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Progressivism

Progressivism is a political philosophy and reform movement originating in the late 19th and early 20th centuries that advocates for active government intervention to address social, economic, and political problems arising from rapid industrialization, urbanization, and immigration, with the aim of fostering societal improvement through expert administration, regulatory measures, and expanded democratic mechanisms.^[1]^[2] The movement, often associated with the Progressive Era in the United States from the 1890s to the 1920s, sought to combat corruption, monopolies, and social ills like child labor and unsafe working conditions through legislative reforms including antitrust laws, labor protections, and the direct election of senators via the 17th Amendment.^[1]^[2] Key figures such as President Theodore Roosevelt championed "trust-busting" against corporate excesses and conservation efforts, while Woodrow Wilson advanced federal regulatory agencies and wartime mobilization, though these expansions often centralized power in the executive branch at the expense of constitutional checks.^[1] Significant achievements included women's suffrage via the 19th Amendment and the establishment of institutions like the Food and Drug Administration to protect public health, yet the era also featured controversies such as widespread support among progressives for eugenics policies, prohibition under the 18th Amendment which fueled organized crime, and racial segregation policies under Wilson, highlighting tensions between reformist ideals and coercive outcomes.^[3]^[1] In the modern context, progressivism has evolved to emphasize identity-based equity, expansive welfare programs, and cultural transformations, diverging from classical focuses on efficiency and expertise by prioritizing redistribution and social engineering, often critiqued for undermining individual liberties and empirical evidence of policy efficacy.^[4]^[1]

Definition and Core Principles

Philosophical Foundations

Progressivism's philosophical core assumes a directional trajectory of human advancement, wherein societal conditions improve cumulatively through the methodical application of rational inquiry, empirical science, and targeted reforms, rejecting cyclical or static views of history. This optimism originates in Enlightenment conceptions of progress, exemplified by Antoine-Nicolas de Condorcet's 1795 Esquisse d'un tableau historique des progrès de l'esprit humain, which delineates ten epochs of intellectual evolution leading to perpetual refinement via scientific methods and education, positing that obstacles to progress, such as superstition and inequality, yield to reason's inexorable advance.^[5] Similarly, Auguste Comte's positivism, articulated in his 1830–1842 Cours de philosophie positive, frames societal development through three stages—the theological (explanatory via supernatural causes), metaphysical (abstract forces), and positive (scientific laws)—culminating in a era where verifiable knowledge supplants speculation, enabling systematic social reorganization.^[5] In contrast to conservatism's epistemological humility toward untested innovations—prioritizing inherited traditions as evolved safeguards against human fallibility and emphasizing organic, incremental adaptation—progressivism invests confidence in human agency to override historical contingencies through expert analysis and intervention, viewing tradition not as presumptively authoritative but as a provisional artifact amenable to rational overhaul when deemed obstructive.^[6] This faith manifests in a preference for centralized, knowledge-based direction over decentralized trial-and-error, predicated on the causal efficacy of applied expertise in mitigating inefficiencies inherent in pre-scientific orders.^[7] Philosophically, progressivism diverges from classical liberalism's foundational stress on inviolable individual rights and spontaneous order emerging from voluntary exchanges, which constrain state power to negative liberties (freedoms from interference). Instead, it reconceives society as a collective entity engineerable for aggregate utility, subordinating isolated prerogatives to holistic redesigns that harness institutional mechanisms for egalitarian ends, thereby inverting liberalism's presumption against proactive governance in favor of instrumental collectivism.^[6] This transition reflects a deeper ontological shift: from viewing human nature as fixed and self-regulating to perceiving it as plastic, responsive to environmental and structural manipulations guided by progressive teleology.^[8]

Key Tenets and Assumptions

Progressivism posits that human nature is malleable, subject to significant improvement through deliberate social, educational, and institutional reforms rather than constrained by inherent fixed traits. This assumption underpins the belief that environmental factors and policy interventions can reshape behaviors and societal outcomes, enabling ongoing advancement beyond traditional limits.^[9]^[10]^[11] Central tenets include expanding the government's role to address inequalities via mechanisms such as social justice initiatives, environmental stewardship, and redistributive policies aimed at egalitarian outcomes. Adherents assume that prioritizing equity—equalized results—over equality of opportunity is essential, viewing systemic structures as perpetuating disparities that require proactive state correction rather than reliance on individual merit alone.^[7]^[12] Progressives hold that material and technological advancements facilitate parallel moral progress, expanding ethical considerations such as broader circles of concern for marginalized groups or the environment. This optimistic linkage presumes a directional trajectory where economic development inherently elevates ethical standards, though empirical evidence reveals inconsistencies, including moral declines amid prosperity in various historical contexts.^[13]^[14] The ideology critiques existing institutions and traditions as inherently oppressive, fueling demands for continuous, iterative reforms without ultimate endpoints or fixed ideals of justice. This perpetual orientation assumes the status quo embeds outdated power imbalances, necessitating unending adaptation to achieve evolving notions of fairness.^[7]^[15]

Historical Development

Enlightenment and Pre-20th Century Roots

The Enlightenment of the 18th century laid foundational intellectual groundwork for later progressive thought through its emphasis on human reason as a tool for societal improvement and rejection of traditional authority rooted in superstition or divine right. Thinkers posited that rational inquiry, scientific advancement, and institutional reform could drive continuous progress toward greater freedom and equality, viewing history as a trajectory amenable to human direction rather than fixed by providence or fate.^[16] This optimism contrasted with prior cyclical or degenerative views of history, asserting instead an indefinite perfectibility of the human condition via education, liberty, and empirical knowledge.^[17] A pivotal articulation came from the Marquis de Condorcet in his 1795 Sketch for a Historical Picture of the Progress of the Human Mind, written amid the French Revolution, which outlined ten epochs of human advancement culminating in future eras of universal equality, abolition of inequality between nations and sexes, and eradication of prejudices through scientific and moral progress.^[18] Condorcet argued that political and economic liberty would enable the human race to overcome ignorance and vice, fostering perpetual improvement without predetermined limits, an idea that influenced subsequent reformist optimism by framing societal ills as solvable through rational intervention.^[17] While Condorcet's work reflected Enlightenment faith in progress, it also assumed empirical laws of social development akin to natural sciences, prioritizing causal mechanisms like education over metaphysical constraints.^[16] In the 19th century, these notions evolved amid industrialization's social upheavals, with utilitarianism providing a systematic ethic for reform by measuring policies against their capacity to maximize aggregate happiness. Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832), in works like An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789), proposed the "greatest happiness principle" as the criterion for legislation and morals, advocating reforms in prisons, poor laws, and education to quantify and enhance utility through rational calculation, thereby challenging inherited institutions on evidence-based grounds.^[19] Bentham's influence extended to critiques of common law and calls for codification, emphasizing that laws should derive from observable consequences rather than precedent, laying a consequentialist basis for progressive interventions.^[20] John Stuart Mill (1806–1873) refined utilitarianism in Utilitarianism (1861) and On Liberty (1859), integrating qualitative distinctions in pleasures and defending individual liberty as instrumental to societal progress, while supporting state roles in education and welfare to cultivate higher faculties amid industrial disruptions.^[21] Mill viewed utilitarianism as inherently progressive, arguing it justified reforms like expanded suffrage and labor protections by aligning incentives with long-term human development, though he cautioned against majority tyranny, grounding reforms in empirical utility rather than abstract equality.^[21] Early socialist thinkers like Claude Henri de Saint-Simon (1760–1825) further prefigured progressive organizational ideals by envisioning a meritocratic society directed by scientists and industrialists to harness production for collective welfare, responding to post-Revolutionary inequalities with proposals for planned resource allocation over competitive markets.^[22] Saint-Simon's L'Industrie (1817) and later works critiqued feudal remnants in favor of a "positive" science of society, where experts would replace parasitic classes with productive ones, influencing reformist zeal for technocratic management of industrial society's emergent challenges like urban poverty and class stratification.^[23] These pre-20th-century ideas collectively emphasized causal reform through reason and evidence, setting the stage for organized movements without yet coalescing into distinct political programs.

