Afar Region
The Afar Region, officially the Afar National Regional State, is one of Ethiopia's eleven ethnic-based federal regions, situated in the northeastern expanse of the country and predominantly inhabited by the Afar people, a Cushitic ethnic group numbering over 2 million in Ethiopia. [1] [2] Spanning roughly 95,000 square kilometers of arid lowlands, it includes the Danakil Depression, a below-sea-level basin recognized as one of the hottest continuously inhabited places on Earth due to its extreme geothermal conditions and minimal rainfall. [3] [4] Geologically, the region lies at the Afar Triple Junction, where the Nubian, Arabian, and Somalian tectonic plates diverge, exposing active rifting processes that provide empirical insights into continental breakup and the formation of new oceanic crust. [5] [6] This dynamic landscape features persistent volcanic activity, including the Erta Ale stratovolcano's long-lived lava lake, and hydrothermal sites like Dallol with acidic pools and salt formations, underscoring its value for causal studies of mantle plumes and rift volcanism. [6] The Afar people, organized into clans with a pastoralist economy centered on camel, goat, and cattle herding, also derive livelihoods from artisanal salt mining in the depression's flats, though recurrent droughts and resource scarcity exacerbate vulnerabilities. [7] Beyond geology, the region holds paleontological prominence, with sites like Hadar yielding pivotal hominid fossils such as Ardipithecus ramidus and the partial skeleton of Australopithecus afarensis known as Lucy, offering direct evidence of early bipedalism and human evolution in the Pliocene era. [8] Defining characteristics include the Afar clan's martial traditions and customary laws governing resource access amid nomadic mobility, while recent interstate conflicts, including incursions from Tigrayan forces during the 2020-2022 war, have highlighted territorial disputes and security challenges in this strategically bordered area. [9] [10] Despite these, the region's isolation preserves unique cultural practices, with Semera as its administrative capital supporting limited urbanization efforts. [2]History
Prehistoric and Ancient Periods
The Afar Region lies within the Afar Depression, a tectonically active zone of the East African Rift System where rifting, volcanism, and sedimentation have created depositional environments favoring the preservation of Pliocene and Pleistocene fossils. Sedimentary basins filled by rift-related erosion and volcanic ash layers have encased hominin remains, enabling detailed stratigraphic dating via methods like argon-argon geochronology.[11][12] In the Middle Awash subregion, excavations uncovered fossils of Ardipithecus ramidus, including a partial skeleton (ARA-VP-6/500) composed of over 125 pieces, dated to 4.4 million years ago through radiometric analysis of associated volcanic tuffs. These remains, found between 1992 and 1994 near Aramis, reveal a hominin with a mix of bipedal and arboreal traits, such as a grasping big toe and foramen magnum position indicating upright posture, in a woodland paleoecology inferred from faunal and floral evidence.[13][14] Earlier Ardipithecus kadabba teeth and postcrania from 5.8–5.2 million years ago in the same area suggest even earlier hominin presence adapted to forested rift margins.[15] The Hadar Formation, exposed in the lower Awash Valley, has yielded key Australopithecus afarensis specimens, including the 3.2-million-year-old partial skeleton AL 288-1, dubbed "Lucy," discovered in 1974 by Donald Johanson's team. This 40% complete adult female skeleton, dated via ⁴⁰Ar/³⁹Ar on surrounding tuffs, features curved phalanges for climbing alongside a pelvis and knee joints supporting obligate bipedalism, as evidenced by the Laetoli-like gait preserved in fossilized footprints elsewhere but corroborated by Afar postcrania.[16][17] Nearby, the AL 333 assemblage ("First Family"), comprising at least 13 individuals from 3.2 million years ago, includes juveniles and adults showing group mortality patterns and morphological variation consistent with a single species navigating mosaic habitats of woodlands and grasslands.[18] Archaeological evidence from Afar sites indicates early hominin behavioral adaptations, with Oldowan stone tools and debitage at Gona dated to 2.6 million years ago, predating widespread Homo emergence and suggesting tool use for processing food resources amid rift valley faunal abundances. Cut-marked bones from Dikika, potentially 3.4 million years old, hint at pre-Oldowan scavenging or butchery, though debated due to taphonomic ambiguities; confirmed associations in Hadar link tools to A. afarensis-era environments, reflecting cognitive responses to ecological pressures like dietary shifts during Pliocene aridification.[19][20] These findings underscore the Afar as a critical locus for tracing hominin evolution from arboreal precursors to terrestrial bipeds exploiting rift-driven habitat heterogeneity.[21]Traditional Afar Governance and Sultanates
