
Sep 28, 2023 · Both the health and finances of older workers have deteriorated in the bottom half of “the forgotten middle” over the past two decades.Missing: studies | Show results with:studies
[125]
Socioeconomic Status and Quality of Life: An Assessment of ... - NIH
Mar 3, 2023 · We found social capital to be a significant mechanism by which adults' socioeconomic status influences their quality of life.
[126]
Socioeconomic Status and Access to Healthcare - Frontiers
Jun 17, 2020 · In a variety of contexts, lower SES is associated with reduced access to care, poorer health outcomes, and increased mortality and morbidity as ...
[127]
The Shortcomings of a Work-Biased Welfare System | Richmond Fed
There is also another aspect of the welfare system that hinders long-term income growth and sustained well-being for poorer families: benefits cliffs. As ...
[128]
Comparison of Benefits for Poor Families to Middle-Class Incomes Is ...
Feb 25, 2013 · Recent research has shown that the safety net as a whole has only small work disincentive effects and that some programs significantly increase ...
[129]
The Economics of the Minimum Wage: Myths, Facts, and ... - AIER
Apr 1, 2025 · Rather than lifting people out of poverty, a minimum wage increase can push marginal workers into unemployment, and trap others by removing the ...
[130]
When the minimum wage really bites hard: The negative spillover ...
The minimum wage reduced real wages for better-paid workers, returns to skills and skill supply. •. Negative spillovers result from negative scale effects that ...
[131]
Does increasing the minimum wage reduce poverty in developing ...
The findings suggest that in most developing countries, on average, higher minimum wages modestly reduce poverty rates, although the results depend on the ...<|separator|>
[132]
Raising the Minimum Wage Would Be an Investment in Growing the ...
Jul 20, 2023 · Raising the Minimum Wage Would Be an Investment in Growing the Middle Class. A $15 minimum wage could benefit nearly 40 million workers and ...
[133]
The Effect of Regulation on Low-Income Households
Jan 8, 2019 · Regulation often hurts these low-income households through the harmful effects on prices, wages, and employment.
[134]
Affordability rules are undermining housing affordability
The shared goal: to keep the housing market accessible to low- and middle-income households. Affordability rules hurt financial feasibility. In practice ...
[135]
[PDF] Subsidizing the Middle: Policies, Tradeoffs, and Costs of Addressing ...
We then discuss this paper's analytical approach, data, and methods, followed by an examination of state and local middle-income housing programs across the US.
[136]
Big Government Policies that Hurt the Poor and How to Address Them
Many of the policies drive up consumer prices, such as for food and energy, which disproportionately hurt the poor, or create artificial obstacles to jobs. All ...
[137]
Most Say Government Policies Since Recession Have Done Little to ...
Mar 4, 2015 · 72% say that, in general, the government's policies since the recession have done little or nothing to help middle class people.
[138]
Well-Being and Stability among Low-income Families: A 10-Year ...
Oct 25, 2020 · Following welfare reform, the poverty rate started to decline (to a low of 11.3% in 2000) (U.S. Census 2019a), although scholars have questioned ...
[139]
The Work vs Welfare Tradeoff Revisited - AIER
Feb 19, 2025 · In addition to these direct costs, welfare programs negatively impact economic growth. Economists explain why a person would choose welfare over ...
[140]
Benefits Cliffs: The Financial Risks of Increased Earnings for ...
Sep 29, 2022 · Benefits cliffs can significantly impact lower-wage workers and their families financially and may act as a disincentive for pursuing modest promotions.
[141]
New Report Explores Impact of Welfare Benefit Cliffs - Pioneer Institute
In a new review, Pioneer Institute finds that in some states welfare benefit cliffs can act as a disincentive to work and that ...
[142]
The 'Benefits Cliff' Discourages People From Making More Money
Nov 10, 2021 · The benefits cliff not only discourages work; it also creates incentives for dishonesty. Residents hide income. Housing managers learn to look ...
[143]
[PDF] Mitigating Benefits Cliffs for Low-Income Families
Sep 1, 2023 · We find that without benefits cliff mitigation strategies, Career MAP participants face prohibitively high EMTRs, especially for workers who ...
[144]
New Study Finds More Evidence of Poverty Traps in the Welfare ...
Dec 30, 2014 · A new study from the Illinois Policy Institute analyzes the welfare benefits package available at different levels of earnings in that state.Missing: empirical mobility
[145]
The Reward of Work, Incentives, and Upward Mobility
Dec 1, 2016 · Broadly, government regulations, taxes and other policies cumulatively reduce the rewards associated with work and offering work opportunities, ...