Progressive Era in the United States

The Progressive Era in the United States, approximately 1890 to 1920, represented a concerted effort to mitigate the socioeconomic disruptions of rapid industrialization and urbanization during the Gilded Age, including monopolistic trusts, labor exploitation, and political corruption.^[24] Reformers advocated for expanded government authority to regulate business, improve public health, and enforce moral standards, often drawing on empirical observations of urban squalor and inefficiency.^[25] This period crystallized progressivism through legislative achievements that aimed to curb corporate power and promote social welfare, though implementations varied in efficacy and sometimes incorporated pseudoscientific rationales.^[26] Pivotal reforms targeted economic concentration, exemplified by the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890, which prohibited contracts or combinations in restraint of trade and monopolization attempts.^[27] Enforcement intensified under President Theodore Roosevelt (1901–1909), who pursued "trust-busting" by initiating over 40 antitrust lawsuits against major corporations, including the dissolution of Northern Securities Company in 1904.^[24] President Woodrow Wilson (1913–1921) continued this trajectory with the Federal Reserve Act of 1913, establishing a central banking system to stabilize currency and credit amid financial panics.^[28] Additional measures included the Pure Food and Drug Act and Meat Inspection Act of 1906, spurred by Upton Sinclair's 1906 novel The Jungle, which documented unsanitary conditions in Chicago's meatpacking industry through investigative reporting.^[29] Social reforms emphasized efficiency and moral regulation, with Frederick Winslow Taylor's principles of scientific management—detailed in his 1911 work The Principles of Scientific Management—promoting time-motion studies to optimize industrial productivity and reduce waste.^[30] Women's suffrage culminated in the 19th Amendment, ratified August 18, 1920, prohibiting denial of voting rights on account of sex after decades of activism.^[31] Conversely, the 18th Amendment, ratified January 16, 1919, banned the manufacture, sale, and transportation of intoxicating liquors, reflecting temperance advocates' view of alcohol as a causal factor in poverty and crime, though it later proved unenforceable and economically disruptive.^[32] A notable aspect of progressive thought involved support for eugenics to engineer societal improvement, with figures like Roosevelt endorsing selective breeding to enhance national vitality. This culminated in the 1927 Supreme Court decision Buck v. Bell, upholding Virginia's compulsory sterilization law for the "feeble-minded," authorizing procedures on over 60,000 individuals nationwide by mid-century under similar statutes.^[33] Such policies, grounded in then-prevalent but empirically flawed genetic determinism, highlighted progressives' faith in expert-led interventions, later critiqued for ethical overreach absent rigorous causal validation.^[34]

20th Century Expansions and Variants

In the 1930s, President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal programs marked a substantial expansion of progressive economic interventionism amid the Great Depression, institutionalizing federal responsibilities for social welfare and labor protections. The Social Security Act, enacted on August 14, 1935, established a national framework for old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, aid to dependent children, and assistance for the disabled, funded through payroll taxes on employers and employees.^[35] Complementing this, the National Labor Relations Act (Wagner Act) of July 5, 1935, affirmed workers' rights to form unions and bargain collectively, creating the independent National Labor Relations Board to adjudicate labor disputes and prevent employer interference.^[36] These measures shifted progressive priorities toward a managed economy, prioritizing stability over laissez-faire principles, though they faced constitutional challenges resolved by the Supreme Court in 1937. The 1960s Great Society initiatives under President Lyndon B. Johnson built upon New Deal precedents, intensifying federal anti-poverty efforts through expansive social legislation. In his January 8, 1964, State of the Union address, Johnson declared an "unconditional war on poverty," leading to the Economic Opportunity Act of August 1964, which allocated $947.5 million for programs including Head Start preschool education, Job Corps vocational training, and community action agencies aimed at empowering the poor. The Social Security Amendments of July 30, 1965, introduced Medicare—a health insurance program for those 65 and older—and Medicaid for low-income individuals and families, dramatically expanding access to medical care with initial enrollment exceeding 19 million by 1966.^[37] Assessments of these programs reveal mixed empirical outcomes, with notable successes in reducing elderly poverty—dropping from 35% in 1959 to 10% by 1974—contrasted by persistent overall poverty rates that fell from 19% in 1964 to 12.1% in 1969 before plateauing around 11-13% through the 1970s despite spending escalation from $45 billion in 1965 to $140 billion by 1972 (in 2014 dollars).^[38] Analyses indicate work disincentives and dependency effects, as welfare expansions correlated with labor force participation declines among single mothers and family structure erosion, with net poverty impacts varying and diminishing post-1970s due to behavioral responses outweighing income transfers in some cohorts.^[39]^[40] Parallel to these policy developments, the New Left of the 1960s and 1970s redirected progressive activism toward cultural critique and social upheaval, diverging from earlier economic focus by emphasizing identity, anti-authoritarianism, and lifestyle reform. Emerging from student-led groups like Students for a Democratic Society, which issued the 1962 Port Huron Statement calling for participatory democracy, the movement fused civil rights advocacy—supporting the 1964 Civil Rights Act and 1965 Voting Rights Act—with opposition to the Vietnam War and challenges to hierarchical institutions.^[41] This evolution incorporated countercultural elements, such as communal living experiments and rejection of traditional sexual mores, influencing broader progressive shifts but also fostering factionalism and tactics like campus occupations that alienated mainstream support by the decade's end.^[42]