The Afar people traditionally organized their society around patrilineal clans, with major groups including the Seka, Damohita, Dahimella, and Hadarmo, each subdivided into sub-clans that managed local affairs through customary assemblies and elders.[22] These clan structures underpinned a decentralized pastoralist system adapted to the arid Danakil environment, where mobility for camel and goat herding dictated fluid alliances rather than fixed territories. Authority rested with clan heads and religious leaders, who enforced bur'ili customary law for dispute resolution, emphasizing restitution over punishment.[23] Overarching this were sultanates that provided nominal centralized leadership, forming a loose confederation of polities such as Aussa, Girrifo, Tadjourah, Rahaito, and Gobaad, which coordinated defense and trade amid nomadic lifestyles.[24][25] The Sultanate of Aussa emerged as the most enduring and influential, tracing origins to the Imamate of Aussa established in 1577 by Muhammad Gasa, who shifted the Adal Sultanate's remnants from Harar to Asaita after the 16th-century collapse of Adal amid conflicts with Ethiopian forces.[26] This transition reflected Adal's lingering Islamic influence on Afar governance, blending Somali-Harari administrative models with local clan autonomy. The Mudaito dynasty formalized the sultanate around 1734, with rulers like Kandhafo (1734–1749) consolidating power through alliances with clans and control over oases.[26] Sultans derived legitimacy from religious piety and martial prowess, mediating inter-clan feuds while extracting tribute in livestock and salt to sustain camel caravans essential for pastoral mobility. Governance emphasized hierarchical yet consultative mechanisms, with the sultan advised by clan elders (makabanna) and youth warrior groups that enforced decisions and protected grazing routes.[27] Nomadic pastoralism shaped this system, as clans migrated seasonally between Awash River pastures and coastal wells, prioritizing water rights and herd security over permanent settlements. Salt extraction from Danakil pans formed an economic backbone, with Afar miners producing slabs traded northward via camel trains to highland markets in exchange for grains, cloth, and iron tools, sustaining up to 2,000 camels per major caravan in the 19th century.[28] Livestock trade complemented this, with Afar herds bartered for Arabian goods, while participation in Red Sea routes involved exporting hides, ivory, and slaves captured in raids, a practice persisting into the late 19th century despite external pressures.[29] Afar sultanates navigated external threats through strategic resistance, particularly against Ottoman and Egyptian expansions into the Red Sea littoral. Egyptian forces under Khedive Ismail Pasha faced Afar opposition in the 1870s, culminating in the 1875 Odumi War, where local warriors repelled incursions near the coast.[30] Sultan Muhammad Hanfare Illalta (r. circa 1861–1898) exemplified this defiance, allying with Oromo groups to annihilate an Egyptian column invading Harar in 1885, leveraging desert knowledge to ambush supply lines and kill hundreds of troops.[26] Interactions with Ethiopian highland rulers were pragmatic, involving tribute exchanges for safe passage, but sultanates resisted deeper incursions, preserving autonomy until the late 19th century through guerrilla tactics suited to the harsh terrain.[30]Integration into Ethiopian State
During the late 19th century, Emperor Menelik II's military campaigns expanded the Ethiopian Empire eastward, incorporating Afar-inhabited territories in the Danakil Depression and surrounding lowlands through conquest and diplomatic submissions. These efforts, driven by the need to secure frontiers against European colonial advances and consolidate central authority, resulted in the Aussa Sultanate's effective subordination to Ethiopian rule by the 1890s, following defeats of local resistance and recognition of imperial suzerainty by Afar leaders.[31][32] Menelik's forces, leveraging superior firepower including modern rifles acquired from European suppliers, subdued semi-autonomous Afar polities that had previously balanced influences from Ottoman, Egyptian, and Italian actors, thereby integrating key salt trade routes and pastoral lands into the empire's administrative framework. Post-World War II arrangements further solidified Ethiopia's control over Afar coastal areas. The United Nations General Assembly Resolution 390(V) of December 2, 1950, established the Federation of Ethiopia and Eritrea, granting Ethiopia administrative oversight of Eritrea—including the Afar-populated Assab port region—while preserving Eritrea's autonomy in domestic affairs; this addressed longstanding Ethiopian claims to Red Sea access, rooted in pre-colonial ties and Menelik-era negotiations with Italy.) Ethiopia's full annexation of Eritrea in 1962, justified by Emperor Haile Selassie as necessary for national unity amid growing separatist unrest, extended direct governance over these territories until Eritrea's de facto independence in 1991.