[146]
Welfare dependence from one generation to the next - CEPR
May 29, 2018 · A snowball effect across generations could arise if welfare dependency is transmitted from parents to their children, with potentially serious ...Missing: critiques | Show results with:critiques<|control11|><|separator|>
[147]
Stuck! Welfare state dependency as lived experience
ABSTRACT. The concern that public support may spur dependency has been voiced throughout the history of welfare states. Nevertheless, little research.
[148]
The Myth of Welfare Dependency by Rema N. Hanna
Aug 9, 2019 · Rema N. Hanna demonstrates empirically that sustained income support to the poor improves socioeconomic outcomes.
[149]
The Case for a Targeted Criticism of the Welfare State - Cato Institute
Criticism of the welfare state would be more effective if it were better targeted. That is why we begin by clarifying the meaning of the welfare state.
[150]
[PDF] THE WELFARE STATE IN THE TWENTY- FIRST CENTURY
Many politicians go further, saying that the welfare state creates a culture of dependency, implicitly arguing that it changes the nature of the individual ...
[151]
The benefits cliff, explained - Fed Communities
Oct 5, 2023 · A benefits cliff can make a family feel like their hard work really isn't paying off or helping them get ahead.
[152]
Considering the Benefits Cliff Embedded in the Relationship ... - NIH
Jun 12, 2023 · This Commentary introduces the reality of the benefits cliff into the housing and health relationship.
[153]
[PDF] Entrepreneurship and Household Saving William M. Gentry and R ...
Third, wealth-income ratios and saving rates are higher for entrepreneurial households even after controlling for age and other demographic variables. Taken.<|separator|>
[154]
Career training - American Economic Association
Jan 24, 2022 · Students who went through vocational training enjoyed a wage premium into their thirties. Bigstock. Not every job requires a general secondary ...
[155]
Vocational and skills training programs to improve labor market ...
Mar 14, 2023 · Vocational and skills training programs aim to build a strong labor force with in-demand skills by preparing people for jobs in a specific occupation or sector.
[156]
Financial Literacy and Economic Outcomes: Evidence and Policy ...
We argue that there is substantial evidence that more financially savvy people are more likely to plan, save, invest in stocks, and accumulate more wealth ( ...
[157]
Entrepreneurship and income inequality: a quantile approach from ...
Mar 24, 2025 · This paper explores the relationship between entrepreneurship and income inequality, drawing from unbalanced panel data from 104 countries between 2001 and ...Missing: class | Show results with:class
[158]
8.4 Social Classes in the United States – Sociology in Everyday Life
In the lower-middle class, people hold jobs supervised by members of the upper-middle class. They fill technical, lower-level management or administrative ...
[159]
Working class vs. middle class: What's the difference? - Greenlight
Jan 24, 2025 · The working class is described as those who work hourly, wage-based, and sometimes manual jobs. The middle class means people who work in professional ...
[160]
Class Distinctions & Income Brackets - Resource Generation
This resource will help you identify your class experience(s). Class is a system of power based on perceived social and economic status.
[161]
Defining the middle class: Cash, credentials, or culture? | Brookings
May 7, 2018 · Defining the middle class based on income ... Under Pew's definition, then, a larger range of incomes counts as lower class in 2015 than in 1971.
[162]
The hidden cues of social class: What do people rely on when ...
Dec 29, 2023 · In this paper, we explore individuals' own reports about what they use to identify others' social class, whether it is working- and lower-class, or middle- and ...
[163]
How much you need to earn to be upper-middle class in every U.S. ...
May 13, 2025 · Low end of upper-middle class: $143,842 · High end of upper-middle class: $184,940 · Median household income: $92,470 ...
[164]
The Middle Class Is Saving Less, and High-Cost Credit Card Debt ...
These declines help explain why the share of total population-wide financial assets plus disposable income held by the middle class went from 20% in 2001 to 12% ...
[165]
[PDF] Postsecondary Attainment: Differences by Socioeconomic Status
Low SES students are less likely to attain a bachelor's or higher (14%) than middle SES (29%) and high SES (60%). Low SES also has a higher percentage not ...
[166]
Homeownership Has Fallen Further Out of Reach for Younger ...
Mar 17, 2025 · We find that today, lower-income households in their critical homebuying years are much less likely to buy a home than previous generations.
[167]
Homeownership is rebounding, particularly among younger adults
Jan 29, 2024 · The 53.1% homeownership rate in the third quarter of 2023 among households with family incomes lower than the median was as high as it ever was ...Missing: class upper
[168]
how much wealth does the American middle class have? - USAFacts
Higher-income households typically have a higher proportion of mortgage debt. Lower income household debts are more concentrated in consumer credit. Average ...