Ideological Variants

Social and cultural progressivism emphasizes the reform of societal norms, family structures, and personal identities to promote individual autonomy and equality, often challenging traditional religious and moral frameworks. This variant seeks to erode rigid gender roles, expand rights for sexual minorities, and advance secular governance, viewing such changes as essential for human flourishing. Proponents argue that historical customs, including patriarchal family models and religious dominance, stifle personal freedom and perpetuate inequality.^[43] Key historical achievements include the dismantling of Jim Crow segregation laws through the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which prohibited racial discrimination in public accommodations and voting, respectively, marking a decisive end to legalized apartheid in the United States.^[44] These reforms, driven by activists aligned with progressive ideals of equality, eliminated de jure segregation enforced since the late 19th century.^[45] The sexual revolution of the 1960s further exemplified cultural shifts, with the introduction of the contraceptive pill in 1960 enabling separation of sex from reproduction and contributing to widespread acceptance of premarital sex and alternative lifestyles.^[46] Advocacy for gender role fluidity emerged prominently in the late 20th century, building on earlier progressive efforts like women's suffrage and labor reforms, by promoting flexible expressions of identity beyond binary norms.^[47] Secularization efforts paralleled these changes, correlating with declining religious adherence in Western societies, as modernization reduced reliance on faith for social order.^[48] No-fault divorce laws, first enacted in California in 1969 and adopted nationwide by the mid-1970s, facilitated easier marital dissolution without proving wrongdoing, reflecting progressive commitments to individual agency over institutional stability.^[49] Empirical data reveal mixed outcomes, with no-fault reforms linked to a 10% short-term spike in divorce rates persisting for about a decade in adopting states.^[50] Post-1970s divorce surges correlated with rising single-parent households, which studies associate with higher child poverty and behavioral issues compared to intact families.^[51] Critics contend that cultural progressivism's embrace of moral relativism—evident in tolerance for divergent ethical standards across groups—undermines shared societal values, potentially fostering instability by prioritizing subjective fulfillment over objective norms.^[52] While achievements in minority rights advanced formal equality, overreach into relativism has drawn scrutiny for eroding family cohesion, as evidenced by sustained divorce elevations and secular trends coinciding with weakened community ties.^[53]^[54]

Economic Progressivism

Economic progressivism emphasizes government intervention in markets to achieve greater income equality through mechanisms such as progressive taxation, minimum wage laws, and strengthened labor unions. Proponents argue these policies counteract market failures that concentrate wealth among capital owners and high earners, drawing from observations of rising inequality in laissez-faire systems. For instance, in the United States, top marginal income tax rates exceeded 90% from 1944 to 1963, intended to fund social programs while curbing excessive accumulation.^[55] Minimum wages establish a floor on labor compensation to prevent exploitation, while union empowerment enables collective bargaining for higher wages and benefits, posited to boost worker productivity via better morale and reduced turnover.^[56] Post-World War II implementations of these tenets in welfare states correlated with reduced income inequality, as measured by lower Gini coefficients in Europe and the US during the 1950s-1970s, partly attributable to redistributive transfers that halved disparities from pre-tax incomes in Britain by 1948.^[57] However, wartime destruction and compressed wage structures also contributed significantly to equalization, independent of policy.^[58] Empirical analyses indicate progressive taxation often exerts a negative effect on GDP growth, with studies of European OECD countries showing personal income tax progressivity hindering expansion through reduced incentives for investment and labor supply.^[59] Critics highlight incentive distortions, as evidenced by the Laffer curve, where US tax cuts in 1964 (from 91% to 70%) and 1981 (to 28%) expanded revenues by stimulating economic activity and taxable income.^[60] Minimum wage hikes show modest negative employment effects in peer-reviewed meta-analyses, particularly among low-skilled teens, with 19 studies documenting job losses versus 8 finding gains.^[61] Union density correlates with higher firm productivity in some UK cases but fails to offset elevated wage costs, yielding 10-20% profit reductions and slower adjustments in competitive sectors.^[62]^[63] These interventions, while mitigating short-term inequality, have been linked to Europe's comparatively stagnant growth relative to the US since the 1990s, underscoring trade-offs in long-term dynamism.^[64]

Techno-Progressivism and Futurism

Techno-progressivism represents a variant of progressivism that champions the integration of rapid technological innovation with social reform to achieve human advancement and mitigate systemic inequities.^[65] Proponents argue that technologies such as artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and automation can democratize access to resources, enhance individual capabilities, and resolve longstanding scarcities in energy, food, and healthcare.^[66] This stance draws from Enlightenment-era optimism about reason and science, positing that ethical oversight of technological convergence with policy can foster equitable outcomes without relying solely on traditional redistributive measures.^[67] In its historical manifestation, techno-progressivism echoes the Progressive Era's efficiency movement, which from approximately 1890 to 1932 applied scientific management principles—pioneered by figures like Frederick Taylor—to streamline industrial production, urban planning, and governmental operations.^[68] Adherents sought to impose rational, data-driven methods on chaotic systems, such as time-motion studies in factories that increased output by up to 200% in some cases while aiming to reduce waste and worker exploitation.^[69] This approach viewed technology not as an end but as a tool for societal rationalization, influencing policies like urban electrification and standardized manufacturing that boosted U.S. GDP growth from 4% annually in the early 1900s.^[2] Contemporary techno-progressivism intersects with futurism through ideologies like transhumanism, which advocates using genetic engineering, neural interfaces, and cybernetic enhancements to overcome biological limitations, potentially eradicating aging and disease by mid-century according to some projections.^[70] Effective altruism complements this by directing resources toward high-leverage technological interventions, such as AI-driven pandemic prevention, with organizations like the Open Philanthropy Project committing over $1 billion since 2017 to such causes under the rationale of maximizing expected value.^[71] Advocates, including effective altruists, contend that exponential tech progress could generate post-scarcity economies, where abundance in computational power and synthetic biology obviates traditional conflicts over resources.^[72] However, techno-progressive optimism faces scrutiny for presuming technological neutrality, as algorithms in platforms like Facebook and Twitter have empirically amplified echo chambers, with studies showing a 20-30% increase in polarized content exposure among users from 2016-2020 due to recommendation systems prioritizing engagement over balance.^[73] Critics highlight hubris in over-relying on tech solutions, noting instances where AI deployments, such as predictive policing tools, perpetuated biases from training data, leading to 10-20% higher error rates for minority groups in U.S. cities like Los Angeles from 2010-2020.^[74] In response, progressive-oriented AI ethics frameworks push for regulatory measures, including the EU's AI Act of 2024, which classifies high-risk systems and mandates transparency to align innovation with public welfare.^[75] Such efforts underscore tensions between unfettered futurism and demands for accountable governance, where unchecked optimism risks exacerbating inequalities rather than resolving them.^[76]