[33] However, this incorporation exacerbated tensions, as Afar communities on the coast faced cultural and economic sidelining within the centralized Amhara-dominated system. In the 1960s and 1970s, Afar pastoralists mounted rebellions against Haile Selassie's regime and its successor, the Derg military junta, primarily due to policies that marginalized nomadic livelihoods through land expropriations, forced sedentarization, and neglect of peripheral regions. Under Haile Selassie, discriminatory administrative practices and favoritism toward highland elites fueled grievances, culminating in sporadic uprisings tied to broader ethnic discontent in eastern Ethiopia.[34] The Derg's radical land reforms post-1974, including villagization programs that disrupted traditional grazing patterns, intensified resistance, leading to organized Afar armed actions in the 1970s and 1980s against perceived economic exploitation and political exclusion.[34][32] These conflicts, often intertwined with inter-ethnic clashes over resources like wells and borders, highlighted the causal disconnect between centralist state-building and Afar socio-economic realities, though they were suppressed through military force until the Derg's collapse.[35]Contemporary Political Evolution
The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), after ousting the Derg regime in 1991, implemented ethnic federalism through the 1994 transitional constitution, designating the Afar-inhabited territory as Region 2 among the emerging regional states. This structure formalized under the 1995 federal constitution, which enumerated Afar as one of nine ethnically delimited states, aiming to grant self-governance rights including legislative and executive autonomy to address historical marginalization of pastoralist groups.[36][37] The Afar People's Democratic Organization (APDO), established as an EPRDF-aligned entity to mobilize local support, transitioned into the Afar National Democratic Party (ANDP) in 1995 and assumed control of regional administration, securing victories in subsequent elections and maintaining dominance through EPRDF coalitions. The ANDP's integration into the EPRDF framework provided Afar representation at the federal level, with the party capturing seats in the House of Peoples' Representatives, such as eight in the 2005 national polls, though this often aligned regional policy with central directives rather than independent ethnic priorities.[38][39] Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's ascent in April 2018 prompted EPRDF restructuring, dissolving the coalition in November 2019 to form the Prosperity Party (PP), which incorporated the ANDP and other non-Tigrayan affiliates, signaling a pivot from ethnicity-centric coalitions toward national unity under centralized leadership. This merger reduced distinct ethnic party bargaining power, as PP candidates consolidated control in Afar, with the party winning all regional council seats in the delayed 2021 elections amid criticisms of diminished peripheral autonomy.[40][41] Federalism's decentralization provisions empowered Afar with zonal administrations and budget formulation, yet empirical assessments reveal persistent central oversight, with regional expenditures heavily reliant on federal block grants—comprising over 80% of Afar’s budget in fiscal years 2015–2019—constraining fiscal self-sufficiency and fueling debates over nominal versus substantive autonomy. Representation in federal bodies, while guaranteed by constitutional quotas, has prioritized party loyalty over regional advocacy, as evidenced by limited influence on national policies affecting pastoral economies despite ANDP/PP advocacy.[42][43]Geography
Location and International Borders
The Afar Region is situated in northeastern Ethiopia, encompassing an area of 72,053 square kilometers.[44] It lies primarily between approximately 9° and 14° N latitude and 39° to 42° E longitude, positioning it within the strategically vital Horn of Africa.[45] The region shares international borders with Eritrea to the north and Djibouti to the east, while domestically it adjoins the Ethiopian regions of Tigray to the northwest, Amhara to the west, Oromia to the southwest, and Somali to the southeast.[7] These boundaries, largely delineated by colonial-era agreements and affirmed post-Eritrean independence in 1993 via the Ethiopian-Eritrean border demarcation processes, have influenced regional geopolitics. The Afar Region forms a key portion of the Afar Triangle, a transboundary geological depression extending into southern Eritrea and western Djibouti, noted for its role in tectonic rifting and as a focal point for interstate tensions due to divided ethnic Afar territories across sovereign lines.[46] Its proximity to the Red Sea, approximately 100 kilometers from the Eritrean coast near Assab, amplifies its geostrategic value, particularly amid Ethiopia's landlocked status following Eritrea's secession.[47] Historical border disputes, intensified by the 1998-2000 Ethio-Eritrean War, have centered on access claims to the Assab port, with Ethiopia asserting economic and historical rights to Red Sea outlets whose hinterlands align with Afar territories, though formal delimitations under the 2000 Algiers Agreement upheld Eritrean control.[47] Ongoing frictions, including troop deployments in the Afar border zones, reflect persistent challenges to these boundaries' stability.[48]Topography and Geological Features
The Afar Region consists primarily of arid lowlands and rift valleys, with elevations ranging from sea level down to extremes below it, shaped by active tectonic extension. The terrain is dominated by the Danakil Depression, a vast structural basin extending northward into Eritrea and Djibouti, where the lowest points reach approximately 125 meters below sea level near Lake Asale. This depression forms part of the broader Afar Triangle, a zone of thinned continental crust characterized by fault-block mountains, volcanic highlands, and expansive plains fractured by normal faults.[49][50] Geologically, the region exemplifies rift-related features driven by the divergence of the Nubian, Somalian, and Arabian tectonic plates at the Afar Triple Junction, with spreading rates of 16-20 millimeters per year facilitating continental breakup and magma intrusion. Volcanic activity manifests in basaltic shield volcanoes, such as Erta Ale with its persistent lava lake, and cinder cones like Dallol, which rises about 60 meters above the surrounding salt plain located 48 meters below sea level. Extensive salt flats, up to several meters thick, blanket much of the Danakil floor, deposited through episodic marine incursions and subsequent evaporation in this closed basin, interspersed with alluvial fans from sporadic wadis. Hydrothermal fields at Dallol feature acidic hot springs, geysers, and colorful mineral precipitates from iron-rich brines circulated by geothermal heat from underlying intrusions.[51][52][50] Tectonic divergence sustains frequent earthquakes and surface ruptures, contributing to the dynamic evolution of horst-graben structures and the gradual widening of the rift, which has propagated southward over millions of years. These processes yield a landscape of stark contrasts, from barren evaporite pans to rugged escarpments bordering the Ethiopian Highlands to the west.[51]Climate and Water Resources
The Afar Region is characterized by hyper-arid climatic conditions, with annual precipitation averaging around 66 mm, primarily occurring during brief rainy periods from July to September influenced by highland monsoon flows.[53] Temperatures are consistently extreme, featuring daily averages exceeding 34°C in low-lying areas like Dallol, where surface highs have reached up to 50°C due to intense solar radiation and minimal cloud cover in the subsiding air of the Danakil Depression.[54] These thermal extremes, combined with low humidity and frequent hot winds, exacerbate evapotranspiration rates far outpacing scant rainfall, resulting in persistent soil moisture deficits that constrain surface water availability and compel human populations to develop mobility-based adaptations for survival.[55] The Awash River constitutes the region's principal surface water resource, traversing approximately 500 km through Afar after originating from Ethiopian Highland rainfall, with its hydrology dominated by seasonal discharge peaks from upstream catchment runoff.[56] Annual flooding, typically peaking between July and October, delivers vital sediment and temporary inundation to alluvial plains, recharging ephemeral wetlands and hand-dug depressions used by pastoralists, though flow volumes vary significantly year-to-year due to erratic highland precipitation patterns.[57] This episodic hydrology underscores causal dependencies on distant rainfall regimes, where deficits propagate downstream droughts, while excesses trigger flash floods that reshape local topography but offer short-term resource booms.[58] Groundwater resources remain critically limited by the region's geology, featuring fractured volcanic basalts and evaporite deposits that hinder aquifer recharge and yield, with extraction primarily confined to shallow alluvial lenses along wadi beds.[59] Traditional Afar communities rely on hand-dug wells, often 5-30 meters deep, tapping seasonal groundwater in riverine sediments, though salinity and depletion risks intensify during prolonged dry spells due to overexploitation and minimal replenishment from the hyper-arid surface regime.[60] Such scarcity drives adaptive practices like well-sharing networks and migration to perennial river segments, highlighting the interplay between hydrological constraints and socio-ecological resilience in sustaining livelihoods amid chronic aridity.[61]Demographics