Political Implementation and Movements

Progressive Parties and Factions

In the United States, historical manifestations of progressivism include the National Progressive Party, formed in 1912 under Theodore Roosevelt after his split from the Republican Party, earning the nickname Bull Moose Party from Roosevelt's declaration of feeling "fit as a bull moose."^[77] The party nominated Roosevelt for president that year, drawing from reform-minded Republicans dissatisfied with the status quo.^[78] Contemporary progressive factions operate primarily within the Democratic Party, exemplified by the Congressional Progressive Caucus, which comprises nearly 100 members from the House and Senate pushing for left-leaning changes.^[79] Independent senator Bernie Sanders has been a key figurehead for this wing since his 2016 and 2020 presidential campaigns, influencing party platforms through grassroots mobilization.^[80] In Europe, progressivism aligns closely with social democratic traditions, as seen in Germany's Social Democratic Party (SPD), founded in 1863 and evolving into a major force advocating workers' representation before World War II.^[81] The SPD's pre-war emphasis on democratic socialism positioned it as a progressive counterweight to conservative monarchism. The United Kingdom's Labour Party, established in 1900 by trade unions and socialist societies, similarly embodies progressive elements through its focus on labor interests.^[82] Globally, Latin America's Pink Tide from the early 2000s featured progressive parties gaining power, such as Venezuela's Fifth Republic Movement led by Hugo Chávez, which transitioned into the United Socialist Party of Venezuela.^[83] However, Chavismo demonstrated authoritarian drifts post-1998, shifting toward electoral authoritarianism by consolidating power through institutional changes.^[84] This wave included other left-leaning groups in countries like Brazil and Argentina, marking a regional turn toward progressive governance.^[85]

Major Policy Reforms and Achievements

Progressive reforms in public health during the early 20th century yielded measurable reductions in infectious disease mortality through sanitation and water treatment initiatives. Municipal adoption of water filtration, championed by progressive advocates, resulted in an average 46% decline in typhoid fever deaths across U.S. cities, contributing to the disease's near-eradication by 1936. Typhoid incidence dropped from about 100 cases per 100,000 population in 1900 to 33.8 per 100,000 by 1920, a causal outcome linked directly to filtration and chlorination technologies implemented in response to urban health crises.^[86]^[87] The Pure Food and Drug Act of June 30, 1906, prohibited interstate commerce in adulterated or misbranded foods and drugs, establishing federal oversight that curtailed widespread contamination and deception in consumer products. This legislation fostered safer food supplies, reducing incidences of foodborne illnesses and building the regulatory framework later expanded by the FDA, with public health gains evident in declining mortality from adulterated goods. Child labor restrictions, advanced through progressive state laws and federalized in the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, limited employment for minors under 16 during school hours, correlating with elevated school enrollment; jurisdictions enforcing minimum employment ages of 15 or higher observed significant increases in secondary education participation, freeing children for formal schooling over factory work.^[88]^[89] These public health and labor measures underpinned broader gains in longevity, as U.S. life expectancy rose from 47.3 years in 1900 to 68.2 years by 1950, with sanitation reforms and hygiene improvements accounting for approximately 25 of the 30+ years of added lifespan through lowered infectious disease rates. The Social Security Act of August 15, 1935, introduced contributory old-age insurance, yielding a causal reduction in elderly poverty; econometric analysis shows that a $1,000 benefit increase correlates with a 2-3 percentage point drop in senior poverty rates, stabilizing income for millions post-retirement.^[90]^[91]^[92] In civil rights, the Voting Rights Act of August 6, 1965, enforced federal oversight in discriminatory jurisdictions, precipitating sharp rises in Black voter registration—from 6.7% to 59.8% in Mississippi alone between 1964 and 1967—and sustained higher turnout, empowering minority political representation without prior legal barriers.^[93]

Global Manifestations

In Europe, progressivism adapted into social democratic models emphasizing comprehensive welfare states alongside regulated market economies, particularly in Nordic countries like Sweden and Denmark. These systems feature high progressive taxation to fund universal social services, with Sweden's top marginal income tax rate at 57.3% as of 2023, enabling extensive public spending on healthcare, education, and pensions that constitutes over 50% of GDP. However, this fiscal structure has correlated with emigration of high-skilled workers and entrepreneurs; for instance, a Dallas Fed analysis found that historical brain drain in Sweden reduced physician density by up to 10%, contributing to elevated mortality rates and increased hospitalizations between 1960 and 2000.^[94] Empirical studies on wealth taxes in Scandinavia indicate modest but detectable migration responses among the affluent, with elasticities suggesting policy-induced outflows that marginally erode the tax base without collapsing it.^[95]^[96] In post-colonial Asia, progressive ideologies often manifested through state-led socialism and import-substitution industrialization, diverging from U.S. regulatory progressivism by prioritizing nationalization and central planning. India's Nehruvian model from 1947 to 1991 exemplified this, with policies like the Industrial Policy Resolution of 1956 establishing public-sector dominance and licensing requirements that stifled private enterprise, yielding an average GDP growth of 3.5% annually—the so-called "Hindu rate of growth"—amid persistent poverty affecting over 50% of the population.^[97] A foreign exchange crisis in 1991, triggered by fiscal deficits exceeding 8% of GDP and reserves covering only two weeks of imports, compelled liberalization under Finance Minister Manmohan Singh, dismantling much of the License Raj and spurring average growth above 6% for decades thereafter.^[97]^[98] In Africa, post-independence progressive experiments frequently adopted statist socialism inspired by anti-colonial ideals, entailing land reforms, collectivization, and heavy state intervention that amplified corruption risks due to weak institutions and centralized power. Tanzania's Ujamaa villages policy, implemented from 1967 under Julius Nyerere, sought self-reliant communal production but led to agricultural output declines of up to 20% in affected areas by the 1970s, exacerbating food shortages and economic contraction averaging -1% GDP growth in the late 1970s.^[99] Such approaches in statist developing economies often fostered patronage networks, with post-colonial African states scoring below global averages on corruption indices; for example, centralized planning correlated with governance failures that perpetuated low wages and elite capture, undermining developmental goals.^[100] Compared to U.S. progressivism's focus on antitrust and labor reforms within capitalism, global variants in the developing world emphasized etatist control, heightening vulnerabilities to rent-seeking and inefficiency where rule-of-law foundations were nascent.^[99]