Population Dynamics and Census Data
The Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia's 2007 census enumerated the Afar Region's population at 1,390,273.[3] Projections based on this baseline estimated the figure at approximately 1.8 million by 2016, rising to 1.812 million in 2017 and 2.09 million by 2022, reflecting an annual growth rate of about 2.5%.[3] Given sustained growth trends, the population likely exceeded 2 million by 2025.[3] The region's expansive area of roughly 72,000 to 95,000 square kilometers results in a low population density of 20-22 persons per square kilometer, among the lowest in Ethiopia, due to its predominantly arid terrain and dispersed settlements.[62] [3] Contributing to demographic expansion, the total fertility rate stood at 5.5 children per woman in 2016, well above the national average. Enumeration efforts face inherent difficulties from the nomadic pastoralist patterns prevalent in the region, which complicate tracking mobile populations and lead to potential undercounts in official data. Urbanization has accelerated modestly, with population shifts toward key administrative hubs like Semera, established as the regional capital in 1996, as part of broader trends toward sedentary living and service access in a historically rural context.[63] This concentration reflects gradual increases in the urban proportion, though the majority remains rural.[64]Ethnic Groups and Afar Identity
The Afar people constitute over 90% of the Afar Region's population, making them the dominant ethnic group in the area.[65] Of Cushitic ethnic and linguistic origins, they trace their roots to the Horn of Africa, with ancestral ties to coastal populations along the Red Sea that facilitated inland migrations over centuries.[24] Socially, the Afar are divided into subgroups such as the Asaemara (or "red ones"), who hold higher status as nobles primarily in the Assayita area, and the Adoimara (or "white ones"), reflecting broader class distinctions within their patrilineal structure.[66][67] Minor ethnic minorities in the region include the Argoba, a Semitic-speaking group concentrated in northeastern pockets, and smaller communities like the Ittyaye, often linked to historical migrations and intermingling with Red Sea-origin Afar populations.[68] These groups represent less than 5% combined, based on linguistic proxies from regional surveys indicating non-Afar speakers at around 10%.[69] Afar kinship is organized into patrilineal clans, with tribal endogamy as the norm to preserve lineage integrity, alongside a cultural preference for cross-cousin marriages that reinforce clan alliances.[70] This structure underpins their pastoral identity, where camel herding serves as a core economic and symbolic pillar, with males managing herds as a marker of status and mobility in arid environments.[71] Camels, in particular, symbolize wealth and resilience, integral to clan-based resource sharing and nomadic adaptation.[72]Languages, Religion, and Social Norms
The Afar language, known as Afaraf or Qafar-af, belongs to the Lowland East Cushitic branch of the Afro-Asiatic language family and serves as the primary vernacular and regional working language throughout the Afar Region.[73][74] Amharic, the federal working language of Ethiopia, is used in official administration and education alongside Afar.[75] Linguistic uniformity prevails, with Afar spoken almost exclusively by the ethnic Afar population; the language employs a Latin-based orthography standardized in the 1970s, supplemented by Arabic script for Quranic and religious texts.[74][76] Sunni Islam, adhering to the Shafi'i legal school, dominates religious life in the Afar Region, with an estimated adherence rate exceeding 95% based on the 2007 national census—the most recent comprehensive regional breakdown available.[77] Introduced via Arab traders and migrants along Red Sea routes as early as the ninth century, Islam integrated with local pastoral customs, fostering a uniform orthodoxy among clans while incorporating Sufi brotherhoods like the Qadiriyya for spiritual mediation and dispute resolution.[22][66] Practices exhibit minimal syncretism with pre-Islamic traditions, emphasizing daily prayers, Ramadan observance, and pilgrimage to local shrines, though nomadic mobility tempers strict ritual adherence.[78] Social norms in Afar society emphasize clan endogamy, gerontocratic authority, and patrilineal inheritance, underpinning a patriarchal structure where elder males hold decision-making primacy in resource allocation and conflict mediation.[22] Pastoral gender roles delineate responsibilities: men oversee camel and goat herding, territorial defense, and long-distance trade, while women manage dairy production—including milking, butter churning, and yogurt preparation—alongside childcare, water fetching, and camp maintenance, contributing substantially to household nutrition and barter economies.[79][80] These divisions reflect adaptive responses to arid mobility, with women's labor integral to survival yet conferring limited formal autonomy, as evidenced by persistent gender disparities in education and asset control documented in regional health surveys.[80]Government and Administration
Federal Structure and Zones
The Afar Region operates as one of Ethiopia's nine ethnically delineated regional states under the 1995 Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, which establishes a federal system granting nationalities the right to self-government, including forming institutions for territorial administration and cultural preservation.[81] This ethnic federalism devolves powers to regions for enacting laws on local matters, such as land use and resource management, while reserving defense, foreign affairs, and monetary policy to the federal government.[81] The region's administrative seat is Semera, designated as the capital to centralize governance functions despite its arid, dispersed terrain. The region is subdivided into six zones—Administrative Zone 1 (Awsi Rasu), Administrative Zone 2 (Kilbet Rasu), Administrative Zone 3 (Gabi Rasu), Administrative Zone 4 (Fanti Rasu), Administrative Zone 5 (Hari Rasu), and Sitti Zone—each overseeing local woreda-level implementation of regional policies.[82] These zones collectively encompass 29 woredas (districts), serving as the primary units for decentralized service delivery, including health, education, and infrastructure, though exact boundaries have evolved through periodic federal adjustments.[83] Sitti Zone, carved out in 2016 from portions of northern areas, reflects adaptations to accommodate Somali-Afar border dynamics while maintaining Afar ethnic predominance. Governance challenges persist due to the region's remoteness and semi-nomadic pastoralism, which complicate uniform zoning enforcement across vast, low-density territories spanning over 72,000 square kilometers. Traditional clan hierarchies, rooted in gerontocratic systems and customary law (madda), frequently intersect with formal structures, enabling elders to influence or override zoning decisions on resource allocation, such as grazing lands, thereby hindering centralized devolution.[22] This clan-mediated veto power stems from historical territorial affiliations predating federal boundaries, exacerbating implementation gaps in remote woredas where state presence is limited by poor infrastructure and seasonal mobility.Chief Administrators and Leadership
The Afar Region's chief administrators, also known as presidents, have led the regional executive committee since the region's formation in 1991 under Ethiopia's ethnic federalism system. Initially dominated by figures from the Afar Liberation Front (ALF), leadership transitioned to the Afar People's Democratic Organization (APDO), later rebranded as the Afar National Democratic Party (ANDP), which aligned with the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition. Administrations were often appointed by the ruling coalition until post-2018 reforms under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed emphasized regional council elections, increasing tenure stability through electoral mandates. Leaders have prioritized federal negotiations on resource allocation, including budgetary transfers for pastoral infrastructure and arid-zone development, amid the region's dependence on central funding for over 90% of its operations.[84][30]| Name | Affiliation | Tenure | Key Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Habib Ali Mirah | ALF | December 1991 – circa 1995 | Elected by the inaugural Afar Regional Council on December 8, 1991; focused on consolidating ALF influence post-Derg regime.[30][84] |
| Hanfare Ali Mirah | ALF | September 1995 – March 1996 | Succeeded his brother; removed following internal council conference amid ALF-EPRDF tensions. |
| Ismail Ali Serro (or Ismael Ali Sirro) | APDO/ANDP | March 1996 – September 2015 | Longest-serving leader; re-elected multiple times, including in 2002; emphasized basic infrastructure in marginalized areas and federal advocacy for drought relief funding.[85] |
| Awol Arba (acting) | ANDP | September 2015 – November 2015 | Interim role during transition from Ismail's tenure. |
| Seyoum Awel | ANDP | November 2015 – December 2018 | Appointed amid EPRDF restructuring; oversaw initial reforms in administrative zoning. |
| Awol Arba | ANDP | December 2018 – present | Appointed December 17, 2018, and re-elected by regional council in September 2021; advanced policies on agricultural diversification, including large-scale date palm cultivation receiving federal support, and water resource negotiations for pastoral sustainability.[86][87][88][89] |