Criticisms and Theoretical Challenges

Conservative and Libertarian Critiques

Conservatives argue that progressivism disrupts the organic social bonds and inherited traditions that have historically sustained communities and moral order. By prioritizing rationalist reform over time-tested customs, progressive policies erode the "little platoons" of family, church, and locality that Edmund Burke described as essential to societal stability, leading to social atomization and cultural decay.^[101] This critique posits that progressivism's faith in expert-driven change ignores the wisdom embedded in traditions, fostering instead a rootless individualism vulnerable to state overreach.^[102] Libertarians contend that progressivism's advocacy for extensive state intervention violates the spontaneous order of markets and civil society, where individual actions coordinate through voluntary exchange rather than top-down directives. Ludwig von Mises highlighted the economic calculation problem in socialism, arguing that without private property and market prices, central planners lack the information to rationally allocate resources, inevitably resulting in inefficiency and waste.^[103] Friedrich Hayek extended this by warning in The Road to Serfdom (1944) that even well-intentioned planning requires coercive enforcement to suppress dissent and adapt to unforeseen complexities, paving the way to totalitarianism as freedoms are subordinated to the plan.^[104]^[105] Empirical illustrations of these critiques include the 1965 Moynihan Report, which documented the disintegration of the Black family structure— with nearly one-fourth of Black families headed by females and rising welfare dependency—attributing it partly to policies that disincentivized stable two-parent households, a pattern conservatives link to broader progressive welfare expansions that undermine personal responsibility and traditional roles.^[106]^[107] Libertarians further point to such interventions as distortions of market signals, prolonging dependency and stifling entrepreneurial responses to social needs.^[108]

Internal Progressive Debates

Within progressivism, longstanding tensions exist between reformist strains emphasizing gradual, democratic adjustments within existing institutions and radical strains advocating systemic overthrow or intolerance toward opposing views. Reformists, such as philosopher John Dewey, promoted pragmatic experimentation through education and policy iteration to foster social intelligence and incremental progress, as outlined in his 1916 work Democracy and Education, where he argued schools should cultivate adaptive citizens capable of solving societal problems without revolutionary disruption. In contrast, radicals like Herbert Marcuse, a key Frankfurt School thinker, critiqued liberal frameworks as perpetuating false consciousness, contending in his 1965 essay "Repressive Tolerance" that genuine emancipation demands withdrawing tolerance from regressive ideologies to enable liberating ones, thereby prioritizing ends over procedural norms. This divide manifested in the early 20th-century Progressive Era, where reformers pursued antitrust laws and labor protections via legislation, while radicals dismissed such measures as insufficient, insisting on abolishing capitalism entirely to avert co-optation by elites.^[109] Debates over speech regulation further underscore internal fractures, particularly regarding the trade-offs between unrestricted expression and curbing harms like hate speech. Progressive advocates of regulation, drawing on evolving interpretations of harm principles, have supported campus speech codes since the 1980s to shield vulnerable groups from psychological injury, viewing such limits as essential for equitable discourse.^[110] Opponents within the movement, however, invoke classical liberal safeguards—echoing John Stuart Mill's 1859 On Liberty emphasis on truth emerging from open clash of ideas—warning that selective censorship risks entrenching power imbalances and stifling dissent, as evidenced by intra-left critiques of 2010s-2020s deplatforming efforts that alienated moderate allies.^[111] These rifts intensified in academic settings, where empirical studies from 2018 onward documented progressive faculty majorities favoring restrictions, yet surveys revealed subgroup divisions, with 20-30% of self-identified liberals opposing broad hate speech curbs to preserve intellectual pluralism.^[112] Historically, World War II exposed schisms on foreign policy, pitting interventionists against isolationists within progressive ranks. While figures like President Franklin D. Roosevelt integrated progressive domestic reforms with anti-fascist mobilization—evident in his 1937 Quarantine Speech advocating collective security—pockets of the left, including pacifist socialists and some union leaders, resisted entry into the conflict until Pearl Harbor in December 1941, fearing it would derail class struggle at home and perpetuate imperialism.^[113] This isolationist faction, comprising groups like the Keep America Out of War Committee formed in 1940, argued moral consistency demanded opposing all wars, creating rifts that fractured alliances and delayed unified support for Allied efforts despite shared anti-authoritarian ideals. Such debates highlighted causal disconnects: reformists saw pragmatic engagement as advancing global equity, while radicals prioritized anti-militarist purity, influencing post-war realignments toward Cold War containment.

Empirical Outcomes and Unintended Consequences

Positive Impacts and Verifiable Successes

The implementation of Social Security under the New Deal in 1935 substantially lowered elderly poverty rates in the United States, with rates dropping from approximately 50% in the 1930s to 9.4% by 2006, a decline attributed in large part to benefit expansions and coverage growth.^[114] Social Security currently lifts 16.3 million older adults above the poverty line annually, representing a direct causal link between the program and reduced destitution among retirees through guaranteed income streams.^[115] Expansions via the Great Society programs, including Medicare and Medicaid enacted in 1965, further halved overall elderly poverty from 28.5% in 1966 to around 10% by the early 21st century, enabling access to healthcare that prevented financial ruin from medical costs.^[38] The War on Poverty initiatives under President Lyndon B. Johnson from 1964 onward correlated with a 42% national poverty rate decline by 1973, falling from 19% to 11.1%, driven by targeted transfers and job training that lifted millions, including families, out of subsistence living.^[116] These outcomes reflect verifiable transfers of resources to low-income groups, with econometric analyses estimating that a $1,000 increase in benefits reduces elderly poverty by 2-3 percentage points through direct income supplementation.^[92] The Clean Air Act of 1970 established federal standards for pollutants, resulting in a 68% aggregate reduction in emissions of criteria pollutants like sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxides, and particulate matter by 2020, while U.S. GDP expanded over fivefold in real terms during the same period.^[117] This regulatory framework averted an estimated 230,000 premature deaths and 24 million lost workdays annually by the 1990s, with cost-benefit ratios exceeding 30:1 according to Environmental Protection Agency assessments, demonstrating effective pollution control without impeding economic expansion.^[118] Ambient concentrations of key pollutants, such as lead, fell by over 90% post-enactment, correlating with public health gains including reduced respiratory illnesses.^[119]

Negative Consequences and Failures

Progressive welfare policies implemented in the United States during the 1960s, such as expansions under the Great Society programs, have been linked to the creation of welfare traps that disincentivized marriage and work, contributing to a sharp rise in single-parent households.^[120] In black communities, the proportion of children living in single-parent homes increased from about 22% in 1960 to over 50% by 2020, with nonmarital birth rates rising from roughly 25% in 1965 to 72% by 2019, as documented by Charles Murray in Losing Ground, who attributed this trend to benefits structured in ways that rewarded family separation over intact households.^[121] ^[122] This family structure shift correlated with persistent poverty cycles, as single-mother families headed by black women exhibited poverty rates exceeding 40% in recent data, exacerbating intergenerational dependency rather than fostering self-sufficiency.^[123] The "defund the police" movement, a progressive push following the 2020 George Floyd incident, led to budget cuts and staffing reductions in major U.S. cities, coinciding with a nationwide homicide surge. FBI data recorded a 30% increase in murders in 2020 compared to 2019, with spikes in cities like Minneapolis (up 83% after a $15 million cut and disbanding of gun violence units), Chicago, and New York, where reduced proactive policing allowed crime to escalate before partial reversals in funding.^[124] ^[125] Empirical analyses indicate that lower arrest rates and police presence directly contributed to these rises, as cities reinstating stops and arrests saw homicides decline rapidly by 2023-2024, underscoring the policy's failure to reduce violence through reallocation to social services alone.^[126] U.S. public education spending, often aligned with progressive priorities like expanded administration and equity programs, has risen dramatically without corresponding gains in student outcomes. Real per-pupil expenditures increased by over 245% since the 1970s (adjusted for inflation), yet National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) long-term trend scores for 9-year-olds in reading rose only about 7 points from 1971 to 2022, with mathematics showing minimal net gains amid recent declines, indicating stagnation despite the influx of funds.^[127] ^[128] This disconnect persisted as spending prioritized non-instructional areas, failing to address core instructional deficiencies and resulting in proficiency rates hovering below 40% in key subjects by the 2020s.^[129]

Causal Analyses of Policy Effects

Progressive policies frequently aim to mitigate market inequalities through direct interventions such as price controls or mandates, yet these measures often generate unintended consequences by disrupting underlying incentive structures and price signals that coordinate economic activity. From a causal perspective, such interventions treat symptoms rather than root causes, artificially elevating costs or capping returns, which predictably reduces supply in affected sectors as agents respond rationally to diminished profitability. Empirical analyses reveal that these distortions manifest in reduced employment, housing shortages, and inefficient resource allocation, outcomes attributable to the law of unintended consequences rather than implementation flaws.^[130] A prominent example involves minimum wage increases, which seek to boost worker incomes but elevate labor costs above market-clearing levels, prompting employers—particularly in low-margin sectors—to curtail hiring or hours, especially for inexperienced youth workers whose marginal productivity aligns with lower wages. In Seattle, the phased implementation of a $15 hourly minimum wage reached $13 in 2017, after which a University of Washington study documented a 9% decline in low-wage employment among affected workers, equivalent to a loss of approximately 5,000 jobs citywide, as firms automated tasks, reduced staffing, or relocated operations. This effect stemmed from heightened operational costs squeezing profit margins, leading to substitution away from low-skill labor; subsequent revisions to the study confirmed persistent hours reductions averaging 9% per worker, underscoring how wage floors disrupt labor market matching without addressing skill gaps or productivity barriers.^[130]^[131]^[132] Rent control policies, intended to enhance affordability, similarly cap rental yields below market rates, deterring investment in maintenance and new construction while incentivizing landlords to convert units to higher-value uses like condominiums or non-residential purposes. In San Francisco, the 1994 expansion of rent control to smaller multifamily buildings under Proposition M resulted in a 15% reduction in the rental housing supply from treated properties, as owners responded by exiting the rental market, contributing to a 5.1% citywide rent increase due to diminished availability. Causal mechanisms here involve altered property rights signals: with returns constrained, capital flows toward unregulated alternatives, exacerbating shortages in high-demand areas and trapping tenants in suboptimal units while inflating prices for uncontrolled housing segments.^[133]^[134] In contrast, conservative-oriented deregulatory approaches in the 1980s under President Reagan reversed such distortions by removing barriers to entry and competition, fostering supply expansions that lowered costs and spurred growth through restored market incentives. Deregulation of industries like trucking, airlines, and telecommunications—building on late-1970s reforms—enabled new entrants, reducing freight rates by up to 30% and airfares by 40% in real terms, as firms innovated and scaled without artificial constraints, yielding an average annual GDP growth of 3.5% from 1983 to 1989 following the early-1980s recession. This causal chain highlights how alleviating regulatory burdens aligns private incentives with productive efficiency, generating verifiable expansions in output and consumer welfare absent in intervention-heavy frameworks.^[135]^[136]

Contemporary Forms

Shift to Identity Politics and Wokeism

In the late 20th century, progressive ideology increasingly shifted from class-based economic analyses toward frameworks centered on group identities and intersecting oppressions, a development crystallized by legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw's 1989 paper "Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex," which argued that antidiscrimination law failed to address the compounded disadvantages faced by Black women at the nexus of race and gender.^[137] This concept of intersectionality extended to broader identity categories including sexuality, disability, and ethnicity, framing social progress as requiring recognition of hierarchical victimhood among marginalized groups rather than universal class solidarity.^[138] Proponents viewed this evolution as addressing overlooked systemic biases, but critics contend it fragmented progressive coalitions by subordinating economic redistribution to grievance-based competitions within identity hierarchies.^[139] The term "woke," originating in African American Vernacular English as early as the 1930s to denote alertness to racial injustice—such as in protests against the Scottsboro Boys trial—gained traction in progressive activism during the 2010s, particularly through the Black Lives Matter movement, evolving into a shorthand for heightened sensitivity to perceived microaggressions and institutional racism across society.^[140] By the 2020s, "wokeism" encapsulated a cultural ethos demanding proactive measures against "systemic" inequities, often manifesting in corporate and institutional mandates for diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs that prioritize representational outcomes over color-blind meritocracy.^[141] This marked a departure from classical progressive universalism, which emphasized equal opportunity through individual achievement, toward equity-focused interventions that adjust standards to achieve proportional group representation, such as hiring quotas or adjusted performance metrics.^[142] Empirical assessments of DEI-driven equity policies reveal mixed but often adverse effects on organizational performance, with a 2023 Stanford study finding that firms embroiled in DEI-related controversies experienced immediate stock price declines of approximately 0.72% and sustained annual underperformance of 3.5% relative to industry peers for up to four years, attributing this to eroded investor confidence in merit-based decision-making.^[143] Analyses of prior research claiming diversity boosts firm value, such as those from McKinsey, have been critiqued for methodological flaws including survivorship bias and failure to control for confounding factors like firm size, leading to overstated causal links between demographic quotas and profitability.^[144] In sectors like technology and finance, implementation of equity-preferring DEI has correlated with talent flight and innovation stagnation, as high-skill individuals prioritize environments rewarding competence over identity balancing, underscoring a causal tension between group-equity mandates and efficiency-driven outcomes.^[142]

2020s Developments and Backlash

In the early 2020s, progressive activism peaked following the death of George Floyd on May 25, 2020, which sparked nationwide Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests demanding police reform and racial justice, with public support for the BLM movement reaching 67% of U.S. adults in June 2020.^[145] Support for associated policies like reducing police budgets to fund social programs also surged, with 47% of Americans favoring such reallocations in July 2020.^[146] However, by 2023, BLM support had fallen to 51%, and further declined to around 45-52% by 2024-2025, reflecting voter disillusionment amid rising crime rates in major cities and perceptions of policy failures.^[145]^[147] Similarly, backing for "defund the police" dropped to 18% by May 2025, while public confidence in police rebounded from 48% in 2020 to 51% in 2024.^[148]^[149] The 2024 U.S. presidential election marked a significant electoral rejection of progressive dominance, with Donald Trump securing victories in key battleground states like Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin, leading to Kamala Harris's defeat and signaling widespread fatigue with identity-focused overreach and "soft liberalism."^[150]^[151] Progressive congressional challengers, who proliferated in 2020 primaries, largely vanished by 2024, underscoring a strategic retreat from bold identity-driven platforms amid losses among working-class voters.^[152] In Europe, the June 2024 European Parliament elections delivered gains for right-leaning parties emphasizing immigration controls, with far-right groups securing increased seats and influencing policy debates on migration, as seen in strong performances by France's National Rally (31% vote share) and shifts in national polls across France, Germany, and Austria.^[153]^[154] These results prompted incumbents to adopt harder lines on borders, reversing prior open policies amid public concerns over integration failures and security.^[155] Pro-Palestinian campus protests from late 2023 to mid-2024, erupting after the October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks on Israel, further fueled backlash by revealing illiberal tendencies within progressive circles, including disruptions, antisemitic incidents (over 2,000 documented on U.S. campuses from June 2023 to May 2024), and demands for ideological conformity that clashed with free speech norms.^[156]^[157] While 45% of U.S. college students supported the protests by May 2024, they prompted congressional scrutiny, administrative crackdowns, and donor withdrawals at institutions like Columbia and Harvard, highlighting tensions between activism and pluralism. This exposure contributed to broader cultural and political repudiation of unchecked progressive extremism, as evidenced by polling and electoral data showing prioritized concerns for economic stability and law enforcement over identity grievances.^[158]

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https://oxfordre.com/americanhistory/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.001.0001/acrefore-9780199329175-e-820
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A Tale of Two Arguments about Free Speech on Campus - AAUP
The current debate is rooted in controversies surrounding “political correctness” and campus speech codes dating back to the 1980s.
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CAN FREE SPEECH BE PROGRESSIVE? - Columbia Law Review -
Free speech law cannot systematically and significantly advance the progressive program unless there is first a fundamental transformation of American ...
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So to Speak podcast transcript: 'Can free speech be progressive?'
And, progressives are in favor of redistribution of property in a fairer fashion. Redistribution of property inevitably involves redistribution of speech ...<|separator|>
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Milestones: 1937-1945 - American Isolationism in the 1930s
Isolationists advocated non-involvement in European and Asian conflicts and non-entanglement in international politics.Missing: schism | Show results with:schism
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Elderly Poverty and Supplemental Security Income
The restrictive adjustment decreases the estimated aggregate poverty rate from 12.1 percent to 11.8 percent; the estimated rates for all three groups decline, ...
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[PDF] Social Security Lifts More People Above the Poverty Line Than Any ...
Jan 21, 2025 · Social Security lifts 22 million people above the poverty line, including 16.3 million older adults and 959,000 children. Without it, 22 ...
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The War on Poverty: Then and Now - Center for American Progress
Jan 7, 2014 · Our national poverty rate fell 42 percent during the War on Poverty, from 1964 to 1973. And that trend continues today: The poverty rate fell ...
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The Clean Air Act at 50
Dec 31, 2020 · The study also found that since 1970, aggregate emissions of conventional air pollutants dropped 68 percent, while the U.S. gross domestic ...<|separator|>
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Benefits and Costs of the Clean Air Act, 1970 to 1990 - EPA
Jul 10, 2025 · By comparison, the actual costs of achieving the pollution reductions observed over the 20 year period were $523 billion, a small fraction of ...
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Overview of the Clean Air Act and Air Pollution | US EPA
Actions to implement the Clean Air Act have achieved dramatic reductions in air pollution, preventing hundreds of thousands of cases of serious health effects ...Text · Economic growth · Current and Future Challenges · Requirements and History
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American Social Policy, 1950-1980, by Charles Murray
Jan 1, 1985 · Charles Murray's closely argued book is a bold and timely indictment of the past twenty years of American social policy. by Commentary Bk.<|separator|>
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Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950-1980 by Charles Murray
2) Nonmarital births and single-parent households rose sharply from the late 1960s onward. 3) Rising crime rate alongside the breakdown of work and family norms ...
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A 100-Year Review of Research on Black Families - Child Trends
Feb 13, 2024 · We have undertaken a review of social science research focused on Black families that spans this historical period, from 1920 to 2019.
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Poverty in communities caused by single parent households
Sep 14, 2025 · Families with a single black mother have the highest poverty rate of 42%. And about half the poor children living in families where neither ...With Chicago's ongoing weekend shootings, killings, and teen mob ...Michigan congressional hearing on single parent aid - FacebookMore results from www.facebook.com
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FBI Statistics Show a 30% Increase in Murder in 2020. More ...
Sep 30, 2021 · FBI Statistics Show a 30% Increase in Murder in 2020. More Evidence That Defunding Police Wasn't a Good Idea. · Heritage Offers · Crime and ...
[125]
Cities That Defunded or Reduced Police Staffing - X
Crime Trends: Homicides rose 83% in 2020 after the $15 million cut and disbanding of the gun violence unit. · Correlation: The cut and unit disbandment likely ...
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Duh! Study shows 'defund the police' resulted in more killings
May 6, 2025 · As arrests and stops rose, homicides declined rapidly. Advertisement. Those cities where policing levels remain low, murder rates remain near ...
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Test scores have barely risen since 1970 despite 245% spending ...
Jun 22, 2023 · Despite the fact per pupil spending has gone up by more than 245% since the 1970s, test scores rose less than 2%. An absolute disaster. This ...
[128]
NAEP Long-Term Trend Assessment Results
The 2022 reading score for 9-year-old students was 7 points higher than 1971, but 5 points lower than 2020. The 2022 mathematics score for 9-year-olds was 15 ...Student Group Scores · Average Scores and Percentiles · Student Experiences
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Test Scores Decline Despite Increased Education Spending
Nov 26, 2012 · Between 1992 and 2008, NAEP test scores fell slightly in the reading category, while mathematics scores remained stagnant. Over this same time ...
[130]
New Evidence from the Seattle Minimum Wage Study
In this paper, the study team examines the labor market effects of the Seattle Minimum Wage Ordinance when the citywide minimum was set to $13 an hour in 2017.Missing: youth | Show results with:youth
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A Seattle Game-Changer? | Cato Institute
A headline-grabbing new study showing large negative employment effects from recent increases in Seattle's minimum wage.Missing: youth | Show results with:youth
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[PDF] Minimum-Wage Increases and Low-Wage Employment
At the micro level, workers initially employed at low wages in Seattle show modest but statistically significant reductions in hours worked across all ...
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[PDF] The Effects of Rent Control Expansion on Tenants, Landlords, and ...
form results indicate that rental supply in San Francisco decreased by 6% as a result of the rent control expansion. Given this reduction in supply, we ...
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The Effects of Rent Control Expansion on Tenants, Landlords, and ...
Landlords treated by rent control reduced rental housing supply by 15%, causing a 5.1% city-wide rent increase. Using a dynamic, neighborhood choice model, we ...
[135]
[PDF] President Reagan's Economic Legacy: The Great Expansion
Deregulation and privatization have become worldwide phenomena since the 1980s. Other countries imitated U.S. deregulation of transportation and communications.
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The Ten Causes of the Reagan Boom - Hoover Institution
Steady economic policy. There seems to be a developing unanimity on the key policies necessary for economic growth. The five pillars are (a) spending ...
[137]
[PDF] Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist ...
In this talk, I want to examine how this tendency is perpetuated by a single-axis framework that is dominant in antidiscrimination law and that is also ...
[138]
Kimberlé Crenshaw on Intersectionality, More than Two Decades Later
Jun 8, 2017 · Twenty-eight years ago, Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the term “intersectionality” in a paper as a way to help explain the oppression of African-American women.
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The Health of Identity Politics Advocates - Heterodox Academy
Nov 30, 2023 · This shift from class-based universalist politics to identity-based politics may be why we see lower levels of well-being for progressives ...
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What does the word 'woke' really mean, and where does it come from?
Jul 19, 2023 · The word has a long history. It was used in Black protest songs dating back to the early 20th century, including by Huddie Ledbetter, better known as Lead ...
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A history of “wokeness” - Vox
Oct 9, 2020 · “Woke” has evolved into a single-word summation of leftist political ideology, centered on social justice politics and critical race theory.
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Attacking 'merit' in the name of 'equity' is a prescription for mediocrity
Jun 25, 2021 · Progressivism increasingly argues that an important impediment to enlarging equity is “the tyranny of merit.”
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After DEI controversies, companies talk up diversity – but hiring tells ...
Aug 29, 2025 · Over the longer term, affected companies underperformed their industry peers at an annual rate of approximately 3.5% for up to four years. That ...Missing: empirical 2023
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Studies showing that diversity improves corporate performance were ...
Apr 4, 2024 · Studies purporting that racial diversity amongst corporate executives drove better financial performance were found to be unreliable and are ...
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Support for the Black Lives Matter Movement Has Dropped ...
Jun 14, 2023 · Today, 51% of U.S. adults say they support the Black Lives Matter movement – down from 67% in June 2020. A majority of Americans say the ...
[146]
Most Americans Say Policing Needs 'Major Changes' - Gallup News
Jul 22, 2020 · Overall, 47% say they support reducing police department budgets and shifting the money to social programs, including 28% who strongly support ...
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After George Floyd: Views of Race, Policing and Black Lives Matter
May 7, 2025 · In September 2020, 55% of Americans said they supported the Black Lives Matter movement, a 12 percentage point decrease from a few months prior.
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Attitudes Toward the Police Five Years After George Floyd's Death
May 28, 2025 · But support for defunding the police was 18% (14% among whites and 28% among blacks), while 11% supported abolishing the police (9% and 22%).
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U.S. Confidence in Institutions Mostly Flat, but Police Up - Gallup News
Jul 15, 2024 · Faith in the police fell in 2020 to 48% after George Floyd was murdered while in police custody. After increasing to 51% in 2021, confidence in ...
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Democrats are in their nightmare scenario: On track to lose ... - Politico
Nov 6, 2024 · Donald Trump has blown up Democrats' Blue Wall for the second time. By Wednesday morning, Kamala Harris had lost Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.
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Democrats come to grips with rejection of soft liberalism - Axios
Nov 11, 2024 · The deeper they dig into federal and state election results, some Democrats are coming to a harsh, humbling conclusion: America rejected soft liberalism.
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2024 Post-Election Reflection Series: Decline of Progressive ...
Apr 15, 2025 · ... presidential campaign, numerous progressives running on similarly bold platforms contested Democratic primaries. Almost none ran in 2024. In ...
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European political landscape shifts right in 2024 - Euronews.com
Dec 24, 2024 · In 2024, Europe saw a clear shift to the right, with both the European elections and national polls in France, Portugal, Belgium, and Austria showing a move ...
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In E.U. Elections, the Center Holds, but the Far Right Still Wreaks ...
Jun 9, 2024 · Voters in the European Union delivered strong gains to anti-immigrant, nationalist parties, challenging leaders in Germany and France, ...<|separator|>
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How will gains by the far right affect the European Parliament and EU?
Jun 11, 2024 · Far right parties' vote share did not increase on the scale some expected. But in the long-term, their ideas may affect EU policy on migration, environment, ...
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Anti-Israel Activism on U.S. Campuses, 2023-2024 | ADL
Sep 16, 2024 · The ADL Center on Extremism tallied 2087 anti-Israel incidents on U.S. college campuses between June 1, 2023, and May 31, 2024.
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Free Speech on College Campuses—Legal Analysis Post 2023/24 ...
Oct 31, 2024 · The pro-Palestine protests and their aftermath highlight a long-existing tension in higher education: balancing free speech on campus while ensuring student ...
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In May 2024, it was estimated that 8% of U.S. college students had participated in the protests, with 45% supporting them and 24% opposed. 97% of the protests ...
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2024 Student Encampment Protests - FIRE
From January 1, 2020, until June 15, 2024, 246 students or student groups on American college and university campuses faced attempted sanctions for expression ...